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Yugoslavian Civil War, 1991-1999 (Military History)

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  1. Introduction
  2.  
  3. While many observers speculated that Yugoslavia escaped the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 because of its long-term “special path,” its subsequent demise in the 1990s proved more violent and prolonged. With its collapse came the argument of ancient hatreds between its constituent peoples as an explanation for the bloody disintegration of the country. But that was an oversimplification. Indeed, to understand the wars of Yugoslavia 1991–1999 requires a knowledge of its past, especially since 1878 when the “Eastern Question” dominated Great Power politics. As Yugoslavia emerged at the end of World War I (known as the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes until 1929), it struggled to balance competing views of identity in a troubled interwar period that witnessed the failure of nascent democracies. During World War II, Tito emerged as a national hero as his Partisans resisted the Axis. But he was not a non-controversial leader, and the system he established suffered cracks during his lifetime. The decade between his 1980 death and the country’s 1991 collapse again saw competing views of national identity, with more virulent notions popularized by the political elites in the dominant republics gaining influence. Thus, the wars of Yugoslavia brought to the forefront ethnic issues, with the international community unable to stay ahead of the country’s collapse. The failure of the United Nations, European Community, and Contact Group (United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia, and Italy) to stop war and find a peaceful solution finally prompted NATO, as it searched for a purpose in a post-Cold War world, to intervene. The Dayton Peace Accords brought a modicum of stability to the region in 1995. But trouble continued to brew in the southern area of the rump Yugoslavia. The 1999 Kosovo war prompted a longer NATO air campaign. Peace ultimately prevailed, but issues continued into the next decade as Milosevic fell from power and faced trial in The Hague, while Kosovo sought full independence, and Macedonia struggled to stave off full war. In the post-9/11 world, the example of Yugoslavia prompted a wider debate about the justification of international military intervention on humanitarian grounds as well as the fate of the successor states. Literature on Yugoslavia can be detached, persuasive, or polemical. The citations in this article seek to avoid the polemical while describing where a debate exists. Diacritics have been omitted for the sake of consistency as many works no longer utilize them.
  4.  
  5. Reference Works
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  7. A variety of reference materials facilitates the gathering of background research for someone starting with the basics as well as providing in-depth coverage of the events of the wars in the 1990s, the peace negotiations, and the successor states. Many of these resources are accessible online, through library subscription services, or through library microform and print records. A starting point for background information is the Central Intelligence Agency with its well-known World Factbook, as well as downloadable versions of the agency’s extension and impressive map collection. The website is best searched by looking up the current countries. A second online starting point is the generically named Information Please Almanac, which provides an atlas, encyclopedia, biographies, timelines, and country information. There are a variety of ways to track daily reporting from the region without benefit of knowing the local dialects. Two translation services are particularly helpful. The Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS) traces its roots to 1941 and eventually ended up as part of the Central Intelligence Agency when it was created in 1947. Transformed into the Open Source Center in 2005 after the passage of congressional legislation on intelligence reform, the government agency provided translations from local newspapers and media in the Balkans during the 1990s. Available in university libraries in paper form or microform, the daily reports are also now available digitally for 1974–1996 through Readex, a publisher of historical digital collections to which universities can subscribe. Similarly, the BBC Monitoring International Reports, established in 1939, provides a British version of similar items with an online archive up to 1997 available to subscribers. Additionally, two non-political entities provided in-depth reporting and analysis of the region and continue to monitor the successor states and ongoing issues from the war years. The International Crisis Group, an independent, non-profit, non-governmental organization maintained an office in Sarajevo and produced numerous helpful updates and studies. Similarly, the United States Institute of Peace, a congressionally created, non-partisan organization, produced numerous studies during the wars. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty was founded in 1950 and received early funding from US Government agencies. It was based in Munich and targeted Communist countries during the Cold War. Moving to Prague in 1995, the organization provided detailed accounts and analysis of the wars in Yugoslavia in the 1990s. Finally, Yale University provided an early digitization of documents on important historical events, including the Yugoslav wars (see Avalon Project).
  8.  
  9. Avalon Project.
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  11. A project of the Yale Law School, this pioneering project digitized important documents in history, making them easily accessible. Most notable for the wars of Yugoslavia are complete versions of the Dayton Peace Accords, including annexes and side letters, and UNSC Resolutions 1160 (3/31/98) and 1199 (9/23/98) pertaining to Kosovo.
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  13. BBC Monitoring International Reports.
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  15. While the online archive is available only to subscribers, the website still has fully accessible profiles of the region’s current countries on the subjects of overview, facts, leaders, media, and timeline.
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  17. Central Intelligence Agency.
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  19. This unclassified government website contains valuable background information on the constituent parts of the former Yugoslavia in the World Factbook as well as an excellent collection of downloadable maps.
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  21. Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS).
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  23. Commonly known as FBIS, this governmental translation service dating back to World War II translates daily newspaper articles, periodicals, and radio and television broadcasts from the original language into English and thus provides a wealth of detailed information on the daily happenings from all sides of the conflicts. FBIS was absorbed by the newly created Open Source Center (OSC) in 2005.
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  25. Information Please Almanac.
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  27. This one-stop shopping website contains helpful sections titled “Atlas,” “Encyclopedia,” “Dictionary,” “Almanac,” and “Biography” and is helpful on finding background and current information on the constituent parts of the former Yugoslavia.
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  29. International Crisis Group.
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  31. Known for its reporting about regional conflicts around the globe, the ICG writes highly respected and balanced analysis of events and their meaning and benefits from having field offices in regions of conflict. It produces reports in English and regional languages.
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  33. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.
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  35. During the 1990s, RFE/RL produced excellent reporting of all sides in the wars. Research beyond their website would produce a wealth of material. Today the Balkans section no longer covers Slovenia and Croatia, perhaps due to their political evolution, and instead limits coverage to Bosnia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Serbia.
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  37. United States Institute of Peace.
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  39. USIP has hosted numerous scholars over the years who have provided well-researched analysis about conflicts around the globe, including in the former Yugoslavia. Many of their holdings from 1995 on are posted on their website; but a search through their holdings for materials not yet digitized would produce additional material.
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  41. Historical Surveys
  42.  
  43. The Yugoslav events of the 1990s prompted not just academics to write about the region but also journalists, many with direct experience in Yugoslavia in the 1990s. This holds true even for the historical surveys, which look back two hundred or more years as a means to understand the country’s collapse into war. The combination of books here provides the classics written prior to Yugoslavia’s implosion, those written while the events unfolded, and those that look back on the entire 1991–1999 period. The surveys in this section focus on Yugoslavia or the wider Balkans, which is how survey books were modeled before 1991, while those on constituent republics are cited in their respective sections. Barbara and Charles Jelavich have long been considered the standard surveys of the region and have stood the test of time though published in the early 1980s (Jelavich 1983, Jelavich and Jelavich 1977). The Jelaviches studied and wrote on the Balkans long before it became fashionable, and these authors remain devoid of preconceived notions about the role of national identity in the breakup of Yugoslavia. Hupchick and Cox 2001 offers an atlas that visualizes the history of the region’s overlapping kingdoms and empires and provides context for place names that became familiar post-1991. Bennett 1995 is a history that was written while the region remained in the throes of war and provides an interesting perspective for the role of national identity and the past as events unfold. Hall 2011, in contrast, has the benefit of examining and relating a history after a decade of more stability. Glenny, a BBC correspondent, writes books that are easily accessible to the non-specialist, and his survey here (Glenny 2000) provides a great background to the region. Todorova 1997 quickly became essential reading for understanding the Balkan identity and how the term “balkanization” emerged as a derogatory term in the public lexicon for everything from global to local political descriptions. Ivo Andric first published his highly acclaimed historical novel in 1961. (A reprint edition with a good introduction is cited here: Andric 1977.) It illustrates the complexity of a town at the crossroads of cultures and under the rule of opposing empires. The novel proved relevant during the 1990s because the bridge in the town of Mostar, the book’s setting, became a symbol of an ethnically divided town when it faced final destruction after centuries of surviving.
  44.  
  45. Andric, Ivo. The Bridge on the Drina. Translated by Lovett F. Edwards. Introduction by William H. McNeill. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977.
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  47. Written by a diplomat, novelist, and Nobel Prize winner, this work of historical fiction chronicles the social change in the Bosnian town of Mostar from the rule of the Ottomans in the late 16th century to the changeover to Hapsburg rule in 1878 to the eve of World War I.
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  49. Bennett, Christopher. Yugoslavia’s Bloody Collapse: Causes, Course and Consequences. New York: New York University Press, 1995.
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  51. Journalist Bennett lived in Slovenia in June 1991 as Yugoslavia disintegrated. He spent the next fourteen months covering events in Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia. Bennett believes that the Serb Communist Party faced internal struggle in 1987 between nationalist ideologues and advocates of a multiethnic Yugoslavia. The Milosevic ideologues won.
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  53. Glenny, Misha. The Balkans: Nationalism, War, the Great Powers, 1804–1999. New York: Penguin, 2000.
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  55. A correspondent for the BBC during the collapse of Yugoslavia, Glenny’s book provides an updated account of the region’s history, its successes and failures, and international intervention over the course of 200 years. It serves as a good introduction.
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  57. Hall, Richard. The Modern Balkans: A History. London: Reaktion, 2011.
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  59. Argues that the region had been originally separate from the rest of Europe and traces its slow integration into western Europe since the 19th century and the obstacles encountered in those 200 years.
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  61. Hupchick, Dennis P., and Harold E. Cox. The Palgrave Concise Historical Atlas of the Balkans. New York: Palgrave, 2001.
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  63. The fifty maps in this atlas cover Byzantium through to Kosovo in 1999 and show competing claims to the same areas in a visual context, which makes understanding the 1990s conflict easier.
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  65. Jelavich, Barbara. History of the Balkans. Vol. 1, Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries and Vol. 2, Twentieth Century. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1983.
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  67. A standard in the study of the region for many years, it remains a good introduction and useful for the undergraduate reader, even though it was published just after Tito’s death.
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  69. Jelavich, Charles, and Barbara Jelavich. The Establishment of the Balkan National States, 1804–1920. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1977.
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  71. Also good for undergraduates, this book spoke of nationalism in the region before it became imbued with images of 1990s war. It studies the emergence of nation-states in the region, which largely came to fruition after those in western Europe and at the hands of collapsing multiethnic empires.
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  73. Todorova, Maria. Imagining the Balkans. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.
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  75. Raised and educated in Bulgaria, Todorova’s work quickly emerged as necessary reading, especially for graduate students studying the region. Good for understanding the meaning of “Balkan,” especially during the 20th century, and the connotations associated with it.
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  77. Journals
  78.  
  79. The number of journals that published quality articles and opinion essays on the wars in Yugoslavia and its ongoing issues are too numerous to include here owing to space constraints. What follows is a sampling of journals that seek to cover a variety of topics from different angles and that target different audiences. Looking into the archives of any one of these journals will lead the researcher to excellent articles on the Yugoslav wars and within those articles to related journals. While all journals today have their online versions available for subscription, digitizing back issues is a work in progress, and therefore past print editions especially for the 1990s should not be neglected. Publications such as Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, and International Security frequently publish articles by former high government officials, well-known policy experts and intellectuals. East European Politics and Society, Slavic Review, and East European Quarterly are peer-reviewed journals, which feature regional specialists, typically scholars working in the fields of history, political science, sociology, or anthropology. Two further journals have a more narrow disciplinary though regional focus: the Journal of Slavic Military Studies and Ethnic and Racial Studies. But these provide important coverage of two key issues in the wars of the former Yugoslavia. The websites attached to these journals rarely provide free access to full articles without individual or library subscription but provide the researcher with the contents of each issue and an abstract.
  80.  
  81. East European Politics and Society.
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  83. This quarterly publication features articles from the Balkans to the Baltics and provides an interdisciplinary approach to issues of social, political, military, cultural, and humanitarian concern.
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  85. East European Quarterly.
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  87. Based at the University of Colorado, this journal ceased publication at the end of 2008 but had been an essential resource for articles on the Balkans. Issues up to 1995 can be accessed through Periodicals Archive Online, a product of ProQuest, and from 1995 to 2008 from Questia.
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  89. Ethnic and Racial Studies.
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  91. This British peer-reviewed journal provides in-depth coverage of ethnic relations within the former Yugoslavia, mostly through the disciplines of anthropology, cultural studies, and ethnic relations.
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  93. Foreign Affairs.
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  95. A bimonthly publication of the Council on Foreign Relations, this well-known journal published numerous articles on Yugoslavia during the wars and also provides a forum for ideological debates by frequently publishing multiple viewpoints on a certain issue.
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  97. Foreign Policy.
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  99. This quarterly publication began in 1970 and transformed into a bimonthly glossy magazine in the 1990s. The Washington Post purchased the magazine in 2008. It covers global politics, conflict, economics, and trends. It also has an active website for current articles, though its digital archive only goes back to 2006.
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  101. International Security.
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  103. This quarterly journal is a publication of the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. It takes a broad view of issues relevant to international security by publishing articles on diverse topics such as military intervention, ethnic conflict, and political identity.
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  105. Journal of Slavic Military Studies.
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  107. Through this quarterly’s website, one can see the first page preview of articles. Issues of the last few years revisit still topics of relevance to the 1990s Yugoslav wars such as the air operation in Kosovo.
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  109. Slavic Review.
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  111. This quarterly, interdisciplinary journal is the membership publication of the Association for Slavic, East European, and European Studies (ASEEES, formerly AAASS). Full articles are available through association membership or JSTOR. Important articles on culture, history, economics, and political development concerning the region appear.
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  113. The Eastern Question and Great Power Involvement in the Region
  114.  
  115. Until the 1990s, students of the Balkans, including Yugoslavia, studied the Eastern Question and Great Power involvement (known today as the international community) as the issue to understand the historical development of the region. The Eastern Question was about emergent nationalism, balance of power politics, and the collapse of empires (especially the Ottoman Empire)—all with the goal of not creating a power vacuum in the region. In the 1990s understanding this time period remained essential to analyzing the collapse of Yugoslavia. While many of the books are decades old, they have stood the test of time for their analysis and approach and have asked the same questions that the international community asked of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. Medlicott 1938 is a history of the 1878 crisis that prompted an international conference to overturn a peace treaty as a means to prevent a wider war: it gives a solid account of the events of the near-east settlement and its immediate aftermath. As the question of Russia’s “Slavic brotherhood” emerged in the 1990s, Sumner 1937 and Vucinich 1954 provide analyses of the fleeting durability of that “brotherhood.” Sumner 1937 covers a time when pan-Slavism briefly reigned yet fell victim to realpolitik at the 1878 Congress of Berlin. Vucinich 1954, who like the Jelaviches trained generations of graduate students in Yugoslav history, has a familiarity with the region as an emigrant yet the critical eye of an academic. His work looks at how Serbia was trapped between western and eastern Europe in the few years before the next crisis. Schmitt 1937 is still a highly relevant work on the Annexation Crisis of 1908, which nearly started World War I earlier, and it is a reminder of how many unanswered questions remain about the role and motivation of outside powers. Hall 2000 is a work (the most recent here) on the Balkan Wars that also provides relevant information to understanding the buildup to World War I, competing claims to territory, and the 1990s—a time when observers asked if the wars represented a continuity of the Balkan Wars. Albertini 1952 and Lafore 1971 are among many works written on the origin of World War I but are of most value here because the authors include more information on the Balkan and Yugoslav issues than other works on the origins of the war. Dedijer 1966 provides a unique perspective on the war’s origins and the future of Yugoslavia’s place in the world, since he was a Yugoslav.
  116.  
  117. Albertini, Luigi. The Origins of the War of 1914. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1952.
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  119. While this is a lesser-known book on the origins of World War I, its strength and timelessness lies in the attention and detail given to the events in the Balkans during the years leading up to July 1914.
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  121. Dedijer, Vladimir. The Road to Sarajevo. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1966.
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  123. A World War II Partisan, Communist politician, and Tito’s official biographer, Dedijer provides a detailed account of the movement behind Gavrilo Princip, the Archduke’s assassin in Sarajevo, and the events leading up to the start of World War I from the viewpoint of a Tito follower.
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  125. Hall, Richard C. The Balkan Wars, 1912–1913: Prelude to the First World War. New York: Routledge, 2000.
  126. DOI: 10.4324/9780203138052Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  127. Published after the disintegration of Yugoslavia, when more interest in the earlier history of the region emerged among non-specialists, Hall looks in detail at the politics and military strategies of the wars and how those wars began what became a wider European conflict in World War I.
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  129. Lafore, Laurence. The Long Fuse: An Interpretation of the Origins of World War I. 2d ed. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1971.
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  131. Provides a valuable introduction to the origins of the war and, like Albertini, provides more information on the Balkan region and traces how the area that would become Yugoslavia was not worth the bones of “a single Pomeranian grenadier” in Bismarck’s view.
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  133. Medlicott, W. N. The Congress of Berlin and After: A Diplomatic History of the Near Eastern Settlement, 1878–1880. London: Methuen, 1938.
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  135. Medlicott’s work still provides a thorough account of the conference where the international community felt compelled to interfere after the war of 1875–1878 produced the Treaty of San Stefano, which threatened a wider European war.
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  137. Schmitt, Bernadotte. The Annexation of Bosnia, 1908–1909. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1937.
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  139. Another standard work, this work studies the annexation crisis as another event in which a wider European war threat existed. Schmitt’s account is considered complete and detailed and utilized archival sources that governments have still not added to several decades later.
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  141. Sumner, B. H. Russia and the Balkans, 1870–1880. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1937.
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  143. Medlicott called Sumner’s book a “near masterpiece” on the question of Russia’s role in the region. In the 1990s it was often misstated that Russia had a long-standing and unwavering connection with the Balkans, and this book provides detail on a crucial decade during the Eastern Crisis.
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  145. Vucinich, Wayne. Serbia between East and West, 1903–1908. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1954.
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  147. The son of Serbian emigrants, the author served in the OSS during World War II, advocating aid to Tito’s Partisans, and then emerged as one of the preeminent scholars of the region. This book combined national and diplomatic history and examined the East-West question of Serbia’s orientation as asked again in the 1990s.
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  149. The Emergence of Yugoslavia
  150.  
  151. As in the previous section, some of these books were written decades ago but stand the test of time. They illustrate how various iterations of national identity at a chaotic time in European history laid the groundwork for a new yet unstable Yugoslavia, known as the “Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes” until 1929 when King Alexander sought to promote a more Yugoslav (i.e., South Slav) identity. Rogel 1977, which focuses on the often-overlooked Slovenes, examines the development and fluidity of their identity, which has managed to adapt to the times and often served as mediator between Serbs and Croats. Written by an influential British historian and an expert on emergent nationalisms, the author of Seton-Watson 1911 wrote prolifically on the region and influenced the border settlements of the new Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes at the Paris Peace Conference. The author was a strong supporter of nation-states emerging out of empires. Well-known is that the World War I settlements left open many questions and proved an imperfect peace with regard to Germany. But the same held true for the smaller states to emerge from the Paris Peace Conference, including the new South Slav kingdom. Lederer 1963 and Sharp 2008 show the continuity from previous international conferences such as those following 1878 and 1908 of the larger powers determining the status of smaller nation-states and only partially taking into account realities on the ground or emergent movements. Banac 1984 is a seminal book on the formation of Yugoslavia and the role of nationalism and how the system established faced an uphill battle from the beginning. Boban 1965, written by a Croat, writes on the Serb-Croat agreement of 1938, Sporazum, which sought once and for all to find a compromise on ethnic questions and power struggles between the two largest groups in Yugoslavia. Hoptner 1962 deals with not just the Sporazum but also how Yugoslavia faced a domestic crisis at a time of wider European turmoil and the eruption of World War II. Finally, Rebecca West, the author of West 1994, traveled throughout 1930s Yugoslavia. Part of London’s “Bloomsbury set,” West was an adventurer whose travelogue is part journal, part cultural commentary, and part historical insight. Interestingly, West refers to Kosovo as “Old Serbia” and separates Dalmatia from Croatia.
  152.  
  153. Banac, Ivo. The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984.
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  155. Banac traces the development of national identities and focuses on the first few years of the nascent Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes: from its flawed creation to its flawed adoption of a centralist system despite lacking an ethnic majority. Best for graduate students.
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  157. Boban, Ljubo. Sporazum Cvetkovic-Macek. Belgrade, Serbia: Institut drustvenih nauka, 1965.
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  159. Originally his doctoral dissertation from Zagreb University, Boban’s work, in Serbo-Croatian, examines the 1938 agreement between the Serb and Croat leaders that sought to give Croatia more autonomy within Yugoslavia and end the boycotts of Croats in political life.
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  161. Hoptner, J. B. Yugoslavia in Crisis, 1934–1941. New York: Columbia University Press, 1962.
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  163. Traces the domestic and international struggles of Yugoslavia and how those struggles intertwined over nearly a decade. Internally, the nation’s constituent peoples could not agree on the shape of the state. Externally, the country grew isolated as Axis influence grew and Yugoslavs could not unite on a course for the country.
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  165. Lederer, Ivo J. Yugoslavia at the Paris Peace Conference: A Study in Frontiermaking. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1963.
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  167. The emergent kingdom held observer status at the Paris Peace Conference, while the Great Powers determined its borders. Lederer’s study illustrates, however, while Allied victory was necessary for the creation of this new state, the foundation had already been laid.
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  169. Rogel, Carole. The Slovenes and Yugoslavism, 1890–1914. Boulder, CO: East European Quarterly, 1977.
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  171. Considered the “quiet” constituent group of Yugoslavia, the Slovenes developed a national identity in the late 19th century and enjoyed a quiet exit from Yugoslavia in 1991. Rogel’s work is the standard on understanding the practical side of the Slovene’s identity, less Yugoslav and more Austroslav until necessity dictated otherwise.
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  173. Seton-Watson, R. W. The Southern Slav Question and the Habsburg Monarchy. London: Constable, 1911.
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  175. Seton-Watson understood the contemporary question of whether the Hapsburgs should transform from a dual to a “triple” monarchy recognizing the South Slavs along with the Austrians and Hungarians as a means to survive politically. Text available online.
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  177. Sharp, Alan. The Versailles Settlement: Peacemaking in Paris 1919. 2d ed. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
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  179. Originally published in 1981, the second edition of the book with updated research, chronologies, and bibliography stands as testament to its continued relevance as a study of the emergence of the smaller countries out of the Versailles settlements.
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  181. West, Rebecca. Black Lamb and Grey Falcon. New York: Penguin, 1994.
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  183. First published in 1941 in two volumes, but frequently republished in one large volume and often read in excerpts rather than in its entirety. West, whose anti-German bias shows in the book, nonetheless provides a fascinating account of daily life in Yugoslavia on the eve of war and simmering tensions.
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  185. War, Ethnic Tension, and Revolution
  186.  
  187. For those who subscribe to the “unfinished business” of the 1990s war, studying World War II can help the researcher decide if continuities or discontinuities exist. Yugoslavia entered the war in the midst of domestic turmoil, which made it ripe to fall apart and be dissected by Hitler. The years 1941–1945 saw collaboration, resistance, and civil war consume Yugoslavia. Like the 1990s, all sides committed acts of war and inhumanity and all sought to reshape Yugoslavia. Pavlowitch 2008 and Tomasevich 2002, written by authors who have both written many books on Yugoslavia, provide here the stories of the numerous challenges facing Yugoslavia during World War II. No study of the war or of the Communist era of Yugoslavia would be complete without reading Djilas 1977, Tito’s right-hand man in war and peace and later a dissident who spent much time under house arrest or in prison. He wrote prolifically on Yugoslavia and his growing disillusionment with the “special path” of his country in Communism. He wrote not with bitterness about Tito but as one who evolved his thinking and witnessed the corruption of an ideology in which he believed. Maclean 1964 chronicles the author’s exploits during World War II, which gained him fame and influence, and possibly made him one of the models for Ian Fleming’s James Bond character. Maclean spent a lot of time with Tito’s Partisans and exerted great influence in the British decision to back Tito over Mihailovic’s Chetniks, who had been the favored resistance figure during the early war years. Deakin 1971 co-commanded the first British mission to aid Tito, landing in Montenegro. Lindsay 1993 is a companion to Maclean’s story of the Allied mission to aid Tito’s Partisans from the American side though he did not spend as much time with Tito personally. Consolidated from a dissertation, “The Allies, the Axis, and the Serb-Croat Muddle, 1939–1945,” Van Hook 2003 examines how the Yugoslav government-in-exile failed in regaining legitimacy during World War II because it was consumed with inter-ethnic tension. The allies, led by the British, decided to support Tito because he took the discourse away from ethnic identity, even if the vehicle for doing so was Communism. Roberts 1973 is an older, yet solid, study of the Tito-Mihailovic dispute that does not fall into polemics for or against any side. Both resistance leaders were controversial figures, the Allies made a policy shift of support in an effort to win the war, and Roberts provides a matter-of-fact account.
  188.  
  189. Deakin, F. W. The Embattled Mountain. New York: Oxford University Press, 1971.
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  191. In May 1943, Deakin parachuted with a small group into Montenegro and successfully fought with the Partisans against more numerous Axis forces in the battle for the mountain of Durmitor. Deakin intended to write a larger study later after document declassification but never did so.
  192. Find this resource:
  193. Djilas, Milovan. Wartime. Translated by Michael B. Petrovich. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1977.
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  195. Djilas believed that Yugoslavia had lost its way. But his firsthand accounts of Tito are valuable, especially this one during World War II when Tito laid the groundwork for establishing a multiethnic state while resisting the Axis.
  196. Find this resource:
  197. Lindsay, Franklin. Beacons in the Night: With the OSS and Tito’s Partisans in Wartime Yugoslavia. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1993.
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  199. As an OSS member, Franklin combined memoir with declassified British and American documents to write his account. Franklin spent most of his time with Partisans in Slovenia and was not a firsthand witness to Tito’s consolidation of power after the liberation of Belgrade.
  200. Find this resource:
  201. Maclean, Fitzroy. Eastern Approaches. Alexandria, VA: Time-Life, 1964.
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  203. While this book covers more than Maclean’s attachment to Tito’s Partisans, that section of the book is significant to understanding the British decision (Maclean personally knew Churchill) to switch support from Mihailovic’s Chetniks to Tito’s Partisans.
  204. Find this resource:
  205. Pavlowitch, Steven. Hitler’s New Disorder: The Second World War in Yugoslavia. New York: Columbia University Press, 2008.
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  207. Studies the complexities of the country where multiple wars were fought during 1941–1945—ethnic, ideological, and political. Hitler and the Axis divided up Yugoslavia and had plans for different parts of the country, while resistance groups fought and collaborated with the Axis as well as fought each other.
  208. Find this resource:
  209. Roberts, Walter R. Tito, Mihailovic, and the Allies, 1941–1945. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1973.
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  211. While it is easy to find more polemical studies addressing the Tito-Mihailovic rivalry and the shifts in Allied policy, this book is a well-balanced approach that is neither pro-Tito nor pro-Mihailovic. Both men and their movements were imperfect and Roberts’s use of interviews and documents provides a solid account.
  212. Find this resource:
  213. Tomasevich, Jozo. War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945: Occupation and Collaboration. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2002.
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  215. Also author of an earlier study, The Chetniks, Tomasevich’s updated account of this turbulent period shows how the lines blurred between occupation, resistance, and collaboration on all sides.
  216. Find this resource:
  217. Van Hook, Laurie West. “Ethnic Tensions and the Leadership Vacuum within the Yugoslav Government, 1939–1945.” In New Approaches to Balkan Studies. Edited by Demitris Keridis, Ellen Elias-Bursac, and Nicholas Yatromanolakis. Dulles, VA: Brassey’s, 2003.
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  219. Examines how ethnic tension and political fighting, especially between Serbs and Croats, created a leadership vacuum, which led to the government-in-exile lacking legitimacy while Tito built credibility. Additionally, the Allies, led by the British, did not know how to deal with the ethnic tension, similar to the 1990s.
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  221. Tito’s Yugoslavia
  222.  
  223. Tito built a Yugoslavia that ultimately relied on his charismatic personality both at home and abroad. He entered the postwar period with a certain legitimacy because of his wartime activities, yet he was a controversial figure, adept at maneuvering between opposing sides for his own benefit. His socialism followed its own “special path” that sought independence from the Soviet Union and included some free-market mechanisms. Scholars who studied in Yugoslavia in the 1960s thought he had found the right direction during a time of great social upheaval in Europe and the USA. Tito effectively played East against West too, allowed both sides to court him, and co-founded the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961. Within Yugoslavia, he established a political system that balanced the republics with a centralized state. Croatia and Slovenia held the bulk of industrialization, but Serbs received a larger share of high-level government and military positions. Tito, half-Croat and half-Slovene, did not tolerate ethnic revivalism and put down the Croatian Spring in 1971 that sought greater reform along the lines of the Prague Spring of 1968. Shoup 1968, who lived in Yugoslavia during the height of Yugoslavia’s “special path,” has spoken of how Tito seemed to blend successfully the ideologies of West and East. His book discusses how Tito balanced republic nationalism to create a Yugoslav national identity, which seemed to work. Rusinow 1978 also lived in Belgrade and Zagreb from 1963 to 1973 and reported on current developments for the American Universities Field Staff. His book continues the Shoup story since it was published after the 1971 Croatian Spring and after the adoption of the 1974 constitution (Tito was already eighty-two years old by then). Tito needed a system that would not rely on the charisma of one leader and decided that a collective presidency would provide ongoing stability and balance the republics and regional identity. Ironically, as Ridley 1994 shows, the new system actually had the opposite effect, and the collective presidency proved weak over time and unable to confront growing demands for autonomy and ultimately secession of Croatia and Slovenia. West 1995 presents a combination biography and history that suggests that Tito’s Yugoslavia may have been a unique entity that could not outlive him or his benevolent dictator methods.
  224.  
  225. Ridley, Jasper. Tito: A Biography. London: Constable, 1994.
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  227. This easily read biography portrays a man who managed to bring stability to a multiethnic Yugoslavia and played international powers against each other. Tito refuted Stalin, put Yugoslavia on a “special path,” and gradually embraced some free-market principles.
  228. Find this resource:
  229. Rusinow, Dennison. The Yugoslav Experiment, 1948–1972. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978.
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  231. Rusinow’s work is regarded as one of the best accounts of Tito’s Yugoslavia up to the adoption of the 1974 constitution, in which Tito began to lay out his plan for Yugoslavia after his death. His book provides excellent analysis of the Croatian Spring of 1971.
  232. Find this resource:
  233. Shoup, Paul. Communism and the Yugoslav National Question. New York: Columbia University Press, 1968.
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  235. Shoup’s book looks at the Communist party from the time it began in 1919 and its efforts to deal with national rivalries during the formative and turbulent years of Yugoslavia from inception through World War II and then under the relative stability of Tito.
  236. Find this resource:
  237. West, Richard. Tito and the Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia. New York: Carroll and Graf, 1995.
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  239. A journalist, West provides a readable book that combines popular history and biography. He promotes a sympathetic portrait of Tito as a mild dictator, especially by 20th century standards, yet an indispensable actor for Yugoslav unity.
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  241. An Imploding Yugoslavia
  242.  
  243. Ironically, Tito’s 1974 constitution laid the groundwork for the demise of the multiethnic country he created. While much of Yugoslavia’s system relied on the personality of Tito and his legacy as a World War II hero, the country’s demise, and the bloody manner in which it happened, could have been avoided had the country’s elites chosen to stay on the path of pluralism. While Yugoslavia had always been more free-market oriented than other countries in the Eastern bloc, its unique national identity situation proved more problematic in the post-1989 world. When the republics of the Soviet Union declared independence, and this began to be seen as a sign of progress, it seemed counterintuitive for a multiethnic Yugoslavia to continue despite its success. Cohen 1995 and Denitch 1994 show the internal struggle of Yugoslavia, which ultimately succumbed to the politics of identity rather than continuing on its “special path” and following other countries of 1989 toward democratic reform. In the end, its dual system of positive socialism and pluralism could not survive. Hayden 1999 discusses how the 1974 constitution inadvertently laid the legal justification for the republics of Slovenia and Croatia to lead the way toward the country’s dissolution. Lampe 1996 provides a broader 20th-century context for the post-Tito Yugoslavia by comparing the interwar Yugoslavia with Tito’s Yugoslavia. Naimark and Case 2003 combines views of identity in the distant past with the more recent past and the 1990s disintegration. Notable is how education fared in forming the national identity in Yugoslavia. Perica 2002, Ramet 2002, and Wachtel 1998 move beyond the politics of the country’s decline and provide a cultural and intellectual history of the decline and specifically the role of religion, culture, and rock music in the changing dynamic of nationalism.
  244.  
  245. Cohen, Lenard J. Broken Bonds: Yugoslavia’s Disintegration and Balkan Politics in Transition. 2d ed. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1995.
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  247. While beginning with a survey from the 19th century to Tito’s death, the book’s value lies in its account of the disintegration of the country into early 1993. Yugoslavia transformed from a positive example of socialism to a negative example of nationalism.
  248. Find this resource:
  249. Denitch, Bogdan. Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994.
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  251. As a citizen of the former Yugoslavia, Denitch provides both an inside yet objective look at the collapse of his native country and its recent history. He believes that nationalism and the politics of identity proved to be the enemy of the potential for pluralist democratic reform.
  252. Find this resource:
  253. Hayden, Robert M. Blueprints for a House Divided: The Constitutional Logic of the Yugoslav Conflict. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999.
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  255. Hayden examines how the complicated and convoluted 1974 constitution, meant to create a Yugoslavia that could survive Tito’s death, ultimately laid the groundwork for the federal republics to justify moves toward sovereignty in the 1990s as constitutional.
  256. Find this resource:
  257. Lampe, John. Yugoslavia as History: Twice There Was a Country. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1996.
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  259. Traces the struggles of the first United Kingdom and Yugoslavia, 1919–1941, and the second Yugoslavia, 1945–1991, and places these two national entities within a broader historical context. See especially chapters 10 and 11 on post-1980 Yugoslavia.
  260. Find this resource:
  261. Naimark, Norman, and Holly Case, eds. Yugoslavia and Its Historians: Understanding the Balkan Wars of the 1990s. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003.
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  263. Best for graduate students or those well-versed in the scholarship of the region, this volume of essays first examines how the past shaped the 1990s and then places more recent events into the context of the 1990s and ethnic identity.
  264. Find this resource:
  265. Perica, Vjeckoslav. Balkan Idols: Religion and Nationalism in Yugoslav States. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.
  266. DOI: 10.1093/0195148568.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  267. A former reporter for a Croatian weekly and a university professor, Perica examines the intersection between nationalism and the three primary religions of Yugoslavia—Orthodoxy, Catholicism, and Islam, especially during the post-Tito era and into the 1990s.
  268. Find this resource:
  269. Ramet, Sabrina. Balkan Babel: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia from the Death of Tito to the War for Kosovo. 4th ed. Boulder, CO: Westview, 2002.
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  271. Ramet begins the disintegration period in 1980, upon the death of Tito, rather than in 1991, when Slovenia and Croatia seceded. She then traces the role of religion and rock music before looking at the different parts of Yugoslavia and how they fared over the decade.
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  273. Wachtel, Andrew Baruch. Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation: Literature and Cultural Politics in Yugoslavia. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998.
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  275. Describes the development of the idea of the Yugoslav national identity and the reasons it ultimately collapsed rather than reformed similar to what happened to the Yugoslav ideal after World War II.
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  277. The Collapse of Yugoslavia
  278.  
  279. The collapse of Yugoslavia began in late June 1991, when Slovenia and Croatia announced their independence. While not unexpected after months of fruitless talks, the announcement dramatically changed the dynamic. For the next six months, the international community (especially the Europeans) struggled with how to respond. German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher ultimately announced that Germany intended to recognize the two new countries, which prompted criticisms of Germany’s “historic” affiliation with Slovenia and Croatia, a clear reference to World War II. In the end, the European Community agreed in mid-December 1991 to recognize Croatia and Slovenia on 15 January 1992. After its collapse and as war came to the region, an abundance of books appeared over the next several years describing the process, the players, and the consequences. Some books looked further into the past than others, and some books updated editions as events proceeded. Many of the books show influential actors, such as Serb leader Milosevic and Croat leader Tudjman, using nationalism for political advantage. Silber, a Balkans correspondent for the Financial Times, and Little, a BBC reporter, wrote a vivid account beginning with the rise of Milosevic (Silber and Little 1997). Their compelling description of the political ambition of Milosevic and how he worked up the crowd on Kosovo Polje in 1987 shows how the Serb leader used the tool of ethnic identity for his own gain. Glenny also has written prolifically on the region and reported as events unfolded. Glenny 1996 is compelling and a good basis for anyone looking for background or even more detailed information. Meier 1999 originally appeared in German and focuses on how Slovenia led the dissolution of Yugoslavia when it voted first to secede and left the country after less than a week of fighting against the Yugoslav National Army (JNA). Rogel, a historian known for her work on Slovenia, provides a history in Rogel 2004 that delves deeper into the past and discusses the use of myths and propaganda. Akhaven and Howse 1995 and Udovicki and Ridgeway 2000 bring together writers from the region who discuss the collapse from a variety of viewpoints and angles. Woodward 1995 is one of many that criticize the international community for its reaction to the collapse of Yugoslavia by not preventing the preventable. Finally, Hockenos 2003 covers an important topic about the role of virulent diaspora communities in fueling the collapse of Yugoslavia and promoting war.
  280.  
  281. Akhaven, Payam, and Robert Howse, eds. Yugoslavia, the Former and Future: Reflections by Scholars from the Region. Washington, DC: Brookings Institute, 1995.
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  283. Akhaven was a legal adviser to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and co-edited this collection of essays by scholars in the region who represented all sides of the debate about the collapse of Yugoslavia.
  284. Find this resource:
  285. Glenny, Misha. Fall of Yugoslavia. 3d ed. New York: Penguin, 1996.
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  287. An award-winning journalist for his coverage of the Yugoslav crisis, Glenny has lived and traveled extensively in the region and possesses the language skills for on-the-ground interviews. This book is easily readable, even for the non-specialist, and the third edition has a new chapter on the Dayton Accords.
  288. Find this resource:
  289. Hockenos, Paul. Homeland Calling: Exile Patriotism and the Balkan Wars. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003.
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  291. An American journalist based in Berlin, the author looks at the role played by the borderless diasporas and how they sought to expand the borders of their homelands in Croatia, Serbia, and Kosovo by promoting nationalism and ideology and by providing money and arms.
  292. Find this resource:
  293. Meier, Viktor. Yugoslavia: A History of Its Demise. London: Routledge, 1999.
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  295. Meier’s work begins with Tito’s death and then discusses the role of Slovenia as a rational actor in beginning the disintegration of Yugoslavia and how Bosnia-Hercegovina and Macedonia did not really want independence because of the potential problems it would entail.
  296. Find this resource:
  297. Rogel, Carole. The Breakup of Yugoslavia and Its Aftermath. Rev. ed. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2004.
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  299. Covering everything from a historical overview to the wars in Bosnia and Kosovo, the response of the international community, and the role of myths, propaganda, and religion, the book includes biographies of key personalities and reprints of symbolically significant documents such as the Serbian Academy of Sciences memo.
  300. Find this resource:
  301. Silber, Laura, and Allan Little. Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation. Rev. ed. New York: Penguin, 1997.
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  303. Provides a detailed account of Yugoslavia’s collapse from the rise of Milosevic to the crucial period of 1990–1991 when Croatia and Slovenia moved toward secession to the wars in Croatia and Bosnia and the military movements of the summer of 1995 that lead to the peace table in Dayton.
  304. Find this resource:
  305. Udovicki, Jasminka, and James Ridgeway, eds. Burn This House: The Making and Unmaking of Yugoslavia. Rev. ed. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000.
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  307. A collection of essays from writers who are mostly Croatian, Serbian, or Muslim journalists or historians, the book examines a variety of aspects of Yugoslavia from its history to the collapse of the Yugoslav National Army, the role of the media and opposition, the various wars, and the unsettled peace.
  308. Find this resource:
  309. Woodward, Susan. Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War. Washington, DC: Brookings Institute, 1995.
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  311. Published before the military campaigns of 1995, which led to the Dayton peace talks, Woodward posits that the breakup was not inevitable and could have been avoided had the West given more support to Yugoslav leaders who promoted democratic and free- market principles.
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  313. The First War Begins (Slovenia, Croatia, and Serbia)
  314.  
  315. An inevitable overlap between sections of works exists since the start and end points of different parts of the country’s collapse and wars overlap. No sooner had Croatia and Slovenia declared independence than the Yugoslav National Army (JNA) sought to keep the republics in Yugoslavia by force. Slovenia, with an overwhelming majority of Slovenes and more physically set off from Serbia, had the luxury of taking a good portion of the country’s industrial base with its exit. Croatia, with a large number of Serbs resident in the Krajina (border) region since Hapsburg times, could not leave as easily. Quickly the war of independence (or civil war, depending on one’s perspective) turned into a war of Serb versus Croat. From June 1991 to January 1992, diplomatic activity that led to the European recognition of Serbia and Croatia coincided with a growing military conflict in Croatia. Blitz 2006, whose edited volume covers many topics, provides good coverage of the German decision to take the lead on recognition, widely seen at the time as launching the European Community into uncharted territory. In addition to Yugoslav histories written during the 1990s cited above, authors started to write histories of the Yugoslav republics or new independent nations. Journalists who lived and reported from Yugoslavia wrote popular histories that attracted a wider audience. Judah, a journalist for the Economist and the London Times, lived in Belgrade at the time, and wrote a history about the Serbs (Judah 2010). Doder and Branson 1999 is a biography of the Serb leader Milosevic. Tanner, a British correspondent for the Independent, wrote a similar history on the Croats (Tanner 2001). Benderly and Kraft 1996 is a collection of articles that serves as a history of Slovenia. Academics in the region also sought to produce credible histories to explain the demise of their country. A professor at the University of Zagreb, Goldstein’s 1999 history of Croatia (Goldstein 1999) was written for an English-language audience. Popov 2000 gathered prominent writers to explore how Serbia went to war not through some national affinity but owing to a manipulation of people and events by ideology, propaganda, and media. Finally, Gagnon 2006 answers the over-simplistic charge of ancient ethnic hatreds to argue that Yugoslavia stood on the brink of reform that would have kept the country together and moving forward, much as it had done under Tito, only to have ambitious regional actors use nationalism to destroy the potential of Yugoslavia for their own provincial gains.
  316.  
  317. Benderly, Jill, and Evan Kraft, eds. Independent Slovenia: Origins, Movements, Prospects. New York: St. Martin’s, 1996.
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  319. Slovenia played a key role in the disintegration of Yugoslavia. The collected works here explore the origins of Slovene ideology, the tilt toward central Europe, the role of socioeconomic and cultural groups such as trade unions, women, and musicians, and the end of decades of non-confrontation toward Yugoslavia.
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  321. Blitz, Brad, ed. War and Change in the Balkans: Nationalism, Conflict and Cooperation. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
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  323. Deals with many topics on international involvement, national identity, the secession of republics, and regional implications, but it also provides a good chapter on the German lead in recognizing Slovenia and Croatia, which accelerated the involvement of the rest of Europe in the crisis.
  324. Find this resource:
  325. Doder, Dusko, and Louise Branson. Milosevic: Portrait of a Tyrant. New York: Free Press, 1999.
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  327. Two journalists who lived in the region, Doder and Branson trace how Milosevic “made a name” for himself in Kosovo Polje in 1987 through the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 and ultimately to his backing down to NATO bombing in 1999. It is a history of the wars through the prism of the Serb dictator.
  328. Find this resource:
  329. Gagnon, V. P., Jr. The Myth of Ethnic War: Serbia and Croatia in the 1990s. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006.
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  331. The author argues that Yugoslavia was on the precipice of a large social, political, economic, and multinational change in the 1980s only to have the political elites of Belgrade and Zagreb manipulate ethnic conflict with the result of stopping that change and instead creating war.
  332. Find this resource:
  333. Goldstein, Ivo. Croatia: A History. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1999.
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  335. Covers the long history of Croatia from the demise of its medieval kingdom through the controversial “independence” of the World War II Ustase state to the failure of the Croatian spring in 1971 and finally to the war beginning in 1991.
  336. Find this resource:
  337. Judah, Tim. The Serbs: History, Myth, and the Destruction of Yugoslavia. 3d ed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010.
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  339. Originally published before events fully unfolded in Serbia, this updated edition is a readable and balanced history of the Serbs and includes the fall of Milosevic and the arrest of Bosnian Serb fugitive Radovan Karadzic. Judah posits that the Serbs are neither the new Nazis nor the innocent victims.
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  341. Popov, Nebojsa, ed. The Road to War in Serbia: Trauma and Catharsis. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2000.
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  343. The former president of the Yugoslav Association of Sociology, Nebojsa gathered scholars of the region who lived through the events to explore how Serbia went to war and how factors such as propaganda, ideology, and the media incited war.
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  345. Tanner, Marcus. Croatia: A Nation Forged in War. 3d ed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001.
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  347. Tanner provides a short and concise history of an area caught between empires since its own kingdom collapsed in the 11th century. Gives a Croatian perspective of the history of Yugoslavia, which can be beneficial in understanding the events of the 1990s.
  348. Find this resource:
  349. The Second War Overlaps (Bosnia-Hercegovina)
  350.  
  351. When the European Community recognized the independence of Slovenia and Croatia in January 1992, the issue of independence for Bosnia-Hercegovina moved to the forefront. If Croatia experienced complications owing to its large Serb minority, Bosnia-Hercegovina faced exponentially more problems. Long a multiethnic region, it could not be geographically divided in a simple manner between the predominantly Orthodox Serbs, Catholic Croats, or Muslim Bosnians (Bosniaks). By April 1992, war had arrived in Bosnia. Sarajevo had long been the quiet success story of a pluralistic society only briefly gaining infamy as the site of the assassination of the Hapsburg heir in 1914. Less than ten years before the collapse of Yugoslavia and a few years after the death of Tito, Sarajevo hosted the 1984 Winter Olympics and stood as the symbol of a pluralistic and successful Yugoslavia where ethnic groups lived side by side and intermarried. Donia 2006 is a biography of the city that shows how the city transformed from a symbol of success to a symbol of destruction. Donia and Fine 1995, by two well-known scholars of the region, provides a short and popular history that shows the region was not a powder keg. Malcolm, a journalist who wrote one of the first of the new survey histories of the republics (Malcolm 2002), presents a longer popular history of Bosnia that brought attention to an area that many people had not heard of before 1992. Mojzes 1998 is a collection of essays that provides a balanced view of the role of religion in the Bosnian conflict and ponders whether to grant it a central or peripheral role. The argument is crucial to Bosnia, a region where, to a much greater degree than in the other republics, three religions existed for centuries. Sells 1998 takes the view that religion played a central role in the Bosnian conflict but that it was pejorative stereotyping that fueled armed conflict and not inherent differences in the religions themselves. Finally, in this broad selection of books, Andreas 2008 and O’Shea 2012 discuss realities on the ground in Bosnia, passing blame for duplicity and criminal activity equally. Andreas 2008 shows how a certain normal operating procedure settled into Sarajevo during its long siege, as people learned to find needed goods and others profited greatly in business. The author of O’Shea 2012 served as a European monitor in the isolated Bihac pocket near the Croatian border and saw how European efforts to place blame and end war proved detached from events on the ground.
  352.  
  353. Andreas, Peter. Blue Helmets and Black Markets: The Business of Survival in the Siege of Sarajevo. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008.
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  355. The author tells the story of aid workers, UN staff, and journalists, and how black marketers trading across siege lines and the diversion of UN aid actually sustained a criminalized war economy and prolonged the conflict in the Bosnian capital.
  356. Find this resource:
  357. Donia, Robert J. Sarajevo: A Biography. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2006.
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  359. Though the place of Hapsburg Archduke Ferdinand’s assassination in 1914, sparking World War I, Sarajevo had long been the quiet symbol of a successful Yugoslavia. This biography of a capital city up to the siege of Sarajevo shows its transformation into a symbol of the collapse of Yugoslavia.
  360. Find this resource:
  361. Donia, Robert, and John V. A. Fine Jr. Bosnia-Hercegovina: A Tradition Betrayed. New York: Columbia University Press, 1995.
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  363. This account for the non-specialist combats the popular notion of the early 1990s that people in Bosnia had fought each other for hundreds of years. Instead, tolerance and peaceful co-existence had dominated until the late 19th century when the Eastern Question reached crisis proportions.
  364. Find this resource:
  365. Malcolm, Noel. Bosnia: A Short History. 3d ed. London: Pan Macmillan, 2002.
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  367. Malcolm writes a readable history of Bosnia covering 1,000 years, dispelling the popular notion of ancient hatreds. The author has been praised especially for his explanation of Bosnia’s history up to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.
  368. Find this resource:
  369. Mojzes, Paul, ed. Religion and War in Bosnia. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1998.
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  371. A collection of American and Balkan scholars explore the role of religion in the Bosnian war with some arguing that it is tangential to the conflict and others that it is central to the conflict, which makes for a well-rounded debate on a provocative issue.
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  373. O’Shea, Brendan. Bosnia’s Forgotten Battlefield: Bihac. Gloucestershire, UK: The History Press, 2012.
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  375. As a member of the European Community Monitoring Mission in the UN safe haven in northwestern Bosnia known as the “Bihac Pocket,” O’Shea’s experiences and access to UN and EC documents relate the story of war here, 1992–1995, and violations of safe-haven policy by all sides.
  376. Find this resource:
  377. Sells, Michael. The Bridge Betrayed: Religion and Genocide in Bosnia. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998.
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  379. A Serbian American, Sells posits that religious stereotyping in both popular and official discourse fueled ethnic animosity. The destruction of the famous stone-arched bridge in Mostar, once a symbol of a multireligious Bosnia-Hercegovina, exemplified the downfall of a pluralistic Yugoslavia.
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  381. Ethnic Cleansing and Genocide
  382.  
  383. No better example stands of the horrors of war in the age of cable news than the revelations about ethnic cleansing in Yugoslavia. Not since the Holocaust had the world seen such atrocities committed by people of one group against people of another group. Mojzes 2011 provides a historical context of genocide in the 20th century to explain an unfortunate continuity of this type of behavior during war. In 1992, as reporters broke the stories of concentration camps and crimes against humanity, the term “ethnic cleansing” entered the daily vocabulary of public discourse. Gutman 1993 contains articles that formed the basis for his book documenting ethnic cleansing. At first, Serbs and Bosnian Serbs stood accused of ethnic cleansing. Cigar 1995 found their leaders the worst and most effective perpetrators of ethnic cleansing. Yet, over time, all sides faced public indictment, which showed the need for individual rather than collective guilt (see under International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia). Instances of all sides acting as both perpetrator and victim emerged. Sudetic 1998, also a journalist, provides a micro-history of one family he had a personal connection with and their experience with ethnic cleansing. Maass 1997 showed how a multiethnic and pluralist society broke down in such a way that neighbors could turn on neighbors and friends on friends in a society that now distinguished between Serb, Croat, and Muslim. Maass 1997 also condemns international inability to stop the atrocities. This indictment was another layer of criticism of the international community for its inaction or wrong actions. As with the Holocaust, the question emerged about what, when, and how much the international community knew about acts of genocide before news of it appeared in the press. Ethnic cleansing was a military tool, a cultural tool, and a terror tool, designed to wipe out communities, a sense of identity, and resistance. Allen 1996 shows how rape, in particular, proved effective in carrying out strategic objectives. By the summer 1995 Srebenica massacres, in which Bosnian Serbs executed thousands of Muslim men and boys in a purported UN safe haven, the world stood in awe about its inability to stop ethnic cleansing. Honig and Both 1997, written by two Dutch journalists, is a book about the massacre and the inability or helplessness of insufficiently armed Dutch peacekeepers to stop it or even be fully aware of the genocide. Rohde 1997, like Gutman, before him, broke the story of the massacre.
  384.  
  385. Allen, Beverly. Rape Warfare: The Hidden Genocide in Bosnia-Hercegovina and Croatia. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996.
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  387. Allen’s book represents a growing field in the study of war crimes and genocide during the Yugoslav wars. She argues that rape is not just a tool of ethnic cleansing but also one of military policy as a way to erase the victims’ cultural identity and repopulate areas with “little soldiers.”
  388. Find this resource:
  389. Cigar, Norman. Genocide in Bosnia: The Policy of Ethnic Cleansing. College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 1995.
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  391. Cigar posits that ethnic cleansing is a rational and systematic policy that does not happen spontaneously; and it was part and parcel of the Serbian media and intellectual strategy to reconfigure Bosnian demographics through its use on the battlefield.
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  393. Gutman, Roy. A Witness to Genocide. New York: Macmillan, 1993.
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  395. A collection of Pulitzer Prize–winning Newsday articles, this account brought the phrase “ethnic cleansing” into the public discourse and brought Western public attention to the issue.
  396. Find this resource:
  397. Honig, Jan Willem, and Norbert Both. Srebrenica: Record of a War Crime. New York: Penguin, 1997.
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  399. Account written by two Dutch journalists of the July 1995 massacre of more than seven thousand men and boys in a UN designated safe haven, which had not been demilitarized, in eastern Bosnia.
  400. Find this resource:
  401. Maass, Peter. Love Thy Neighbor: A Story of War. New York: Vintage Books, 1997.
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  403. A writer for the Washington Post based in the Balkans 1992–1993, Maass tells the stories of how ordinary individuals turned on friends and neighbors of different ethnic identity and committed criminal acts. Maass indicts both the Bush and Clinton administrations for failing to take steps to end atrocities.
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  405. Mojzes, Paul. Balkan Genocides: Holocaust and Ethnic Cleansing in the Twentieth Century. New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2011.
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  407. The author places the 1990s conflict within the context of a century of ethnic and religious conflict as the Balkans joined the western European club of exclusivist nation-states, starting with the Balkan Wars and World War I through to World War II and inter-ethnic and religious fighting and finally up to the 1990s.
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  409. Rohde, David. Endgame: the Betrayal and Fall of Srebrenica, Europe’s Worst Massacre Since World War II. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1997.
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  411. A Pulitzer Prize–winning book by the journalist who helped break the story of the Srebrenica massacres in the summer of 1995.
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  413. Sudetic, Chuck. Blood and Vengeance: One Family’s Story of the War in Bosnia. New York: W. W. Norton, 1998.
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  415. A Croatian American journalist for the New York Times from 1990 to 1995, Sudetic relates the experience of a Bosnian Muslim family, to whom his Serb wife is related, over five generations—from World War II through Tito’s Yugoslavia and to the breakup of Yugoslavia and the events surrounding the Srebrenica massacre in 1995.
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  417. Diplomacy and the First Two Wars
  418.  
  419. A great deal has been written about diplomatic efforts by the international community—the UN, the EC, and the Contact Group—to address the collapse and wars of Yugoslavia. First the question arose about whether Europe and the United States could have prevented the country’s disintegration, as asked by Woodward in a previous section. Here Libal 1997 examines closely the German-Croatian nexus in the EC recognition of Croatia and Slovenia. Then the question arose about whether the international community made the situation better or worse in Croatia and Bosnia. Both 2000, whose author co-wrote Honig and Both 1997 (cited under Ethnic Cleansing and Genocide), illustrates the important position of a small European country at a time when both of the above questions arose. Rieff 1995 arrived in Bosnia in September 1992 after Gutman broke the story of ethnic cleansing in Newsday and equates the West’s failure in Bosnia with the US failure in Vietnam. Burg and Shoup 2000, an in-depth account, covers the changing nature of ethnic conflict and the motivations of the warring factions and also follows the various attempts by the international community: the failed Vance-Owen plan, the flirtation with partition, and finally the imposition of the Dayton peace. The timing of the Yugoslav collapse, however, possessed a larger global context as it occurred in the aftermath of the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the Soviet Union. Thus, the international community’s reaction to a crisis in the former eastern Europe cannot be analyzed in isolation. Gow 1997 shows that the failure of the international community to prevent further war and destruction was multi-faceted and part of a wider issue. Glaurdic 2011 is a valuable study that highlights the changing global dynamic in the midst of Yugoslavia’s collapse and the uncertainty about Cold War institutions and responses. Simms 2001 provides an indictment of the Conservative government in Britain who the author accuses of not just remaining aloof to the crisis but also of attempting to minimize it and defuse popular pressure to act, a policy that did not change until the Labor government took over in 1997. Written by a Holocaust survivor and human rights expert, Neier 1998 shows how the ICTY evolved from the foundation laid by the Nuremburg Trials after World War II, despite the long gap in time. Yet, he criticizes the international community for its reasons to create the court, initially without sufficient funding, as a way to make it look like action had been taken. All of the works in this section show that viewing the reaction to Yugoslavia in isolation might prompt an overly narrow perspective. See Third War (Kosovo) for a continuation of this theme as well as the last section on the legacy of international intervention.
  420.  
  421. Both, Norbert. From Indifference to Entrapment: The Netherlands and the Yugoslav Crisis, 1990–1995. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2000.
  422. DOI: 10.5117/9789053564530Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  423. Highlights two key events for the Netherlands in Yugoslavia. First, it held the European Community presidency from July to December 1991 as Slovenia and Croatia seceded. Then, in July 1995, Dutch peacekeepers were trapped and insufficiently armed in Srebrenica when the massacre occurred.
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  425. Burg, Steven L., and Paul S. Shoup. The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Ethnic Conflict and International Intervention. New ed. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 2000.
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  427. This award-winning book is a thoroughly detailed and comprehensive account about the war in Bosnia and the international community’s response and involvement. It is best suited for those with solid understanding of the region or a deep interest in events.
  428. Find this resource:
  429. Glaurdic, Josip. The Hour of Europe: Western Powers and the Breakup of Yugoslavia. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2011.
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  431. Starting in 1987, as nationalism turned ugly in Yugoslavia, and ending in April 1992, as war came to Bosnia-Hercegovina, this book straddles the fall of the Berlin Wall and focuses on the West’s involvement in Yugoslavia as part of its reaction to the end of the Cold War.
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  433. Gow, James. Triumph of the Lack of Will: International Diplomacy and the Yugoslav War. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997.
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  435. Gow argues that four factors prevented the UN, the EC Conference, and the Contact Group from stopping inter-ethnic killing despite negotiated settlements and the deployment of peacekeepers: bad timing, bad judgment, poor cohesion, and the absence of political will, especially the will to use force.
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  437. Libal, Michael. Limits of Persuasion: Germany and the Yugoslav Crisis, 1991–1992. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997.
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  439. Libal presents a chronology of the response by the EC and CSCE to the breakup of Yugoslavia, focusing most on Croatia and the German response that accelerated European recognition of the breakaway republics in January 1992.
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  441. Neier, Aryen. War Crimes: Brutality, Genocide, Terror and the Struggle for Justice. New York: Times, 1998.
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  443. Neier was an early advocate for a permanent International Criminal Court and posited that the ICTY was the right decision for the wrong reason because the international community looked to it as a substitute for action.
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  445. Rieff, David. Slaughterhouse: Bosnia and the Failure of the West. New York: Touchstone, 1995.
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  447. Rieff argues that NATO intervention could have stopped ethnic cleansing, and he indicts the West and the UN for its failure to confront the humanitarian tragedy in Bosnia. He considers the international community’s inaction there the greatest diplomatic failure since 1930s appeasement.
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  449. Simms, Brendan. Unfinest Hour: Britain and the Destruction of Bosnia. London: Penguin, 2001.
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  451. The author traces the roots of the British policy to stand aside during most of the 1992–1995 war and equates it with the British policy of appeasement in 1938 toward Hitler, which represented another “unfinest hour.” Simms condemns specifically the Conservative government of John Major as obstructionist.
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  453. Memoirs of Diplomatic Intervention
  454.  
  455. The memoirs of many diplomats associated with the UN, the EC, and the Contact Group provide a valuable resource. All memoirs have the potential for subjectivity and personal viewpoints, but they can also provide honest assessments of political realities that are not written down in formal documents. By the time the author of Zimmerman 1999, who was nicknamed the “last ambassador to Yugoslavia,” left the fractured country in May 1992, Slovenia had successfully left Yugoslavia, and Croatia and Bosnia were at war with Serbia. A career diplomat, Zimmerman resigned in protest from the Foreign Service in 1994 over the Clinton administration’s continued policy of leaving the Yugoslav problem to the Europeans. Owen 1995 emerged as one of the first public faces of the international community’s efforts to stop violence in Croatia first and then Bosnia. As the EC representative who co-chaired the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia 1992–1995 with Cyrus Vance, the UN representative, the two men first sought a Switzerland type of canton system for Bosnia. When Owen stepped down, Carl Bildt replaced him. The United States maintained a “hands off” approach for the first few years, preferring that the Europeans take the lead for a European problem. But Bildt 1998 is representative of many Europeans’ thinking that the background seat of the USA did not prevent it from placing obstacles to a settlement. The author of Albright 2003 served as US ambassador to the UN and then as secretary of state. Daalder’s 2000 memoir reflects on the move the Clinton administration made toward more direct involvement in 1995. His book provides an inside account as the White House grew more involved and also explains the NSC decision-making process, which is not known to the average person. Holbrooke in 1995 emerged as the face of peace negotiations, much as Owen had a few years earlier. A career diplomat with a reputation for an abrupt personality, Holbrooke 1999 provides the details of peace negotiations and includes the death of his good friend Robert Frasure on the dangerous roads of Bosnia to the soccer match at Wright-Patterson Air Force base, where the three opposing sides—Serb, Croat, and Bosnian—added a little levity to the negotiations. Ahrens 2007 and Oliver 2005 provide working-level narratives of parts of the negotiations. Ahrens 2007 benefits from the author’s wide experience across all parts of Yugoslavia on minorities issues. Oliver served on the ICTY June 1995 to February 1996, moved to the Office of High Representative from February to December 1996, and finally the European Community Monitoring Mission from January 1997 to January 1998.
  456.  
  457. Ahrens, Geert-Hinrich. Diplomacy on the Edge: Containment of Ethnic Conflict and the Minorities Working Group of the Conferences on Yugoslavia. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2007.
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  459. German diplomat Ahrens served as ambassador at large, 1992–1996, to the International Commission on the Former Yugoslavia and headed the minorities working group. He was a direct participant in mediating the Yugoslav crisis in Croatia and Bosnia and dealt with minority issues in Krajina, Bosnia, southern Serbia, Macedonia, and Kosovo.
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  461. Albright, Madeleine. Madam Secretary: A Memoir. New York: Hyperion, 2003.
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  463. Albright served as US ambassador to the UN 1993–1997 and then as secretary of state for the remainder of Clinton’s second term, 1997–2001. She provides an inside account of happenings at the UN and the State Department as the US gradually became more engaged in the Yugoslav wars.
  464. Find this resource:
  465. Bildt, Carl. Peace Journey: The Struggle for Peace in Bosnia. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1998.
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  467. Bildt replaced David Owen as the European negotiator for Bosnia and picks up the story from Owen. He presents an honest and open account of his view of the challenge in finding peace and the obstacles encountered, including the Clinton administration.
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  469. Daalder, Ivo. Getting to Dayton: The Making of America’s Bosnia Policy. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2000.
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  471. Daalder served as the director of European Affairs for the National Security Council, 1995–1997, at a time when the Clinton administration decided to engage more actively in the peace process that led to the Dayton Accord. He combines personal experience with research to recount the peace process and the Washington decision-making process.
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  473. Holbrooke, Richard. To End a War. New York: Random House, 1999.
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  475. Holbrooke emerged as the chief architect of the Dayton Peace Accords, which brought the wars in Croatia and Bosnia to an end. His account tells of shuttle diplomacy between the three republic presidents and then sequestering all parties on an air base in Dayton until they negotiated a deal.
  476. Find this resource:
  477. Oliver, Ian. War and Peace in the Balkans: The Diplomacy of Conflict in the Former Yugoslavia. London: I. B. Tauris, 2005.
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  479. This memoir provides an on-the-ground account of a key time in the lead up to peace in Bosnia and then its implementation. Oliver experienced firsthand the final months of war, the negotiations of peace, and the long implementation of that peace.
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  481. Owen, David. Balkan Odyssey. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1995.
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  483. Along with Cyrus Vance, Owen co-chaired the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia 1992–1995 and here provides a personal narrative of the formulation of the Vance-Owen Plan, which the Clinton administration rejected in 1993, and the fallout from the plan’s failure.
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  485. Zimmerman, Warren. Origins of a Catastrophe: Yugoslavia and its Destroyers. Rev. ed. New York: Times, 1999.
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  487. The author recounts the failure of diplomacy to prevent the collapse of Yugoslavia, which he did not view as inevitable or unforeseeable. He believes those at the top, namely Milosevic and Tudjman, destroyed the country. And in hindsight, Zimmerman regretted not recommending the use of force in 1991.
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  489. Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina (the UN, EC, and NATO on the Ground)
  490.  
  491. In February 1992, the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) entered Croatia and then Bosnia in April 1992. Thus began a tenure of trying but frequently failing to stop the fighting and protect the civilian population. MacKenzie 1993 is a memoir that represents the “military” side of the UN effort to send in blue helmets to maintain peace. Yet peacekeepers frequently lacked sufficient arms and did not hold a mandate to engage militarily. As with Owen on the diplomatic side, MacKenzie was the public face of the peacekeepers in the news. At the same time the European Community Monitoring Mission (ECMM) stationed its people in various parts of the country to report back on what happened on the ground. O’Shea 1995 is by a frequent author on Yugoslavia who joined the ECMM in September 1994. He covered eastern Slavonia and the Krajina, and then moved to the staff headquarters in Zagreb where he also covered Bosnia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, and Kosovo. Often times, events on the ground did not mix well with political negotiations. Ultimately, in the late summer of 1995, the international community recognized that the UN would not be able to end the war. The Srebrenica massacre in July 1995 stood as a horrific example of its failure. United Nations General Assembly 1999 shows not just the reasons for that failure but also delves into peacekeeping operations after the Dayton Peace Accords and Kosovo since it was not published until 1999. The report found that neither a small military response as in Bosnia or a larger one as in Kosovo could prevent ethnic cleansing. As the move toward NATO stepping in with a bombing campaign over the Bosnian Serb Republic (Republika Srpska), Corwin 1999 discusses the civilian side as part of the NATO expansion. Like Shea, Corwin saw duplicity all around. Ripley 1999 recounts the NATO air campaign, Operation Deliberate Force, which ultimately brought the Serbs to the negotiating table. Milosevic decided to take care of all negotiations for Serbs and sidelined the Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic. Baumann, et al. 2004 provides a military history of the NATO operation as well as the follow up Implementation Force and Stabilization Force after the signing of the Dayton Accords and places the whole operation within the context of the nascent post-Cold War period. Viney 2012 supplements this larger study with his own experience as a US soldier serving with the NATO force. Finally, Nation 2003 brings in the broader context of the region’s wars in the areas of state failure, warfare, and international reaction. Part of the War College’s Strategic Studies Institute’s publications, his book shows the larger military angle and postulates on the spread of the conflict to Greece and Turkey, two NATO members, which was the fear of many observers when conflict began in 1991.
  492.  
  493. Baumann, Robert F., George W. Gawrych, and Walter E. Kretchik. Armed Peacekeepers in Bosnia. Leavenworth, KS: Combat Studies Institute, 2004.
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  495. Using documents, interviews and visits to US and NATO forces in Bosnia, the authors analyze the first post-Cold War military operations of NATO. UNPROFOR failed to stop the 1992–1995 war, requiring a NATO force after the Dayton Accords and its subsequent transformation into the joint IFOR and SFOR.
  496. Find this resource:
  497. Corwin, Phillip. Dubious Mandate: A Memoir of the UN in Bosnia, Summer 1995. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999.
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  499. The author served as the UN’s chief political officer in Sarajevo during the summer of 1995 when the UN protection force transformed into a combatant one under NATO leadership. Corwin is critical of the Bosnian government drawing NATO into the conflict and of NATO for its willingness to wage war.
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  501. MacKenzie, Maj-Gen Lewis. Peacekeeper: The Road to Sarajevo. Toronto: Douglas and McIntyre, 1993.
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  503. As Chief of Staff for UNPROFOR, in February 1992, the author was responsible for supervising the Croatian ceasefire, which did not hold. He then headquartered in Sarajevo in April 1992, where he also held responsibility for sector Sarajevo for the next year.
  504. Find this resource:
  505. Nation, R. Craig. War in the Balkans, 1991–2002. Carlisle, PA: US Army War College, 2003.
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  507. Nation provides a case study for state failure in Yugoslavia, medium intensity warfare, and then international conflict management and intervention. He also brings in the broader perspective of the danger of conflict spreading to pit NATO members Greece and Turkey against each other over Cyprus.
  508. Find this resource:
  509. O’Shea, Brendan. The Modern Yugoslav Conflict, 1991–1995. London: Frank Cass, 1995.
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  511. As a member of the ECMM, he witnessed war in many parts of the former Yugoslavia and saw how reporting did not always mix well with realpolitik. He accuses all sides in the conflict of duplicitous behavior. His account goes year by year.
  512. Find this resource:
  513. Ripley, Tim. Operation Deliberate Force: The UN and NATO Campaign in Bosnia 1995. Lancaster, UK: Lancaster University Press, 1999.
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  515. The author recounts the NATO air campaign over the Republika Srpska, which took place 30 August to 20 September 1995, and subsequently brought Serbia to the negotiating table in Dayton. The operation also took place soon after the Croatian offensive in the Krajina known as Operation Mistral.
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  517. United Nations General Assembly. Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant to General Assembly Resolution 53/35: The Fall of Srebrenica. UN Doc. A/54/549 (1999).
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  519. The official, detailed report on how and why the United Nations failed to prevent the Bosnian Serb attacks on the UN safe haven of Srebrenica in July 1995. Reasons included the reluctance to use airpower, the lack of intelligence sharing, failure to demilitarize safe havens, and poorly armed Dutch peacekeepers.
  520. Find this resource:
  521. Viney, Mark. United States Cavalry Peacekeepers in Bosnia: An Inside Account of Operation Joint Endeavor, 1996. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2012.
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  523. As part of NATO’s first ground operation since the Cold War to implement the Dayton Peace Accords, Viney served on the ground with the 4th US Cavalry, as part of the 57,000-strong NATO force. He uses interviews, media sources, and his own experiences to relay the events of the first year of peace.
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  525. Third War (Kosovo)
  526.  
  527. While war in Kosovo did not begin until the end of the 1990s, in 1991 observers feared what would happen if the conflict arising out of Slovenia and Croatia’s declaration of independence trickled south. The domino argument stated that after Croatia would come Bosnia, which indeed happened. Then it was thought that if violence spread to Kosovo, violence might spread to Macedonia. If that worst-case scenario happened, its ethnic mix might raise the interest of Greece, a NATO member. If Greece got involved, fellow NATO member Turkey might follow. Bieber and Daskalovski 2003, therefore, provides a good starting point for a broad overview of the Kosovo crisis. It starts with background to the war and then moves through to the international administration of the breakaway province and regional implications. Timothy Garton Ash has written prolifically on the collapse of regimes across eastern Europe. Ash 1999 is an article that was written while negotiations continued in early 1999, yet the author’s comments on what had become of Yugoslavia already, with more to come, rang true (notably the separation of Serbia and Montenegro). Mertus 1999 picks up the story in Kosovo that happened in Croatia, Bosnia, and Serbia as well, when historical myths and propaganda can be distorted and manipulated for the sake of starting a war. Best known for her work on Albania, the author of Vickers 1998 provides a companion piece in studying how the Kosovo Albanians were neither Serb nor Albanian but rather something not so clearly defined. Vickers 1998 also discusses the irony of the freedom-fighter reputation of the Kosovo Liberation Army, which engaged in criminal activities. Yet, it garnered more support than the pacifists led by Rugova who failed to save Kosovo without war. Thomas, et al. 2006 provides the military detail of the war in Kosovo. Judah lived in Belgrade from 1990–1995 and reported for the London Times and the New York Review of Books. As with his books on Serbia, previously cited, he writes books helpful to the non-specialist yet nuanced and detailed enough for the specialist. Judah 2002 provides the story of Kosovo as it was throughout the 1990s and the failure of the Rambouillet negotiations in early 1999, which discredited the peaceful approach of Rugova and almost assured the NATO campaign. Judah 2008 takes the story through independence in February 2008, since the Kosovo issue did not end in 1999. McAllester 2002 provides a microhistory of Pec, a long-time multiethnic city that disintegrated into ethnic hatred, which serves as a window to happenings on the ground even if lacking in the broader perspective of the conflict.
  528.  
  529. Ash, Timothy Garton. “Cry the Dismembered Country.” New York Review of Books 46.1 (1999): 29–33.
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  531. Though written in January 1999, before the NATO bombing began, Ash’s commentary on nearly a decade of war in the former Yugoslavia illustrates how the unique allure of that country had faded as it divided into a dozen parts already, even if not officially.
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  533. Bieber, Florian, and Zidas Daskalovski, eds. Understanding the War in Kosovo. London: Frank Cass, 2003.
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  535. Provides background information on what led to war in Kosovo and then analyzes the involvement of the international community, including diplomatic attempts to solve the crisis, military intervention on humanitarian grounds, and the international administration of Kosovo and its regional implications for Albania, Macedonia, and Serbia.
  536. Find this resource:
  537. Judah, Tim. Kosovo: War and Revenge. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002.
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  539. The author describes intra-Kosovo politics and the inevitably of conflict in Kosovo after several years of war and conflict in Yugoslavia. He provides a detailed account of relations between the Kosovar diplomatic delegation to the failed Rambouillet negotiations and the Kosovo Liberation Army on the ground.
  540. Find this resource:
  541. Judah, Tim. Kosovo: What Everyone Needs to Know. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008.
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  543. Published soon after Kosovo declared independence, this book provides a good primer on the background story in Kosovo. Judah looks at the peoples of Kosovo, its historical significance, its tenure in Yugoslavia, and the role of personalities such as the Serbian leader Milosevic and the Kosovar leader Ibrahim Rugova.
  544. Find this resource:
  545. McAllester, Matthew. Beyond the Mountains of the Damned: The War Inside Kosovo. New York: New York University Press, 2002.
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  547. A reporter who went to Kosovo in spring 1999, McAllester ended up in Pec, Kosovo’s most damaged city and the site of ethnic atrocities. He tells the story of Pec through the lives of two men, one Serb and one Kosovar, who had been friends and neighbors until war began.
  548. Find this resource:
  549. Mertus, Julie. Kosovo: How Myths and Truths Started a War. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999.
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  551. Discusses how the role of national identity, either as an individual or part of a group, can be based on both truths or perceived truths. These identities shape views of the past, influence reaction to events in the present, and affect the public discourse.
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  553. Thomas, Nigel, K. Mikulan, and Darko Pavlovic. The Yugoslav Wars (2): Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia, 1992–2001. Oxford: Ospry, 2006.
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  555. The authors have produced an easy to read and helpful military history that provides excellent maps and details of the conflicts between regular forces and militia forces.
  556. Find this resource:
  557. Vickers, Miranda. Between Serb and Albanian: A History of Kosovo. New York: Columbia University Press, 1998.
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  559. Provides a good introduction to the conflict of the “in between” identity of Kosovo. Vickers explores both the KLA and its violent and criminal activities, in spite of being a liberation army, and the pacifist and ineffective Kosovar dissidents who could not bring their homeland back from the brink.
  560. Find this resource:
  561. International Reaction
  562.  
  563. The works in this section mix a number of themes in studying the international community. The author of Weller 2009 participated in the Carrington Conference on the Former Yugoslavia (Carrington preceded Owen) and the Rambouillet negotiations in 1999 and had a variety of experiences to draw from. Like books written on the international response to Bosnia and Croatia, literature written in the first decade of the 2000s also links international reaction in the Balkans, and specifically Kosovo, to the post-Cold War and post-9/11 worlds. In some cases, the timeline from Kosovo to the post-9/11 international military reactions is stronger since the seventy-eight-day NATO campaign in Kosovo lasted longer than that in Bosnia, and contingency ground attacks existed. Like Mertus 1999 (cited under Third War (Kosovo)), Badsey and Latawski 2004 gathers articles on not only the damage historical myth can cause but also on the wider context of the conflict. Latawski then joins with Smith, a colleague on the Sandhurst faculty, to argue that the NATO attack was not actually an attack on Serbia but represented this higher notion of an attack based on an international community value system (Smith and Latawski 2003). On the memoir side, King and Mason 2006 was written by authors who were on the ground in the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) after the June 1999 peace and questioned the validity of the community values intervention after the damage of war. Knudsen and Lausten 2006 brings together articles that on a micro level examine the difficulties of implementing the peace. The author of Kearney 2010 also served on the ground and faced the difficulties of gathering evidence of war crimes and helping build cases for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to prosecute in The Hague. Phillips served as a Senior Advisor to both the Department of State and the United Nations Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. Phillips 2012 is a study of international intervention that begins with the failure of negotiations in 1998 and 1999 and ends with the groundwork laid for final Kosovo self-rule in September 2012. Finally, two sets of official reports with documents provide valuable primary resources on Kosovo. United States Congress 1998 was compiled from hearings on Kosovo in 1999. Swedish Prime Minister Goran Persson initiated the Independent International Commission on Kosovo 2000, which UN Secretary General Kofi Annan then endorsed, and former ICTY Chief Prosecutor Richard Goldstone chaired. This report concludes that international law, as it stood, did not balance the human rights of individual citizens with the rights of states. Utilizing the most sophisticated military forces available for humanitarian purposes did not preclude difficulties in practice. See also Legacy of International Intervention in Yugoslavia.
  564.  
  565. Badsey, Stephen, and Paul Latawski, eds. Britain, NATO, and the Lessons of the Balkan Conflicts, 1991–1999. Sandhurst Conference Series. London: Frank Cass, 2004.
  566. DOI: 10.4324/9780203495285Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  567. While covering all conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the focus is on Kosovo and how historical myth can create misleading lessons from history. Topics also include the role of the UN, Russia, the media, and the nexus between humanitarian and military operations.
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  569. Independent International Commission on Kosovo. The Kosovo Report: Conflict, International Response, Lessons Learned. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.
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  571. Examines the origins of the conflict and the role of internal armed conflict, international intervention, diplomacy, international law, media, and humanitarian organizations. It concludes that military intervention on humanitarian grounds did not create a precedent for action elsewhere but rather raised the question of the legitimacy and practicality of intervention.
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  573. Kearney, Philip. Under the Blue Flag: My Mission in Kosovo. Beverly Hills, CA: Phoenix, 2010.
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  575. A former DA who applied for a UN job prosecuting war crimes in Kosovo on a whim, the author found himself thrown into the chaos in 2001 of investigating violations of humanitarian law during the 1990s and compiling prosecutions.
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  577. King, Iain, and Whit Mason. Peace at Any Price: How the World Failed Kosovo. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006.
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  579. The authors describe the difficulties of international intervention even when humanitarian concerns and a sense of justice seem to demand it. Both served with UNMIK, authorized in June 1999, and sensed that the mission failed to achieve its goals.
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  581. Knudsen, Tonny Brems, and Carsten Bagge Lausten, eds. Kosovo Between War and Peace: Nationalism, Peacebuilding and International Trusteeship. New York: Routledge, 2006.
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  583. Both Dutch scholars, the editors here collect articles that show the reemergence of the trusteeship model in Kosovo and how the international community dealt with issues of local governance, criminal activity, unstable markets, and identity.
  584. Find this resource:
  585. Phillips, David L. Liberating Kosovo: Coercive Diplomacy and US Intervention. Cambridge, MA: Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, 2012.
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  587. Phillips traces the entire crisis of Kosovo from Milosevic’s rise in the late 1980s through the failed negotiations and military action in 1999 to international administration and declaration of independence for Kosovo in 2008, which laid the groundwork for final self-rule in 2012.
  588. Find this resource:
  589. Smith, Martin, and Paul Latawski. The Kosovo Crisis: The Evolution of Post Cold War European Security. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2003.
  590. DOI: 10.7228/manchester/9780719059797.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  591. The authors examine the Kosovo war within the context of European security affairs and the debate about intervention and its impact on NATO and its relations with Russia. They argue that the NATO operation was not an attack on Serbia but rather demonstrated an evolution of the “community of values.”
  592. Find this resource:
  593. United States Congress. The Crisis in Kosovo: Hearings Before the Subcommittee on European Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, 105th Congress, 2nd Session, May 6 and June 28, 1998. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1998.
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  595. A collection of public documents, testimony, and US Government records on the Kosovo Crisis.
  596. Find this resource:
  597. Weller, Marc. Contested Statehood: Kosovo’s Struggle for Independence. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.
  598. DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199566167.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  599. A participant in negotiations, Weller provided historical background but focuses on the shuttle diplomacy of 1998, the failed Rambouillet talks of 1999, the NATO campaign of March to June 1999, the UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), and finally independence in 2008.
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  601. NATO’s Operation Allied Force
  602.  
  603. Operation Allied Force was the first major combat operation for humanitarian purposes against a state for actions committed within the state’s own borders. Unlike the Bosnia campaign, which lasted a few weeks, the air campaign against Serbia lasted for seventy-eight days. This military campaign brought NATO action to a new level and engendered a new analysis of the idea of international military intervention and new criticism too—criticism of the diplomacy of the military campaign as well as the military conduct of the campaign. On the more positive side is the work of Wesley Clark. He first served as the lead military negotiator for the Dayton Peace Accords. He took over as Supreme Allied Commander, Europe, in 1997 (and served until 2000). Clark 2001 discusses Bosnia also but is placed here because of the size of the Kosovo campaign and its place as an example of the new type of conflict NATO would engage in and has continued to engage in (e.g., Libya in 2011). Henriksen 2007 argues that the international community was more used to high-intensity conflicts, such as the 1991 Persian Gulf War. NATO “won” in Kosovo by increasing the bombing, planning for a ground invasion, and intensifying diplomacy with Belgrade until it proved ready to negotiate. Lambeth 2001 is more critical. The author argues that Operation Allied Force was technically a victory, albeit a disappointing one from the military point of view. Perry, et al. 2002 provides another Rand study, in addition to Lambeth, that focuses on US Army involvement as part of NATO’s larger campaign and reveals NATO planning for a ground invasion through Romania and Hungary. Daalder and O’Hanlon 2001 does not criticize the decision to begin the bombing campaign but thinks it could have been better executed. Daalder took over as US ambassador to NATO in 2009 and helped persuade NATO to take over the bombing campaign in Libya in 2011, another campaign that took longer than expected to achieve its outcome and that faced criticism for its lack of an “endgame.” Martin and Brawley 2001 continues the discussion that began with the Bosnia operation about the place of this type of conflict in the North Atlantic alliance. As for the other side of the conflict, Hosmer 2001 looks at the viewpoint of Serb leader Milosevic and why it took him so long to agree to negotiations. Holding out longer than NATO expected, Hosmer posits that ultimately domestic conditions prompted Milosevic to change his mind in order to ensure his continued place of power in Serbia. He would politically survive until October 2000. Cordesman 2001 provides an in-depth analysis of the campaign examining everything from target expansion to weapons and aircraft used, to planning for a ground invasion, and lessons learned.
  604.  
  605. Clark, Wesley. Waging Modern War: Bosnia, Kosovo, and the Future of Conflict. New York: Public Affairs, 2001.
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  607. Clark led NATO during the Kosovo campaign. His memoir presents his perspective of the transformation of a Cold War entity in the post-Cold War world, and how he balanced diplomacy, military operations, and domestic politics. The operation, Clark believed, showed the need for NATO to adapt to each conflict.
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  609. Cordesman, Anthony H. The Lessons and non-Lessons of the Air and Missile Campaign for Kosovo. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001.
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  611. This is a straight encyclopedic and detailed military history of the military campaign that arose after the failure of the peace talks in early 1999. Cordesman covers everything from NATO objectives to target lists, weather, precision guided weapons, and mistakes such as the bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade.
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  613. Daalder, Ivo, and Michael E. O’Hanlon. Winning Ugly: NATO’s War to Save Kosovo. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2001.
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  615. The authors look at the causes, conduct, and consequences of the Kosovo bombing and conclude that while it would have been difficult to avoid the decision to start the bombing campaign, it could have been better conducted.
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  617. Henriksen, Dag. NATO’s Gamble: Combining Diplomacy and Airpower in the Kosovo Crisis, 1998–1999. Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2007.
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  619. Examines how politics, diplomacy, and military operations managed the Kosovo crisis and how airpower became the main instrument in that operation. Henriksen argues that military leaders had no clear strategic guidance and no endgame in mind.
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  621. Hosmer, Stephen T. The Conflict Over Kosovo: Why Milosevic Decided to Settle When He Did. Project Air Force Series on Operation Allied Force. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 2001.
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  623. Hosmer analyzes how and why the Serb leader moved from intransigence in February 1999 to concessions in June 1999. First Milosevic thought compromise would end his rule and then found that compromise might save it. Public opinion grew to favor concessions as well and the Serb economy suffered greatly.
  624. Find this resource:
  625. Lambeth, Benjamin S. NATO’s Air War for Kosovo: A Strategic and Operational Assessment. Project Air Force Series on Operation Allied Force. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 2001.
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  627. The author, known for his military studies, provides the case for and against the air campaign and concludes that victory was not inevitable and that the campaign appeared ineffective until the final few weeks.
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  629. Martin, Pierre, and Mark R. Brawley, eds. Alliance Politics, Kosovo, and NATO’s War: Allied Force or Forced Allies? New York: Palgrave, 2001.
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  631. The chapters in this volume examine the roles played by France, Germany, Britain, Italy, Canada, and the whole Atlantic alliance with the overall theme that NATO acted as a willing coalition. The operation tested the alliance’s purpose yet also raised issues about its place in the post-Cold War world.
  632. Find this resource:
  633. Perry, Walter, Bruce Nardulli, Bruce Pirni, John Gordon, and John G. McGinn. Disjointed War: Military Operations in Kosovo, 1999. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 2002.
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  635. This Rand study focuses not just on the army but also on the creation of Task Force Hawk, an army unit deployed to Albania that never actually fired a shot and represented a bit of a mishap on the part of the overall execution of the NATO plan.
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  637. The Threat of War in Macedonia
  638.  
  639. The trickle-down theory of ethnic conflict that observers feared for Kosovo once conflict began in 1991 ended with Macedonia and its implications for the wider Balkans and NATO allies Greece and Turkey. As the Kosovo crisis flared up in 1999, refugees streamed across the border into Macedonia, sparking fears that the small country would not be able to handle the influx of people. Its own political conflict peaked at the turn of the millennium: but unlike in the case of many of its former counterparts in Yugoslavia, a peaceful solution emerged. Roudometof 2000 covers this topic. Geographic Macedonia covered land beyond its political borders as a Yugoslav republic and then an independent country, extending into Bulgaria, Greece, southern Serbia, and Albania. Indeed, as Macedonia emerged peacefully as an independent country, Greece blocked its UN membership until it agreed to enter as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), since northern Greece also has a Macedonian region. Much of the history of Macedonia is wrapped up with the question of an ethnic or national identity. Rossos 2008 is a brief history covering 2,000 years and shows the development of an identity as geographic Macedonia slowly transformed into political Macedonia. He argues that political realities dictated acceptance of a separate Macedonian identity. Poulton 1995 spent years researching for Amnesty International and advising the Minority Rights Group. His volume begins with the Ottoman decline in the 19th century when its Balkan territories began to gain autonomy and independence. Pettifer 1999 focuses on the 20th and early 21st centuries. The case of Macedonia may be the best example in the former Yugoslavia about whether national identities are rooted in the past or invented under certain circumstances. Like Hockenos 2003 (cited under the Collapse of Yugoslavia) who examined the role played by the Diaspora, Danforth 1995 looked at “Macedonians” in Australia and found different communities developed in the same town depending on one’s identity with Macedonia, Greece, or Bulgaria. While Macedonia left Yugoslavia peacefully, writing on the subject has made it no less controversial than other parts of Yugoslavia and has prompted accusations of favoritism to one side or the other. The idea of “Macedonia” therefore remains unsettled. Yet, the UN peacekeeping forces experienced more success in Macedonia than elsewhere in Yugoslavia. The UN Preventive Deployment Force (UNPREDEP) began in 1992 and lasted until 1998. Williams 2000 and Sokalski 2003 provide memoirs of the mixed success of the mission. UN Secretary General Boutros-Ghali called Sokalski at his home in Warsaw to lead the mission in 1995, and Sokalski was disappointed the mission was not renewed in 1998, despite trouble brewing in Kosovo. Phillips 2004 concludes the story of Macedonia, which finally succumbed to some conflict in 2001, yet quickly came out of it with concessions and NATO backing.
  640.  
  641. Danforth, Loring. The Macedonian Conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in a Transnational World. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995.
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  643. Danforth explores the question of Macedonian identity by combining the larger context of Balkan history with the smaller one of Yugoslavia’s collapse using a theoretical framework on ethnic nationalism. He also discusses how the Diaspora can influence the development of identity and concludes that national identity is a social construct.
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  645. Pettifer, James, ed. The New Macedonian Question. London: Macmillan, 1999.
  646. DOI: 10.1057/9780230535794Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  647. Looks at the history of Macedonia, its political growth in the last one hundred years, its own groups of ethnic minorities, and its emergence as an independent state in the 1990s without succumbing to war.
  648. Find this resource:
  649. Phillips, John. Macedonia: Warlords and Rebels in the Balkans. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004.
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  651. Phillips follows the story of Macedonia past the 1990s to early 2001 when an insurgency by Albanian minorities almost sparked the fifth Balkan war of Yugoslavia’s collapse. The August 2001 Ohrid Agreement promised greater decentralization and Operation Essential Harvest had NATO troops disarm rebels.
  652. Find this resource:
  653. Poulton, Hugh. Who Are the Macedonians? Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995.
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  655. His thorough history of the area, peoples, and contested ownership begins in the late 19th century and continues through the Balkan Wars and two world wars. Tito fostered a Macedonian identity to establish a balance in Yugoslavia. The second half of the book deals with the 1990s.
  656. Find this resource:
  657. Rossos, Andrew. Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 2008.
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  659. From its position within ancient and medieval kingdoms through its national awakening under the Ottomans and its partition in the 20th century, Macedonia emerged with a different political identity within its smaller independent political boundaries. Rossos argues that acceptance of a Macedonian national identity became a necessity for regional stability.
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  661. Roudometof, Victor, ed. The Macedonian Question: Culture, Historiography, Politics. Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 2000.
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  663. As the Balkan conflict spread to Kosovo, the fear mounted that Macedonia would be next. This collection of essays discusses the polarizing issues of national identity, historiography, politics and history, and national minorities inside and outside of Macedonia.
  664. Find this resource:
  665. Sokalski, Henryk J. An Ounce of Prevention: Macedonia and the UN Experience in Preventive Diplomacy. Washington, DC: U.S. Institute of Peace, 2003.
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  667. Former head of UNPREDEP in FYROM, 1995–1998, Sokalski led a peacekeeping force during the uniquely peaceful secession of Macedonia from Yugoslavia. He provides an inside account and does not hide his disappointment that the UN Security Council did not renew the mission in 1998.
  668. Find this resource:
  669. Williams, Abiodun. Preventing War. New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000.
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  671. Having served as political adviser to UN peacekeeping operations in Macedonia and Bosnia, Williams saw both the failure and success of UN efforts in the former Yugoslavia and recounts here the establishment of UNPREDEP and how it contributed to Macedonia avoiding war.
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  673. International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
  674.  
  675. International humanitarian law has slowly developed since the adoption of the first Geneva Convention in 1864 and Hague Convention in 1899. The UN Security Council adopted Resolutions 808 and 827 in 1993 to establish the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague as a means to address individual responsibility for the commission of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. The ICTY has indicted people from all sides of the Yugoslav conflict and most notably Milosevic, Radovan Karadzic, and Radko Mladic. Companion to the Memoirs of Chief Prosecutors are two sets of primary documents that provide the detail of the basis and operation of the ICTY. Tofan 2012 is a compendium of facts, figures, and details about the operational aspects of the ICTY from a publisher that specializes in following international law. The United Nations Security Council 1994, by its Commission of Experts from 1992, researched and laid the foundation for the Security Council to justify the establishment of the ICTY on humanitarian grounds. The UN Secretary General transferred the report to the ICTY to help it carry out its mandate to prosecute war crimes. While the ICTY had some success in prosecuting war crimes, it has faced obstacles also and come under criticism. Neier 1998 (cited under Diplomacy and the First Two Wars) accused the international community of an empty gesture in establishing the court as a fig leaf for avoiding real action. The court suffered from funding early on and received criticism for its slow pace. Hazan 2004, written by a French journalist, followed the court proceedings for many years—both its successes and failures—and writes on both its inner workings as well as its place within the context of ongoing diplomacy to ensure stability in the former Yugoslavia (since wars and negotiations to stop wars continued while the court operated). Hagan 2003 also offers a history of the court and its obstacles and largely credits Arbour, the ICTY’s third chief prosecutor, as a seminal figure in establishing the legitimacy of the court. Nettlefield 2010 believes that the international community has not fully appreciated the contribution the ICTY has made to international law writ large but also on the ground in moving Bosnia-Hercegovina toward democracy. Having an international body deal with war crimes frees an emergent country to focus on its political development. Yet, Rajkovic 2012 points to the other side of that argument in his book, which explores the erratic pattern of compliance with the ICTY by Serbia and Croatia and how the international community used aid money as a way to force cooperation by otherwise less than compliant domestic political parties.
  676.  
  677. Armatta, Judith. Twilight of Impunity: The War Crimes Trial of Slobodan Milosevic. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010.
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  679. The author, a human rights lawyer, provides an account of the prosecution of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide of the former Yugoslav and Serbian leader, begun in 2002 and ending with the defendant’s death in 2006.
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  681. Hagan, John. Justice in the Balkans: Prosecuting War Crimes in the Hague Tribunal. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003.
  682. DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226312309.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  683. Hagan traces how the ICTY grew from an unfunded UNSC resolution to an institution with more than 1,000 employees and $100m budget. He argues that the tribunal overcame obstacles because of the strong individuals who have helped shape it, including the chief prosecutors. He singles out Louise Arbour.
  684. Find this resource:
  685. Hazan, Pierre. Justice in Time of War: The True Story Behind the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Translated by James T. Snyder. College Station: Texas A & M Press, 2004.
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  687. A French journalist for Liberation, Hazan covered the birth of the ICTY, the obstacles it encountered, the trials in The Hague, the indictment of Milosevic, and the interaction between justice, diplomacy, and politics.
  688. Find this resource:
  689. Nettlefield, Lara J. Courting Democracy in Bosnia and Hercegovina: The Hague Tribunal’s Impact in a Postwar State. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
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  691. Nettlefield used interviews and field research to argue that the ICTY has been an underappreciated organization and has in fact made a substantial contribution toward the transition of Bosnia-Hercegovina to democracy.
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  693. Rajkovic, Nikolas. The Politics of International Law and Compliance: Serbia, Croatia, and The Hague Tribunal. Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2012.
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  695. Rajkovic argues that, despite the death of Tudjman in 1999 and the fall of Milosevic in 2000, Croatia and Serbia’s respective governments did not readily comply with the ICTY. The arrest and extradition of Radko Mladic, which did not happen until 1 June 2011, stands out as a notable example.
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  697. Tofan, C., ed. Encyclopedia on the ICTY. 2 Vols. Oisterwijk, The Netherlands: International Courts Association, 2012.
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  699. This two-volume set by the ICA, which publishes many books on international law and proceedings, is an overview of the ICTY and the 161 indictments to date starting with the first indictment in 1994.
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  701. United Nations Security Council. Final Report of the Commission of Experts Established Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 780 to Investigate Violations of International Humanitarian Law in the Former Yugoslavia. UN Doc. S/1994/674 (1994).
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  703. Established in 1992, the Commission of Experts’ final report established that grave violations of the Geneva Convention and international humanitarian law had been committed on a large scale in the former Yugoslavia.
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  705. Memoirs of Chief Prosecutors
  706.  
  707. Memoirs written by the three most prominent chief prosecutors for the ICTY—Goldstone 2000, Arbour 2002, and Del Ponte and Sudetic 2009—provide detailed and valuable firsthand accounts of the set-up and operation of the tribunal. One can see the inner workings of the tribunal but also the periodic tension with diplomatic efforts in the pursuit of justice and the struggle to make clear to the broader public some of the abstract and seemingly incomprehensible procedures of international law. Goldstone succeeded Ramon Escovar Salom of Venezuela, who served as the ICTY’s first chief prosecutor in 1993–1994, and is credited with getting the court organized and raising its profile. Arbour succeeded Goldstone in 1996, and then Del Ponte took over in 1999. Both women continued the high profile of the court and moved the institution forward in dealing not just with Yugoslavia but also Rwanda.
  708.  
  709. Arbour, Louise. War Crimes and the Culture of Peace. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002.
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  711. Arbour succeeded Goldstone as prosecutor from 1996–1999 and indicted Milosevic. She writes of the minimal level of public awareness and understanding of international law because of the way in which it is practiced and of the evolving nature of international law where personal (rather than group) accountability is essential.
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  713. Del Ponte, Carla, and Chuck Sudetic. Madame Prosecutor: Confrontations with Humanity’s Worst Criminals and the Culture of Impunity. New York: Other Press, 2009.
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  715. After a brief interlude, Del Ponte served as the fourth prosecutor from 1999–2008. She gained a reputation for prosecuting the Sicilian mafia while serving as Swiss attorney general. Her memoir recounts the difficulties in dealing with the constraints of the UN bureaucracy and diplomats while trying to pursue justice for individuals.
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  717. Goldstone, Richard. For Humanity: Reflections of a War Crimes Investigator. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000.
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  719. Goldstone gained worldwide recognition for his leadership of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission as it made the peaceful transition from Apartheid and served as the second prosecutor from 1994–1996. His memoir retells getting an organization off the ground that held an important mission but did not have sufficient funding.
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  721. Legacy of International Intervention in Yugoslavia
  722.  
  723. Examining the effect and context of international community intervention, either diplomatic or military (i.e., NATO), began early on in the Yugoslav conflicts, since the crises occurred soon after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The wars provided an opportunity, in a sense, for the Atlantic alliance to find a new purpose. Works cited in the sections dealing with the international response to Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo touch on this theme. But analyzing international intervention in Yugoslavia, especially the military angle, increased after 9/11. The notion grew of justifying military operations on humanitarian grounds in order to promote a community of values. Power 2002 accepts the need for this type of intervention yet recognizes that intervention generally fails to stop atrocities. Gibbs 2009, which was written several years later, nevertheless takes issue with Power’s viewpoint and challenges the idea that intervention may be necessary even if unsuccessful. Rather, Gibbs asserts that intervention is counterproductive and utilitarian. Kaufman 2002 argues that despite the experience and lessons of its intervention in the Yugoslav wars, NATO has still not fully found its purpose. Johnstone 2002 moves a step further to see the continuity in NATO’s transformation from Kosovo to 9/11. Ingrao and Emmert 2009 takes a retrospective look at the international community’s reaction and topics studied as events unfolded. With the former Yugoslavia having seemingly completed its transformation with the separation of Serbia and Montenegro as two independent states in 2006 and the independence of Kosovo in 2008, an author can look back with greater perspective. Ramcharan’s career with the UN Secretariat covered over thirty years, and he worked extensively in human rights. He served as the director of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia (ICFY) from 1992–1996, during the Croatian and Bosnian conflicts. His memoir uses his experience and document access to review the effectiveness of UN operations in Yugoslavia through the entire conflict. Ramcharan 2011 notes that in Yugoslavia, peacekeepers and peace negotiators incorporated principles of human rights into operations and treaties at a level not used before, seemingly at the risk of appearing to favor a side. Parenti 2002 takes a different approach in analyzing the international community’s involvement by undertaking a harsh criticism of the West. The author argues that the West’s intervention was not benign but rather ruthless and selfish as a means to promote free-market globalization. For Parenti, arguing that policymakers fumbled in Yugoslavia is absurd. Rather, policymakers were intelligent, consistent, and deliberate in their attempt to confuse the public and control the media. Finally, Petersen 2011 studies the role of emotion, as a rational rather than an irrational factor, in the Yugoslav wars and explains how the West never grasped its use as a rational factor, thus stifling effective intervention.
  724.  
  725. Gibbs, David. First Do No Harm: Humanitarian Intervention and the Destruction of Yugoslavia. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2009.
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  727. Looks at the role of humanitarian intervention in US foreign policy and challenges the popular view that NATO bombings played a role in resolving the conflicts. Instead, the bombings contributed to the country’s destruction and spread violence and mostly centered on European hegemony in the world.
  728. Find this resource:
  729. Ingrao, Charles W., and Thomas A. Emmert, eds. Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies. West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2009.
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  731. The volume brings together scholars, journalists, and public officials to look back nearly twenty years after conflict began to provide perspective on a wide range of topics—Yugoslavia’s disintegration, Kosovo, breakaway republics, minorities, ethnic cleansing and war crimes, the ICTY, safe havens, and the international community’s diplomatic and military actions.
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  733. Johnstone, Diana. Fool’s Crusade: Yugoslavia, NATO, and Western Delusions. New York: Monthly Review Press, 2002.
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  735. Written in a post-9/11 context, the author places the intervention in Yugoslavia as the start of NATO’s humanitarian interventions in places that threaten the hegemony of the international community. She shows how Kosovo began a transformation that 9/11 continued for NATO.
  736. Find this resource:
  737. Kaufman, Joyce P. NATO and the Former Yugoslavia: Crisis, Conflict, and the Atlantic Alliance. New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002.
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  739. Kaufman argues that the timing of the Yugoslav crisis coincided with NATO’s post-Cold War identity crisis, and the wars in Yugoslavia proved critical to an alliance in search of a purpose. While the new global context allowed the alliance to enlarge, it remained unprepared to deal with ethnic conflict.
  740. Find this resource:
  741. Parenti, Michael. To Kill a Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia. London: Verso, 2002.
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  743. A prominent social critic, Parenti challenges the mainstream media’s coverage of the wars in Yugoslavia, drawing on his visit there in 1999. He accuses the international community of hidden agendas, leaders of lying, US policymakers of intentionally confusing the public, and the US media of promoting international capitalism.
  744. Find this resource:
  745. Petersen, Roger D. Western Intervention in the Balkans: The Strategic Use of Emotion in Conflict. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011.
  746. DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511862564Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  747. The author traces the history of ethnic conflict using a new theoretical framework of emotion and the role of the West up to 2008. He looks not just at Bosnia and Kosovo but also at areas that experienced conflict, to a lesser degree, such as southern Serbia, Macedonia, and Montenegro.
  748. Find this resource:
  749. Power, Samantha. A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide. New York: Basic Books, 2002.
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  751. Power is a former war correspondent and founding director of Harvard’s Carr Center for Human Rights Policy. Her Pulitzer Prize–winning book deals with Bosnia generally, Srebrenica specifically, and Kosovo, and she discusses why the “never again” mentality of the West nevertheless fails to stop genocide.
  752. Find this resource:
  753. Ramcharan, Bertrand G. Human Rights and U.N. Peace Operations: Yugoslavia. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2011.
  754. DOI: 10.1163/ej.9789004202962.i-279Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  755. The author served as director of the ICFY from 1992 to 1996 and then as area director of the Office of the UN Special Representative for peacekeeping and humanitarian operations and uses original materials in his possession to discuss how human rights played a role in UN operations during the Yugoslav wars.
  756. Find this resource:
  757. Successor States of War
  758.  
  759. Some successor states experienced no international administration and others experienced total international administration. The end of war did not necessarily mean the beginning of transition if wartime leaders remained in power. Slovenia left Yugoslavia with relative ease and little violence and quietly began its transformation in 1991 into the new “post-1989” central Europe and ultimately European institutions such as the European Union. Mrak, et al. 2004 presents a volume tracing the development of Slovenia. Many of the authors participated in the transformation of Slovenia and include the president, former vice-premier, ministers of finance and European affairs, and governors of the Bank of Slovenia. For Croatia, transition proved more difficult, particularly since Franjo Tudjman stayed in office until his death in December 1999. Croatia did not experience international administration, but the Tudjman legacy and lingering compliance issues regarding war crimes has delayed its entry into the “club” of Europe. Lukic 2008 brings together a diverse set of articles that covers everything from economics and foreign relations to contemporary social policy and activism issues. In the case of Serbia, Milosevic, like Tudjman, survived the wars of the 1990s until October 2000. Stojanovic 2003 indicts the West for not isolating Milosevic in the early 1990s but rather continuing to negotiate with him, thus delaying the transformation of Serbia. Bosnia and Kosovo both experienced a war that reached across their entire lands and then an international administration that gradually turned over self-rule while ensuring that peace remained. Toal and Dahlman 2011 posits that despite an uneven effort by the international community to reverse ethnic partition, segregation has decreased in the postwar years. Bose 2002 defends the Dayton structure but recognizes difficulties in creating a multi-ethnic state when communities are not vested in a central state. Bose argues that the implementation of Dayton shows a continuity with Tito’s Yugoslavia by the way that positions are ethnically allocated. Chandler 2000, on the other hand, is more critical of the Dayton structure and argues that a multi-layered, bloated administration has impeded Bosnia’s development. This second edition includes commentary on Kosovo. Perritt 2010 explores Kosovo’s road to independence developed by envoy and Nobel Peace Prize winner Martti Ahtisaari over Serbia and Russia’s objections. On 10 September 2012 international administrators of Kosovo turned over all functions to the Kosovar government, but Serbia and Russia still do not recognize the 2008 declaration of independence. Hehir 2010 shows how the international administration of Kosovo has been both a model for future use but also controversial. Against the backdrop of these successor states and their domestic transition lays the role of the international community and shifting global priorities. Innes 2006 shows how transitions in successor states take years, but the global security situation is dynamic and the priorities of the international community shifted after 9/11.
  760.  
  761. Bose, Sumantra. Bosnia after Dayton: Nationalist Partition and International Intervention. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.
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  763. Bose focuses on Mostar as he looks at the partition debate, political infrastructure, and lessons learned since Dayton. Despite the Bosnian Serbs and Bosnian Croats’ preference for partition, Bose defends the Dayton Accords. He highlights the adoption of Tito’s policy of carefully dividing leadership positions among the three ethnic groups as a means to maintain balance.
  764. Find this resource:
  765. Chandler, David. Bosnia: Faking Democracy after Dayton. London: Pluto, 2000.
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  767. Chandler used interviews with OSCE officials in Bosnia and original research to postulate that very little democracy has developed in Bosnia because of too many power structures. The Muslim-Croat Federation, Republika Srpska, Office of Human Rights, NATO, OSCE overlap and compete. In the end, the international administration of Bosnia reinforced ethnic division.
  768. Find this resource:
  769. Hehir, Aidan, ed. Kosovo, Intervention and Statebuilding: The International Community and the Transition to Independence. Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2010.
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  771. Examines the international administration of Kosovo including governance, ethnic sovereignty, security, and justice. Kosovo moved from transitional administration to transitional statehood. The overarching question is whether international state building in Kosovo serves as a valid precedent for future places.
  772. Find this resource:
  773. Innes, Michael A., ed. Bosnian Security after Dayton: New Perspectives. Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2006.
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  775. This volume illustrates how postwar goals change owing to fluid global security concerns. The interplay between the way forward for Bosnia-Hercegovina and 9/11 produced shifts in rebuilding priorities. A chapter on North African mujahideen in the western Balkans influenced how the international community viewed Bosnia and its policy toward crime, corruption, and terror in a transitional state.
  776. Find this resource:
  777. Lukic, Reneo, ed. Croatia since Independence: War, Politics, Society, Foreign Relations. Munich: R. Oldenbourg Wissenschaft Verlag, 2008.
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  779. Examines the legacy of war for Croats and Croatian Serbs, the challenges of political transformation after Tudjman, economics, civilian-military relations, religion, literature, gays and lesbians, anarchist activism, and foreign relations with European countries to the west, Serbia to the east, and the ICTY.
  780. Find this resource:
  781. Mrak, Mojmir, Matija Rojec, and Carlos Silva-Jaurequi, eds. Slovenia: From Yugoslavia to European Union. Washington, DC: International Bank for Reconstruction, 2004.
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  783. Continues the story of the quiet departure and transformation of Slovenia from Yugoslavia. It gradually moved to a free-market economy, transformed a regional economy into a national one, and politically moved from a province to a member of the European Union.
  784. Find this resource:
  785. Perritt, Henry H., Jr. The Road to Independence for Kosovo: A Chronicle of the Ahtisaari Plan. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
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  787. The author recounts the episodes of 20th-century bloodshed as an introduction to the diplomacy of determining the final status of Kosovo in 2008. Former Finnish president and UN diplomat, Martti Ahtisaari, served as special envoy to Kosovo and developed a framework.
  788. Find this resource:
  789. Stojanovic, Svetozar. Serbia: The Democratic Revolution. Amherst, NY: Humanity Books, 2003.
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  791. This Serbian scholar examines what led to the peaceful overthrow of Milosevic in October 2000, more than a year after the Kosovo war ended. As both an observer and a participant in the political transformation of Serbia, he criticizes the West for dealing with Milosevic throughout multiple wars up to 1999.
  792. Find this resource:
  793. Toal, Gerard, and Carl T. Dahlman. Bosnia Remade: Ethnic Cleansing and its Reversal. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.
  794. DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730360.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  795. This microhistory of three towns recounts the story of ethnic cleansing and its partial undoing in more recent years owing to the return of refugees. The international community and Bosnian officials have not consistently tried to reverse demographic changes caused by the war, but the overall movement away from segregation has succeeded.
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