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Cassius Dio (Classics)

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  1. Introduction
  2. The surviving books of Cassius Dio’s Roman history (those that have survived intact and those preserved by Byzantine epitomators or exceptors) provide the most detailed, extended account of Roman history from the legendary beginnings of the city to AD 229 and for much of this period are the only surviving annalistic account. Written in Greek by the descendant of a distinguished family from Nicaea in Bithynia who rose to hold the consulship twice, Dio’s eighty-volume Roman history includes much from his firsthand interaction with Roman emperors and is a crucial source of evidence for the perception of Roman rule by Greeks and for the misunderstanding of the Republican and early imperial periods in particular by those living under the developed imperial system.
  3.  
  4. Bibliographies
  5. Despite his importance as a source for Roman history, Dio has been thought worthy of only of one major, comprehensive bibliography. Martinelli 1999 and the subsequent update in Martinelli 2002 provide summaries of around fifty years of modern scholarly discussions of Dio. The various contributions to ANRW II 34.3 (see Haase 1997, cited under Collections of Articles) provide substantial but partial bibliographies.
  6.  
  7. Martinelli, Giovanna. 1999. L’ultimo secolo di studi su Cassio Dione. Genoa, Italy: Accademia Ligure di Scienze e Lettere.
  8.  
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  10.  
  11. A useful summary of 473 pieces of modern scholarship published between 1951 and 1995 and of eleven editions or translations.
  12.  
  13. Find this resource:
  14.  
  15.  
  16. Martinelli, Giovanna. 2002. Nuovi studi su Cassio Dione. Rivista storica dell’antichità 32:259–270.
  17.  
  18. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  19.  
  20. A collection of scholarly items on Dio to be added to her 1999 monograph.
  21.  
  22. Find this resource:
  23.  
  24.  
  25. Editions and Textual History
  26. The complex problems of evaluating the respective epitomizing techniques of Xiphilinus and Zonaras and the excerpting of various Byzantine authors, in addition to the usual problems of establishing a text from the direct manuscript tradition, make the editing of Dio a formidable task. Melber 1890–1928 covers only Books 1–60, but Boissevain 1895–1901 provides the standard text of the whole History, which has not been superseded, although alternative readings of individual passages are sometimes preferred by later editors of parts of the work. The Perseus archive makes available a useful electronic text of Dio with online language assistance.
  27.  
  28. Boissevain, U. P. 1895–1901. Cassi Dionis Cocceiani historiarum romanarum quae supersunt. 3 vols. Berlin: Weidmann.
  29.  
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  31.  
  32. A massive work of scholarship, based on firsthand collation of the manuscripts, that incorporates the allocation of fragments to all books and a division of books that differs from the “standard” system of Löwenklau.
  33.  
  34. Find this resource:
  35.  
  36.  
  37. Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae.
  38.  
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  40.  
  41. An excellent digital edition of Cassius Dio (based on Cary—see Dio 1914–1927, cited under Translations into English) accompanied by tools for digital vocabulary analysis.
  42.  
  43. Find this resource:
  44.  
  45.  
  46. Melber, J. 1890–1928. Dionis Cassii Cocceiani Historia romana. 3 vols. Leipzig: Teubner.
  47.  
  48. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  49.  
  50. Based on Dindorf’s edition, going only as far as Book 60, but with succinct account of editions published since 1548.
  51.  
  52. Find this resource:
  53.  
  54.  
  55. Translations into English
  56. Dio’s Greek does not pose major problems of translation. The standard English translation of the whole work is Cary’s (Dio 1914–1927) in the Loeb series, but the easily accessible and more modern translation by Scott-Kilvert for Books 50–56 (Dio 1987) is useful, while Edmondson (Dio 1992) usefully translates sections of Books 58–63.
  57.  
  58. Dio, C. 1914–1927. Dio’s Roman history. 9 vols. Translated by E. Cary. London and Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press.
  59.  
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  61.  
  62. A basically solid translation (based on that of Herbert Foster) with facing Greek text.
  63.  
  64. Find this resource:
  65.  
  66.  
  67. Dio, C. 1987. Cassius Dio: The Roman history: The reign of Augustus. Translated by I. Scott-Kilvert. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin.
  68.  
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  70.  
  71. A modern, readable translation well supported by historical notes by John Carter.
  72.  
  73. Find this resource:
  74.  
  75.  
  76. Dio, C. 1992. Dio: The Julio-Claudians: Selections from Books 58–63 of the Roman history of Cassius Dio. Translated by J. Edmondson. London: Association of Classical Teachers.
  77.  
  78. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  79.  
  80. A substantial introductory essay followed by translation of key passages from Books 58 to 60 and 63, with helpful scholarly commentary and bibliographic assistance.
  81.  
  82. Find this resource:
  83.  
  84.  
  85. Indexes
  86. The three volumes of Boissevain 1895–1901 (cited under Editions and Textual History) were rounded off by Smilda 1926 and Nawijn 1931, two complementary, comprehensive indexes whose usefulness is not eliminated by electronic search tools such as the Thesaurus Linguae Graecae.
  87.  
  88. Nawijn, W. 1931. Cassii Dionis Cocceiani Historiarum Romanarum index Graecitatis. Berlin: Weidmann.
  89.  
  90. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  91.  
  92. Index of Dio’s Greek usage, especially helpful for Greek equivalents of Latin terms.
  93.  
  94. Find this resource:
  95.  
  96.  
  97. Smilda, H. 1926. Cassii Dionis Cocceiani Historiarum Romanarum index historicus. Berlin: Weidmann.
  98.  
  99. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  100.  
  101. Comprehensive index of personal names and key historical terms.
  102.  
  103. Find this resource:
  104.  
  105.  
  106. Collections of Articles
  107. Dio has not attracted multiauthor collections of essays or even collections specifically devoted to him, but Haase 1997 contains six essays and Lachenaud and Longrée 2003 contains three essays on various aspects of Dio’s work.
  108.  
  109. Haase, Wolfgang, ed. 1997. Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Part 2, Principat. Vol. 34, Sprache und Literatur. Fascicle 3, Einzelne Autoren seit der hadrianischen Zeit und allgemeines zur Literatur des 2. und 3. Jahrhunderts (forts.) Berlin and New York: De Gruyter.
  110.  
  111. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  112.  
  113. Of the six essays, the most useful are those of P. Michael Swan on the composition of the Augustan Books, revealing the different techniques Dio used within his annalistic framework, and M. G. Schmidt’s study of Dio’s writing on contemporary history.
  114.  
  115. Find this resource:
  116.  
  117.  
  118. Lachenaud, Guy, and Longrée, Dominique. 2003. Grecs et Romains aux prises avec l’histoire: Représentations, récits et idéologie: Colloque de Nantes et Angers (12–15 septembre 2001). Vol. 1, De la conception de l’histoire à l’écriture. Rennes, France: Presses Universitaire de Rennes.
  119.  
  120. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  121.  
  122. The most useful essays are M. L. Freyburger-Galland’s on Dio’s conception of history and P. Cordier’s on Dio’s use of the term exousia for a state between that of dunasteia and monarchia for Caesar’s exercise of power and the deliberate contradiction of his attitudes towards sole rule.
  123.  
  124. Find this resource:
  125.  
  126.  
  127. Commentaries on Sections of the Roman History
  128. There are some good recent commentaries covering sections of the History, most emanating from the multiauthor “Dio Project” under the general editorship of Michael Swan. Although Reinhold 1988, Murison 1999, and Swan 2004 are primarily historical commentaries, they usefully illuminate Dio’s use of language, while Rich 1990 comments on a smaller scale. Berti 1988 and Noè 1994 provide commentaries for Italian readers.
  129.  
  130. Berti, N. 1988. La guerra di Cesare contro Pompeo: Commento storico a Cassio Dione, libri XLI–XLII, 1–2. Milan: Jaca.
  131.  
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  133.  
  134. Dio is no slavish follower of Livy, but creates an account that reveals the tension between pro-Caesarian and pro-senatorial accounts.
  135.  
  136. Find this resource:
  137.  
  138.  
  139. Murison, C. L. 1999. Rebellion and reconstruction: Galba to Domitian: An historical commentary on Cassius Dio’s Roman history. Books 64–67 (A.D. 68–96). Atlanta: Scholars Press.
  140.  
  141. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  142.  
  143. Concise but informative commentary with Greek and English lemmata. An excellent introduction including discussion of book division and reflections of Dio’s own day in his narrative of the 1st century AD. Part of the Dio Project.
  144.  
  145. Find this resource:
  146.  
  147.  
  148. Noè, Eralda. 1994. Commento storico a Cassio Dione LIII. Como, Italy: New Press.
  149.  
  150. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  151.  
  152. A translation into Italian accompanied by historical commentary on Dio’s narrative of 27 BC.
  153.  
  154. Find this resource:
  155.  
  156.  
  157. Reinhold, M. 1988. From republic to principate: An historical commentary on Cassius Dio’s Roman History Books 49–52 (36–29 B.C.). Atlanta: Scholars Press.
  158.  
  159. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  160.  
  161. The first volume from the Dio Project provides concise but informative commentary with Greek and English lemmata and seventeen useful appendices on specific historical issues.
  162.  
  163. Find this resource:
  164.  
  165.  
  166. Rich, J. W. 1990. Cassius Dio: The Augustan settlement. Warminster, UK: Aris & Phillips.
  167.  
  168. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  169.  
  170. An English translation that often improves on Cary and a compressed, but remarkably detailed, commentary with English lemmata.
  171.  
  172. Find this resource:
  173.  
  174.  
  175. Swan, P. Michael. 2004. The Augustan succession: An historical commentary on Cassius Dio’s Roman History Books 55–56 (9 B.C.–A.D. 14). Oxford and New York: Oxford Univ. Press.
  176.  
  177. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  178.  
  179. The latest volume of the Dio project provides extensive commentary with excellent excursuses and fifteen appendixes on specific historical issues.
  180.  
  181. Find this resource:
  182.  
  183.  
  184. Cassius Dio the Man
  185. Although Dio’s attitudes on many subjects emerge with varying degrees of clarity from his work and he provides numerous snippets of information about his own career, little can be dated securely. He rose to prominence as a politician, twice securing a consulship and serving as a provincial governor, and as a writer. Although his History and other works were written in Greek, Dio identified himself with the values of the Roman senatorial elite.
  186.  
  187. Name
  188. Confusion as to his nomen (Cassius) and cognomen (Dio) and additional cognomen is now dispelled (Gowing 1990).
  189.  
  190. Gowing, Alain M. 1990. Dio’s name. Classical Philology 85:49–54.
  191.  
  192. DOI: 10.1086/367176Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  193.  
  194. A previously unattested praenomen of Claudius and the false attribution of the cognomen Cocceianus.
  195.  
  196. Find this resource:
  197.  
  198.  
  199. Career and Cultural Milieu
  200. Although Dio enjoyed a successful career as a Roman senator and magistrate and fully identified himself as a Roman with the Roman Empire (as Millar 1964 and Hose 2007 show), his family connections were with Nicaea in Bithynia. Ameling 1984 looks at his family and his relationship with Arrian. Ameling 1997 shows how his intellectual background was influenced by the Second Sophistic, and Aalders 1986 reflects on the broad knowledge of Greek literature and thought that emerges from a reading of Dio’s work.
  201.  
  202. Aalders, G. J. D. 1986. Cassius Dio and the Greek world. Mnemosyne 39:282–304.
  203.  
  204. DOI: 10.1163/156852586X00446Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  205.  
  206. Dio’s general ideas and vision were profoundly influenced by his Greek education and cultural background.
  207.  
  208. Find this resource:
  209.  
  210.  
  211. Ameling, W. 1984. Cassius Dio und Bithynien. Epigraphica Anatolica 4:123–138.
  212.  
  213. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  214.  
  215. A descendant of the Cassii from Nicaea, Dio was influenced by the Second Sophistic movement in Bithynia and remained in touch with his roots.
  216.  
  217. Find this resource:
  218.  
  219.  
  220. Ameling, W. 1997. Griechische Intellektuelle und das Imperium Romanum: Das Beispiel Cassius Dio. In Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Part 2, Principat. Vol. 34, Sprache und Literatur. Fascicle 3, Einzelne Autoren seit der hadrianischen Zeit und allgemeines zur Literatur des 2. und 3. Jahrhunderts (forts.). Edited by Wolfgang Haase, 2472–2496. Berlin and New York: De Gruyter.
  221.  
  222. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  223.  
  224. The influence of the ideas of the Second Sophistic on Dio’s world view and history.
  225.  
  226. Find this resource:
  227.  
  228.  
  229. Hose, M. 2007. Cassius Dio: A senator and historian in the age of anxiety. In A companion to Greek and Roman historiography. Vol. 2. Edited by J. Marincola, 461–467. Malden, MA, and Oxford: Blackwell.
  230.  
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  232.  
  233. Summary of Dio’s life and work, with the suggestion that perhaps Dio viewed himself ultimately as a failure.
  234.  
  235. Find this resource:
  236.  
  237.  
  238. Millar, F. G. B. 1964. A study of Cassius Dio. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.
  239.  
  240. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  241.  
  242. Fundamental study of Dio’s life, cultural milieu, and opinions and the composition of his history.
  243.  
  244. Find this resource:
  245.  
  246.  
  247. Cassius Dio the Historian
  248. The interrelationship of the past with Dio’s present is a key aspect of any evaluation of his monumental historical work and has several facets. Dio had predecessors who wrote Roman history in Greek, but the scope and scale of Dio’s work are distinctive. Like any historian of the classical period, he made use of a range of sources, engaging with his predecessors’ versions of events, and employed devices such as speeches prominently. Placing the composition of a lengthy work within a lengthy career is not a simple matter, but is important for understanding the views that Dio expresses about the turbulent times and drastically changing nature of imperial rule that he experienced. His role in documenting and explaining may be presented as the result of divine guidance, but his overall framework of explanation is not as much theological as moralizing, after the traditional Roman historiographical model.
  249.  
  250. Place in the Historical Tradition
  251. Baldwin 1986 shows that Dio was not the first of his age to write a contemporary history in Greek, while Sidebottom 2007 and Zecchini 1983 highlight how he showed the way for Herodian and Dexippus. Flach 1973 emphasizes how Dio’s position as a senator influences his historical approach to the changing world of the Severan period, and Reinhold 1986 emphasizes the value of Dio’s theoretical analysis of his times.
  252.  
  253. Baldwin, B. 1986. Historiography in the second century: Precursors of Cassius Dio. Klio 76:479–486
  254.  
  255. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  256.  
  257. Chryseros preceded Dio in writing a history of his times in Greek.
  258.  
  259. Find this resource:
  260.  
  261.  
  262. Cordier, Pierre. 2005. Rome n’est plus dans Rome, ou pourquoi l’histoire romaine en grec? L’exemple de Dion Cassius. Métis 3:337–348.
  263.  
  264. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  265.  
  266. In Dio, Greek and Roman culture are closely intertwined in a way that is distinctive of his work.
  267.  
  268. Find this resource:
  269.  
  270.  
  271. Flach, Dieter. 1973. Dios Platz in der kaiserzeitlichen Geschichtsschreibung. Antike und Abendland 18:130–143.
  272.  
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  274.  
  275. Dio is a senatorial historian whose political perspective lies between that of Tacitus and that of Ammianus Marcellinus.
  276.  
  277. Find this resource:
  278.  
  279.  
  280. Reinhold, Meyer. 1986. In praise of Cassius Dio. L’Antiquité Classique 55:213–222.
  281.  
  282. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  283.  
  284. Dio’s work is an indispensable source and provides our only theoretical analysis of government and society under the Severan dynasty.
  285.  
  286. Find this resource:
  287.  
  288.  
  289. Sidebottom, Harry. 2007. Severan historiography: Evidence, patterns, and arguments. In Severan culture. Edited by S. C. R. Swain, S. J. Harrison and J. Elsner, 52–82. Cambridge, MA, and New York: Cambridge Univ. Press.
  290.  
  291. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  292.  
  293. How Cassius Dio and Herodian have been approached in modern scholarship and their place among contemporary types of writing.
  294.  
  295. Find this resource:
  296.  
  297.  
  298. Zecchini, Giuseppe. 1983. Modelli e problemi teorici della storiografia nell’età degli Antonini. Critica storica 20:3–31.
  299.  
  300. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  301.  
  302. Dio followed the Thucydidean model of historiography and became an example for Herodian and Dexippus.
  303.  
  304. Find this resource:
  305.  
  306.  
  307. Composition of the Roman History
  308. Dio says that he spent ten years collecting information and twelve years writing his history (72.23.5). This information has led to rival early and late chronologies: the standard early chronology has Dio begin compilation around 194, as exemplified by Sordi 2000, but Letta 1979, Letta 2007, and Barnes 1984 argue for a start no earlier than 211. Xiphilinus’s epitome of Book 80, an epilogue on Severus Alexander’s reign, ends with Dio’s second consulship in AD 229. Favuzzi 1989 argues that this was Dio’s chosen ending. Books 1–76 comprise the first edition, and a light revision of Books 72–76 with the addition of Books 77–80 comprise the second, published after AD 230, as Eisman 1977 suggests.
  309.  
  310. Barnes, Timothy D. 1984. The composition of Cassius Dio’s Roman History. Phoenix 38:240–255.
  311.  
  312. DOI: 10.2307/1088277Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  313.  
  314. Dio began collecting material in AD 211 and wrote between 220 and 231, including a global revision of all that he had written sometime during the reign of Severus Alexander.
  315.  
  316. Find this resource:
  317.  
  318.  
  319. Eisman, M. M. 1977. Dio and Josephus: Parallel analyses. Latomus 36:657–673.
  320.  
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  322.  
  323. Criticism of the Severan emperors was added in a lightly revised version not released until Dio’s death or after AD 235.
  324.  
  325. Find this resource:
  326.  
  327.  
  328. Favuzzi, Andrea. 1989. L’ultimo libro di Cassio Dione. Quaderni di Storia 30:189–197.
  329.  
  330. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  331.  
  332. Book 80 was written by Dio himself and covered the period down to AD 229.
  333.  
  334. Find this resource:
  335.  
  336.  
  337. Letta, Cesare. 1979. La composizione dell’opera di Cassio Dione: Cronologia e sfondo storico-politico. In Ricerche di storiografia greca di età romana. Edited by E. Gabba, 117–189. Pisa, Italy: Giardini.
  338.  
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  340.  
  341. Detailed argumentation for the case that writing began in AD 222 and was not completed till 235.
  342.  
  343. Find this resource:
  344.  
  345.  
  346. Letta, Cesare. 2007. L’eruzione del Vesuvio del 202 d.C. e la composizione dell’opera di Cassio Dione. Athenaeum 95:41–47.
  347.  
  348. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  349.  
  350. Because Dio does not indicate that he was an eyewitness of the eruption of Vesuvius in AD 202 (77.2.1), his description does not support the early chronology of composition.
  351.  
  352. Find this resource:
  353.  
  354.  
  355. Sordi, Marta. 2000. Le date di composizione dell’opera di Dione Cassio. Papyrologica Lupiensia 9:392–395.
  356.  
  357. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  358.  
  359. Dio began his career as an historian soon after the death of Commodus.
  360.  
  361. Find this resource:
  362.  
  363.  
  364. Dio’s Conception of History
  365. Schmidt 2000 looks at Dio’s presentation of his history as the product of divine as well as human or natural forces and its goal as a state of well-being in which human will and actions played a significant role. Bering-Staschewski 1981 argues that Dio’s experience of life under both paradigmatic and tyrannical emperors informs his conception of a teleological development in Roman history. Dio considered himself divinely called to the task of careful research and inclusion of appropriate content, as Freyburger-Galland 2003 rightly emphasizes, but nonetheless the great majority of his explanations present only general moralizing, as de Blois 1998–1999 shows.
  366.  
  367. Bering-Staschewski, Rosemarie. 1981. Römische Zeitgeschichte bei Cassius Dio. Bochum, West Germany: Studienverlag Brockmeyer.
  368.  
  369. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  370.  
  371. In the course of an extended study, it is argued that Dio’s view of history is teleological: the nature of imperial rule reveals the decadence of Rome.
  372.  
  373. Find this resource:
  374.  
  375.  
  376. de Blois, Lukas. 1998–1999. The perception of emperor and empire in Cassius Dio’s Roman History. Ancient Society 29:267–281.
  377.  
  378. DOI: 10.2143/AS.29.0.630060Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  379.  
  380. Dio is guided by ideological bias and commonplace ideas, not by a deep understanding of the historical realities.
  381.  
  382. Find this resource:
  383.  
  384.  
  385. Freyburger-Galland, Marie-Laure. 2003. La conception de l’histoire chez Dion Cassius. In Grecs et Romains aux prises avec l’histoire: Représentations, récits et idéologie: Colloque de Nantes et Angers (12–15 septembre 2001). Vol. 1, De la conception de l’histoire à l’écriture. Edited by Guy Lachenaud and Dominique Longrée, 109–121. Rennes, France: Presses Universitaires de Rennes.
  386.  
  387. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  388.  
  389. Concise presentation of Dio’s description of his calling, methods, and qualifications as a historian.
  390.  
  391. Find this resource:
  392.  
  393.  
  394. Schmidt, Manfred G. 2000. Anekdotisches in Cassius Dios Zeitgeschichte. Museum Helveticum 57:20–35.
  395.  
  396. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  397.  
  398. Dio used anecdotes about his personal role and also the supernatural as both exhortation and reminder of the role of the supernatural.
  399.  
  400. Find this resource:
  401.  
  402.  
  403. Dio on His Own Day
  404. Barnes 2008 shows how Dio saw his own times as one of crisis and decline, decisively different from the earlier period, as Molin 2006 emphasizes. Schmidt 1997 connects Dio’s personal experience of the events of the period and the differing kinds of rule he assisted with his expressed concerns, such as the emergence of a militaristic monarchy, a subject on which Bleicken 1962 provides a useful focus.
  405.  
  406. Barnes, Timothy D. 2008. Aspects of the Severan Empire. 1, Severus as a new Augustus. New England Classical Journal 35:251–267.
  407.  
  408. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  409.  
  410. Dio saw a sudden descent from the golden age of the Antonines to an age of iron beginning after the death of Marcus Aurelius in AD 180.
  411.  
  412. Find this resource:
  413.  
  414.  
  415. Bleicken, Jochen. 1962. Der politische Standpunkt Dios gegenüber der Monarchie: Die Rede des Maecenas Buch 52, 14–40. Hermes 90:444–467.
  416.  
  417. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  418.  
  419. Dio expressed concern at the growth of a militaristic monarchy during the reign of Severus Alexander.
  420.  
  421. Find this resource:
  422.  
  423.  
  424. Molin, Michel. 2006. Mots, images et situations de crise dans la dernière décade de Dion Cassius d’après les Epitomai de Xiphilin. In La “crise” de l’Empire romain de Marc Aurèle à Constantin: Mutations, continuités, ruptures. Edited by Marie-Henriette Quet, 435–453. Paris: Presse de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne.
  425.  
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  427.  
  428. Dio’s language reveals his belief in a moral and political rupture between his own times and the earlier imperial period.
  429.  
  430. Find this resource:
  431.  
  432.  
  433. Schmidt, M. G. 1997. Die “zeitgeschichtlichen” Bücher im Werk des Cassius Dio—von Commodus zu Severus Alexander. In Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Part 2, Principat. Vol. 34, Sprache und Literatur. Fascicle 3, Einzelne Autoren seit der hadrianischen Zeit und allgemeines zur Literatur des 2. und 3. Jahrhunderts (forts.). Edited by Wolfgang Haase, 2591–2649. Berlin and New York: De Gruyter.
  434.  
  435. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  436.  
  437. Extensive and detailed discussion of Dio’s ventures into contemporary history against their political background.
  438.  
  439. Find this resource:
  440.  
  441.  
  442. Topics
  443. Harrington 1977 presents Dio as a historian who was generally interested in military history, while de Blois 1997 shows that he was conscious of the dangers posed by an uncontrolled army and Schnegg 2006 highlights his traditional concern about women playing inappropriate military roles. Urso 2002 argues that Dio’s general theorizing about war was in the Greek philosophically influenced tradition. Nonetheless, as Günnewig 2000 shows, threats to Roman security could be addressed pragmatically by elimination of the danger; Gabba 1955 discusses Dio’s preference for another strategy of preempting danger by Roman attacks. Freyburger-Galland 1993 discusses Dio’s frequent references to dress as an indicator of his understanding of the political and social role it played in Roman society. The conspicuous duty of providing public entertainment also appears as a prominent theme in the history: Newbold 1975 concentrates on Dio’s senatorial perspective, while Groot 2008 offers a broader political and social evaluation of Dio’s presentation of games.
  444.  
  445. de Blois, L. 1997. Volk und Soldaten bei Cassius Dio. In Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Part 2, Principat. Vol. 34, Sprache und Literatur. Fascicle 3, Einzelne Autoren seit der hadrianischen Zeit und allgemeines zur Literatur des 2. und 3. Jahrhunderts (forts.). Edited by Wolfgang Haase, 2650–2676. Berlin and New York: De Gruyter.
  446.  
  447. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  448.  
  449. The plebs urbana and soldiers were classes to be restrained, so as to prevent a military tyranny and the disruption of the social hierarchy.
  450.  
  451. Find this resource:
  452.  
  453.  
  454. Freyburger-Galland, Marie-Laure. 1993. Le rôle politique des vêtements dans l’Histoire romaine de Dion Cassius. Latomus 52:117–128.
  455.  
  456. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  457.  
  458. The traditionalist and conformist Dio understands the protocols and the symbolic and politic value of dress in distinguishing Roman social classes from each other and Greeks from Romans.
  459.  
  460. Find this resource:
  461.  
  462.  
  463. Gabba, Emilio. 1955. Cassio Dione e la teoria dell’imperialismo difensivo. Rivista Storica Italiana 67:301–311.
  464.  
  465. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  466.  
  467. Dio’s personal experience explains his emphasis on preemptive aggression as a means of defense, but he rejects expansion beyond the Euphrates.
  468.  
  469. Find this resource:
  470.  
  471.  
  472. Groot, Heleen. 2008. Zur Bedeutung der öffentlichen Spiele bei Tacitus, Sueton und Cassius Dio: Überlegungen zur Selbstbeschreibung der römischen Gesellschaft. Münster, Germany: LIT Verlag.
  473.  
  474. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  475.  
  476. A detailed study of Dio’s evaluation of Roman public games, the emperor’s role in their production, and their political purpose.
  477.  
  478. Find this resource:
  479.  
  480.  
  481. Günnewig, Beatrix. 2000. Cassius Dio und die fremden Völker des nördlichen und nordöstlichen Raumes. Orbis Terrarum 6:139–154.
  482.  
  483. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  484.  
  485. Dio considered the survival of the Roman Empire more valuable than the continued existence of dangerous barbarian neighbors.
  486.  
  487. Find this resource:
  488.  
  489.  
  490. Harrington, D. 1977. Dio Cassius as a military historian. Acta Classica 20:159–166.
  491.  
  492. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  493.  
  494. Dio successfully recounts military policy, strategy, and battles because of his own military knowledge.
  495.  
  496. Find this resource:
  497.  
  498.  
  499. Newbold, R. F. 1975. Cassius Dio and the games. L’Antiquité Classique 44:589–604.
  500.  
  501. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  502.  
  503. A short analysis of Dio’s presentation, showing its focus on the cost of games and how they affected the senatorial order.
  504.  
  505. Find this resource:
  506.  
  507.  
  508. Schnegg, Kordula. 2006. Darstellungen von Frauen in Kriegssituationen in der Römischen Geschichte des Cassius Dio. In Frauen und Geschlechter. Vol. 1, Bilder, Rollen, Realitäten in den Texten antiker Autoren der römischen Kaiserzeit. Edited by Christoph Ulf and Robert Rollinger, 257–278. Vienna: Böhlau.
  509.  
  510. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  511.  
  512. A careful study showing that Dio’s attitude to the roles of women in war, as victims, as participants, and occasionally as protagonists, was wholly traditional.
  513.  
  514. Find this resource:
  515.  
  516.  
  517. Urso, Gianpaolo. 2002. Guerra e giustizia nei frammenti ’arcaici’ di Cassio Dione. In Guerra e diritto nel mondo greco e romano. Edited by Marta Sordi, 29–41. Milan: Vita e Pensiero.
  518.  
  519. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  520.  
  521. Dio’s view of the amorality of war is closer to the Greek speculative tradition than to the dominant Roman view.
  522.  
  523. Find this resource:
  524.  
  525.  
  526. Speeches
  527. The ultimate influence of Herodotus and Thucydides explains the prominent role given to speeches and their function in presenting constitutional theory. Dio gives a quarter of the space in his fully extant books to speeches. Speeches are often where Dio’s own views of his own day are most easily deducible. While the speeches are in general of limited historical value, they reveal Dio’s stylistic competence. Van Stekelenburg 1971 provides the most comprehensive discussion of speeches in Dio’s whole work.
  528.  
  529. Van Stekelenburg, Albert Victor. 1971. De redevoeringen bij Cassius Dio. Delft, The Netherlands: Delftsche Uitgevers Maatschappij.
  530.  
  531. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  532.  
  533. An extended study of various speeches and fictitious debates in Dio.
  534.  
  535. Find this resource:
  536.  
  537.  
  538. Agrippa-Maecenas Debate
  539. The beginning of Augustus’ sole rule is the backdrop for a pair of speeches that comprise most of Book 52. Agrippa and Maecenas are the mouthpieces for arguments in favor of demokratia (δημοκρατία, i.e., republican rule) and monarchia (μοναρχία, sole rule), respectively. Although some, e.g., Berrigan 1968, argue that Dio truly favored the former, Dio believed that in his own time there was no practical alternative to the latter, as McKechnie 1981 shows. The detailed analysis of the debate in Espinoza Ruiz 1982 and the shorter study Smyshlyayev 1991 both expose Dio’s belief that imperial rule could be ameliorated if the senatorial class were allowed to play a full role.
  540.  
  541. Berrigan, Joseph Richard. 1968. Dio Cassius’ defense of democracy. Classical Bulletin 44:42–45.
  542.  
  543. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  544.  
  545. Agrippa makes a good defense of democracy, a view favored by Dio.
  546.  
  547. Find this resource:
  548.  
  549.  
  550. Espinoza Ruiz, Urbano. 1982. Debate Agrippa-Maecenas en Dion Cassio: Respuesta senatorial a la crisis del imperio romano en época severiana. Madrid: Univ. Complutense.
  551.  
  552. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  553.  
  554. An extensive study that includes the conclusion that the two speeches reveal a powerful self-affirmation by the senatorial class in response to the problems of the Severan period.
  555.  
  556. Find this resource:
  557.  
  558.  
  559. McKechnie, Paul. 1981. Cassius Dio’s speech of Agrippa: A realistic alternative to imperial government? Greece & Rome 28:150–155.
  560.  
  561. DOI: 10.1017/S0017383500033258Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  562.  
  563. Agrippa’s inconsistent suggestions deliberately demonstrate that democratic ideas are impracticable in the context of the empire.
  564.  
  565. Find this resource:
  566.  
  567.  
  568. Smyshlyayev, Alexandre L. 1991. “The Maecenas speech” (Dio Cass., LII): The dating and ideological and political orientation. Acta Universitatis Carolinae. Philologica. Graecolatina Pragensia 13:137–155.
  569.  
  570. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  571.  
  572. Writing under Severus Alexander, Dio proposes that real power over administration and the emperor himself should lie in the hands of senators.
  573.  
  574. Find this resource:
  575.  
  576.  
  577. Other Speeches
  578. Individual speeches reflect issues and tensions from Dio’s own day; for example, Martinelli 1989 focuses on the problems of civil discord and the danger posed by German invasions that appear in speeches from the late Republic, and Gowing 1998 studies the fictitious interchange between Philiscus and Cicero in which the former’s advice mirrors Dio’s own views on how senators should behave. Saylor Rodgers 2008 demonstrates how a particular speech was created artistically by Dio from his historical and oratorical reading. Giua 1983 shows how Tiberius’s posthumous evaluation of the paradigmatic Augustus also serves as a vehicle for Dio’s views on how the emperor should govern. Giua 1981 deals with the specific issue of how the emperor should display clemency, while Adler 2011 shows how the same speech subtly reveals Dio’s negative attitude to women exercising power. Millar 1961 highlights how sometimes a concern for apt rhetorical elaboration overrides the purely historical.
  579.  
  580. Adler, Eric. 2011. Cassius Dio’s Livia and the conspiracy of Cinna Magnus. Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 51:133–154.
  581.  
  582. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  583.  
  584. A study of how Dio undercuts the positive message of Livia’s speech and compares her with Boadicea.
  585.  
  586. Find this resource:
  587.  
  588.  
  589. Giua, M. A. 1981. Clemenza del sovrano e monarchia illuminata in Cassio Dione 55, 14–22. Athenaeum 589:317–337.
  590.  
  591. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  592.  
  593. Comparison with Seneca’s version of the Cinna dialogue reveals Dio’s own point of view on the role of mercy in the developed imperial system.
  594.  
  595. Find this resource:
  596.  
  597.  
  598. Giua, M. A. 1983. Augusto nel libro 56 della Storia Romana di Cassio Dione. Athenaeum 61:439–456.
  599.  
  600. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  601.  
  602. Tiberius’s funeral oration for Augustus endorses Dio’s own preferences for the Severan period.
  603.  
  604. Find this resource:
  605.  
  606.  
  607. Gowing, Alain M. 1998. Greek advice for a Roman senator: Cassius Dio and the dialogue between Philiscus and Cicero (38.18–29). In Papers of the Leeds International Latin Seminar, tenth volume, 1998: Greek poetry, drama, prose, Roman poetry. Edited by F. Cairns and M. Heath, 373–390. Leeds, UK: F. Cairns.
  608.  
  609. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  610.  
  611. The largely unprecedented interest in Cicero among imperial Greeks demonstrated by Dio and Philostratus.
  612.  
  613. Find this resource:
  614.  
  615.  
  616. Martinelli, Giovanna. 1989. Motivi originali nei ’discorsi’ dell’opera di Cassio Dione. Atti della Accademia ligure di scienze e lettere 46:412–425.
  617.  
  618. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  619.  
  620. Civil discord, problems over relationships with the armies, and fear of the Germans are recurrent motifs in Dio’s speeches.
  621.  
  622. Find this resource:
  623.  
  624.  
  625. Millar, F. G. B. 1961. Some speeches in Cassius Dio. Museum Helveticum 18:11–22.
  626.  
  627. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  628.  
  629. Several of Dio’s speeches are utterly unhistorical rhetorical confections that do not rest on any reliable contemporary sources.
  630.  
  631. Find this resource:
  632.  
  633.  
  634. Saylor Rodgers, Barbara. 2008. Catulus’ speech in Cassius Dio 36.31–36. Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 48:295–318.
  635.  
  636. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  637.  
  638. Clear evidence of a speech concocted by Dio from the evidence of Cicero’s speeches and adorned with arguments taken straight from Demosthenes.
  639.  
  640. Find this resource:
  641.  
  642.  
  643. Engagement with Predecessors
  644. Dio’s substantial researches for his history, his deep and extensive education in both Greek and Latin literature, and his evident concern to write Greek of a high stylistic quality mean that he was familiar with a large range of historical and literary works which had differing impacts on his own work.
  645.  
  646. Literary Models and Reminiscences
  647. Although all scholars agree that the predominant influence on Dio’s approach to history was Thucydides, Lachenaud 2003 shows how the stamp of Herodotus is not missing, Lucarini 2003 reveals traces of his reading of Xenophon, and Monaco 1980 argues that traces of Plutarch can be discerned. Freyburger-Galland 2007 collects citations by Dio of Greek poets from many ages, and Freyburger-Galland 1987 suggests that perhaps Seneca’s tragedies are referred to. Clarke 1968 suggests that a well-worn topos attests to the breadth of Dio’s reading.
  648.  
  649. Clarke, G. W. 1968. Cassius Dio on Britain. Classical Philology 63:145–146.
  650.  
  651. DOI: 10.1086/365353Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  652.  
  653. Dio demonstrates the long life of rhetorical topoi long after the insularity of Britain had been established.
  654.  
  655. Find this resource:
  656.  
  657.  
  658. Freyburger-Galland, Marie-Laure. 1987. Cas particulier d’un emprunt littéraire d’un historien grec à un tragique latin. Bulletin de la Faculté des Lettres de Mulhouse 15:119–123.
  659.  
  660. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  661.  
  662. In describing the death of Cleopatra, Dio has been influenced by Seneca’s Phaedra.
  663.  
  664. Find this resource:
  665.  
  666.  
  667. Freyburger-Galland, Marie-Laure. 2007. Homère chez Dion Cassius. In Troïka: Parcours antiques: Mélanges offerts à Michel Woronoff. Vol. 1. Edited by S. David and É. Geny, 269–287. Besançon, France: Presses Universitaires de Franche-Comté.
  668.  
  669. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  670.  
  671. A concise study of the range of Dio’s citations of Homer, tragedians, and oracles from the Sibylline Books.
  672.  
  673. Find this resource:
  674.  
  675.  
  676. Lachenaud, Guy. 2003. Dion Cassius plagiaire impénitent ou homme de culture? In Grecs et Romains aux prises avec l’histoire: Représentations, récits et idéologie: Colloque de Nantes et Angers (12–15 septembre 2001). Vol. 1, De la conception de l’histoire à l’écriture. Edited by Guy Lachenaud and Dominique Longrée, 97–108. Rennes, France: Presses Universitaire de Rennes.
  677.  
  678. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  679.  
  680. Dio displays affinities with Herodotus in the breadth of his interests, the role of the divine, and his creation of “constitutional debates.”
  681.  
  682. Find this resource:
  683.  
  684.  
  685. Lucarini, Carolus Martinus. 2003. Xenophon et Cassius Dio. Philologus 147:173–174.
  686.  
  687. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  688.  
  689. Passages in Dio reminiscent of Xenophon.
  690.  
  691. Find this resource:
  692.  
  693.  
  694. Monaco, Giusto. 1980. Un’eco di Plutarco in Cassio Dione. In Φιλίας χάριν: Miscellanea di studi classici in onore di Eugenio Manni. Vol. 5. Edited by M. J. Fontana, et al., 1555–1559. Rome: Bretschneider.
  695.  
  696. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  697.  
  698. Dio’s description of Tiberius as nesiarch draws on Plutarch’s description of Demetrius (Dem. 25.7).
  699.  
  700. Find this resource:
  701.  
  702.  
  703. Historical Sources
  704. Schwartz 1899 shows how Dio has been the object of Quellenforschung since the 19th century. Even where a purported source is extant, scholars disagree over the degree of dependence and the contribution of Dio himself to his version; where the purported source is lost or available only secondhand either through Dio’s own epitomators or excerptors or through other historical works, the opportunity for inconclusive debate is greater still. Letta 2003 argues that Dio did very little independent research using archives or inscriptions.
  705.  
  706. Letta, Cesare. 2003. Documenti d’archivio e iscrizioni nell’opera di Cassio Dione: Un sondaggio sulla narrazione fino ad Augusto. In L’uso dei documenti nella storiografia antica: Incontri perugini di storia della storiografia 12, Gubbio, 22–24 maggio 2001. Edited by Anna Maria Biraschi, 595–622. Naples, Italy: Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane.
  707.  
  708. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  709.  
  710. Analysis of Dio’s use of, and interest in, inscriptions.
  711.  
  712. Find this resource:
  713.  
  714.  
  715. Schwartz, Eduard. 1899. Cassius (40). In Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Vol. 3, Part 2. Edited by A. Pauly, G. Wissowa, W. Kroll, K. Witte, K. Mittelhaus, and K. Ziegler, 1684–1722, esp. 1692–1719. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler.
  716.  
  717. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  718.  
  719. An influential argument for the identity and use of sources throughout the Roman History.
  720.  
  721. Find this resource:
  722.  
  723.  
  724. For the Republic
  725. Libourel 1974 shows that where we have to rely on abbreviated versions of Dio’s own work, e.g., for the early Republic, the identity of his sources is particularly hard to establish. Even when a key primary source such as Caesar’s Gallic Wars is available for comparison with Dio’s full account, the degree of his indebtedness and of his own independent judgment when diverging from Caesar is disputed: Cipriani 1978, Sordi 1971, and Zecchini 1978 argue in differing degrees that Dio does not follow Caesar, while McDougall 1991 posits a more general use. Often the presumed general bias of a nonextant source, e.g., Asinius Pollio, is the main basis for attributing use by Dio, as for example in Dobesch 1988.
  726.  
  727. Cipriani, G. 1978. Cassio Dione e l’VIII commentario del Bellum Gallicum. Bollettino di Studi Latini 8:28–31.
  728.  
  729. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  730.  
  731. Dio relied on a source contemporary with Caesar but much less favorable to him in its treatment of the revolt of 52 BC.
  732.  
  733. Find this resource:
  734.  
  735.  
  736. Dobesch, G. 1988. Zu Caesars Sitzenbleiben vor dem Senat und zu Quelle des Cassius Dio. Tyche 3:39–102.
  737.  
  738. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  739.  
  740. Dio used Asinius Pollio directly.
  741.  
  742. Find this resource:
  743.  
  744.  
  745. Libourel, J. M. 1974. An unusual annalistic source used by Cassius Dio. American Journal of Philology 95:383–393.
  746.  
  747. DOI: 10.2307/294018Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  748.  
  749. The early books of Dio’s history derive from an ultimately unidentifiable annalistic source.
  750.  
  751. Find this resource:
  752.  
  753.  
  754. McDougall, Iain. 1991. Dio and his sources for Caesar’s campaigns in Gaul. Latomus 50:616–638.
  755.  
  756. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  757.  
  758. Dio used Caesar’s De Bello Gallico and at least one other source for his account of Caesar’s campaigns in Gaul, diverging from Caesar on occasion.
  759.  
  760. Find this resource:
  761.  
  762.  
  763. Sordi, Marta. 1971. Cassio Dione e il VII libro del De bello Gallico di Cesare. In Studi di storiografia antica in memoria di Leonardo Ferrero. Edited by Leonardo Ferrero, 167–183. Turin, Italy: Bottega d’Erasmo.
  764.  
  765. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  766.  
  767. Dio ignores Caesar’s account of the surrender of Alesia.
  768.  
  769. Find this resource:
  770.  
  771.  
  772. Zecchini, Giuseppe. 1978. Cassio Dione e la guerra Gallica di Cesare. Milan: Vita & Pensiero.
  773.  
  774. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  775.  
  776. Dio’s source for the Gallic wars was Q. Aelius Tubero and not Caesar’s commentaries.
  777.  
  778. Find this resource:
  779.  
  780.  
  781. For the Empire
  782. Questa 1967 sets out at length the main debate over Dio’s knowledge and use of Tacitus’s Annals (Solimeno 1979 and Baar 1990 both take the predominant modern view that Dio’s usage of Tacitus was limited). For the reign of Augustus, Dio’s use of Livy down to 9 BC and of another annalistic source for the subsequent period is inevitably inconclusive; Levi 1937 argues for a source different from that used by Suetonius and Velleius, and Swan 1987 shows from a study of Dio’s compositional technique how an unidentifiable annalistic source was actually used. Townend 1961 shows how Dio’s account is important for establishing the nature and scope of the fragmentary historians of the 1st century AD, in particular Cluvius Rufus and Pliny the Elder.
  783.  
  784. Baar, Manfred. 1990. Das Bild des Kaisers Tiberius bei Tacitus, Sueton und Cassius Dio. Stuttgart: Teubner.
  785.  
  786. DOI: 10.1515/9783110948004Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  787.  
  788. An extensive study of the three main extant sources for Tiberius’ reign that concludes that Dio’s use of Tacitus is not easy to demonstrate.
  789.  
  790. Find this resource:
  791.  
  792.  
  793. Levi, M. A. 1937. Dopo Azio: Appunti sulle fonti augustee: Dione Cassio. Athenaeum 15:3–25.
  794.  
  795. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  796.  
  797. After Livy, Dio used an annalistic source different from that followed by Suetonius and Velleius.
  798.  
  799. Find this resource:
  800.  
  801.  
  802. Questa, Cesare. 1967. Studi sulle fonti degli Annales di Tacito. 2d ed. Rome: Edizioni dell’ Ateneo.
  803.  
  804. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  805.  
  806. For Tiberius’ reign Dio did not rely heavily on Tacitus, nor was there one major source shared by the two.
  807.  
  808. Find this resource:
  809.  
  810.  
  811. Solimeno, Cipriano A. 1979. Tacito fonte di Cassio Dione? Rendiconti della Accademia di archeologia, lettere e belle arti di Napoli 54:3–18.
  812.  
  813. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  814.  
  815. Dio had only an abbreviated and partial knowledge of Tacitus.
  816.  
  817. Find this resource:
  818.  
  819.  
  820. Swan, P. Michael. 1987. Cassius Dio on Augustus: A poverty of annalistic sources? Phoenix 41:272–291.
  821.  
  822. DOI: 10.2307/1088195Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  823.  
  824. A detailed study of the Augustan books shows that Dio used at least one full-scale annalistic work, albeit selectively.
  825.  
  826. Find this resource:
  827.  
  828.  
  829. Townend, G. B. 1961. Traces in Dio Cassius of Cluvius, Aufidius and Pliny. Hermes 89:227–248.
  830.  
  831. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  832.  
  833. Dio’s account reveals that Pliny wrote sober annalistic history and Cluvius a scandal-filled chronicle.
  834.  
  835. Find this resource:
  836.  
  837.  
  838. Aspects of the Roman History
  839. Dio’s Roman History covers a vast chronological compass and range of topics crucial to republican and imperial history and historiography. Dio provides valuable information on the role of religion and the way in which Latin terms for Roman institutions, offices, etc. could be rendered into Greek.
  840.  
  841. The Roman Republic
  842. Urso 2005 and Urso 2011, a broad-ranging and a more focused discussion, respectively, show how Dio can be a valuable source of information on the historical traditions of the early Republic. Simons 2009 focuses on the whole period of the Republic. Fechner 1986 and Schettino 2006 demonstrate how Dio anachronistically reflects the problems of his own time back onto Republican history, the former in a wide-ranging study, the latter focusing on one episode. Lintott 1997 demonstrates that Dio’s privileging of thematic treatments results in problematic chronology.
  843.  
  844. Fechner, D. 1986. Untersuchungen zu Cassius Dios Sicht der Römischen Republik. Hildesheim, West Germany: Olms-Weidmann.
  845.  
  846. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  847.  
  848. Dio’s ideals of political stability and security, exemplified in much of the Republican period, reflect his own troubled times and do not show that he had republican sentiments.
  849.  
  850. Find this resource:
  851.  
  852.  
  853. Lintott, A. W. 1997. Cassius Dio and the history of the late Republic. In Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt. Part 2, Principat. Vol. 34, Sprache und Literatur. Fascicle 3, Einzelne Autoren seit der hadrianischen Zeit und allgemeines zur Literatur des 2. und 3. Jahrhunderts (forts.). Edited by Wolfgang Haase, 2497–2523. Berlin and New York: De Gruyter.
  854.  
  855. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  856.  
  857. Problematic chronology and questionable factual accuracy mar an uneven account of a state riven by continuous internal disputes.
  858.  
  859. Find this resource:
  860.  
  861.  
  862. Schettino, Maria Teresa. 2006. L’histoire archaïque de Rome dans les fragments de Dion Cassius. In Guerre et diplomatie romaines (IVe–IIIe siècles): Pour un réexamen des sources. Edited by Emmanuèle Caire and Sylvie Pittia, 61–75. Aix-en-Provence, France: Publications de l’Université de Provence.
  863.  
  864. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  865.  
  866. Dio combines elements from his own period with material relating to the Gallic wars of the 4th century BC.
  867.  
  868. Find this resource:
  869.  
  870.  
  871. Simons, Benedikt. 2009. Cassius Dio und die Römische Republik: Untersuchungen zum Bild des römischen Gemeinwesens in den Büchern 3–35 der Ρωμαїκά. Berlin and New York: De Gruyter.
  872.  
  873. DOI: 10.1515/9783110225877Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  874.  
  875. A detailed study of Dio’s presentation of Roman magistrates, historical periodization, and key individuals from the Republican period.
  876.  
  877. Find this resource:
  878.  
  879.  
  880. Urso, Gianpaolo. 2005. Cassio Dione e i magistrati: Le origini della repubblica nei frammenti della Storia romana. Milan: Vita e Pensiero.
  881.  
  882. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  883.  
  884. A detailed study of Dio’s account of the magistrates of the early Republic.
  885.  
  886. Find this resource:
  887.  
  888.  
  889. Urso, Gianpaolo. 2011. The origin of the consulship in Cassius Dio’s Roman History. In Consuls and res publica: Holding high office in the Roman Republic. Edited by Hans Beck, Antonio Duplá, Martin Jehne, and Francisco Pina Polo, 41–60. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge Univ. Press.
  890.  
  891. DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511736124Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  892.  
  893. Rome’s first magistrates were originally called praetors (στρατηγοί), not consuls (ὑπάτοι).
  894.  
  895. Find this resource:
  896.  
  897.  
  898. The Caesarian and Triumviral Periods
  899. Caesar’s domination of the state and the triumviral period were important in Dio’s eyes for the transition to imperial rule. Steidle 1988 argues that Dio conceives of the two periods as essentially similar. Cordier 2003 discusses the focus of Dio’s account on the character of Caesar’s power, and Gowing 1992 illustrates the theme of the single-mindedness of Octavian in his pursuit of sole rule. Although the discussion has to be largely inconclusive, Fadinger 1969 discusses the sources used by Dio for this period and posits a large debt to Augustus’s De vita sua.
  900.  
  901. Cordier, Pierre. 2003. Dion Cassius et la nature de la “monarchie” césarienne. In Grecs et Romains aux prises avec l’histoire: Représentations, récits et idéologie: Colloque de Nantes et Angers (12–15 septembre 2001). Vol. 1, De la conception de l’histoire à l’écriture. Edited by Guy Lachenaud and Dominique Longrée, 231–246. Rennes, France: Presses Universitaires de Rennes.
  902.  
  903. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  904.  
  905. Dio uses exousia for a state between that of dunasteia and monarchia for Caesar’s exercise of power.
  906.  
  907. Find this resource:
  908.  
  909.  
  910. Fadinger, V. 1969. Die Begrundung des Prinzipats: Quellenkritische und staatsrechtliche Untersuchungen zu Cassius Dio und die Parallelüberlieferung. Bonn, West Germany: Habelt.
  911.  
  912. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  913.  
  914. A detailed study of Dio’s account of 43–27 BC and the range of sources he used.
  915.  
  916. Find this resource:
  917.  
  918.  
  919. Gowing, Alain M. 1992. The triumviral narratives of Appian and Cassius Dio. Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press.
  920.  
  921. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  922.  
  923. Dio’s account is more overtly political than Appian’s, more focused on Octavian and less concerned with major social and economic issues.
  924.  
  925. Find this resource:
  926.  
  927.  
  928. Steidle, Wolf. 1988. Beobachtungen zum Geschichtswerk des Cassius Dio. Würzburger Jahrbücher für die Altertumswissenschaft 14:203–224.
  929.  
  930. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  931.  
  932. Maecenas’s speech in Book 52 and Caesar’s at Vesontio (38.36) illustrate the unitary conception of Dio’s picture of the Caesarian and Augustan periods.
  933.  
  934. Find this resource:
  935.  
  936.  
  937. Augustus
  938. One-seventh of the overall work is given over to Augustus’s public life (43 BC–AD 14), demonstrating its singular importance to Dio. Gabba 1984 shows that Dio saw Augustus as the paradigmatic emperor, whereas Reinhold and Swan 1990 and Rich 1990 argue that Augustus was not perfect and that Dio’s presentation of him grapples with the problem of his divergence from ideal behavior. Kemezis 2007 highlights a particular facet of this by showing how Dio’s account deliberately brings out the discrepancies between what Augustus professed and what he actually did. The loss of Dio’s sources inhibits conclusive discussion of his debt to particular authors; Roddaz 1983 argues that the balanced and nuanced account that he produces owes nothing to Tacitus, while the lengthy study Manuwald 1979 suggests that he owed less to Suetonius and probably less to Livy than has been supposed.
  939.  
  940. Andersen, H. A. 1938. Cassius Dio und die Begründung des Principates. Berlin: Junker und Dünnhaupt.
  941.  
  942. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  943.  
  944. Dio wrongly traces back to the foundation of the principate powers that only accrued to the emperors over time.
  945.  
  946. Find this resource:
  947.  
  948.  
  949. Gabba, Emilio. 1984. The historians and Augustus. In Caesar Augustus: Seven aspects. Edited by Fergus G. B. Millar and Erich Segal, 61–88. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.
  950.  
  951. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  952.  
  953. Dio’s account of Augustus is crucial to his explanation of the present hierarchical and administrative structures of the empire and the correct role of the emperor.
  954.  
  955. Find this resource:
  956.  
  957.  
  958. Kemezis, Adam M. 2007. Augustus the ironic paradigm: Cassius Dio’s portrayal of the Lex Julia and Lex Papia Poppaea. Phoenix 61:270–285.
  959.  
  960. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  961.  
  962. Dio deliberately contrasts Augustus’s public moralizing with his family troubles to emphasize the achievement of the first princeps as a builder of institutions, as opposed to his personal characteristics.
  963.  
  964. Find this resource:
  965.  
  966.  
  967. Manuwald, Bernd. 1979. Cassius Dio und Augustus: Philologische Untersuchungen zu den Büchern 45–56 des dionischen Geschichtswerkes. Wiesbaden, West Germany: Steiner.
  968.  
  969. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  970.  
  971. Dio’s presentation of Octavian and Augustus is essentially consistent and is not dependent on Livy or Suetonius.
  972.  
  973. Find this resource:
  974.  
  975.  
  976. Reinhold, Meyer, and P. Michael Swan. 1990. Cassius Dio’s assessment of Augustus. In Between republic and empire: Interpretations of Augustus and his principate. Edited by Kurt A. Raaflaub and Mark Toher, 155–173. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.
  977.  
  978. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  979.  
  980. A tension between realism and idealism underlies Dio’s overall assessment of Augustus’s career, but Augustus was the normative emperor.
  981.  
  982. Find this resource:
  983.  
  984.  
  985. Rich, J. W. 1990. Dio on Augustus. In History as text: The writing of ancient history. Edited by Averil Cameron, 86–110. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press.
  986.  
  987. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  988.  
  989. Inconsistencies in the treatment of Augustus arise from ambivalences in Dio’s own attitudes and aims as an historian between the realist and the moralist.
  990.  
  991. Find this resource:
  992.  
  993.  
  994. Roddaz, Jean-Michel. 1983. De César à Auguste: L’image de la monarchie chez un historien du Siècle des Sévères: Réflexions sur l’œuvre de Dion Cassius, à propos d’ouvrages récents. Revue des études anciennes 85:67–87.
  995.  
  996. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  997.  
  998. Dio’s judgment on Augustus is nuanced and rules out any use of Tacitus.
  999.  
  1000. Find this resource:
  1001.  
  1002.  
  1003. Later Emperors
  1004. By comparison with Augustus, later emperors fall far short. Gowing 1997 demonstrates this for the reign of Nero, and Scheitauer 1990 for the case of Dio’s contemporary Elagabalus. De Blois 1991 demonstrates that Dio can shape a narrative with his own emphases, but for the most part his emperors seem to be pale abstractions. Pelling 1997 discusses how Dio shapes his annalistic account to reflect biographical concerns.
  1005.  
  1006. De Blois, Lukas. 1991. Tacitus, Suetonius en Cassius Dio over Nero’s laaste jaren (62–68 na Chr.). Lampas 24:359–374.
  1007.  
  1008. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1009.  
  1010. Although he used the same sources as Tacitus and Suetonius, Dio creates his own rhetorical superstructure, in which he pays particular attention to Nero’s sojourn in Greece.
  1011.  
  1012. Find this resource:
  1013.  
  1014.  
  1015. Gowing, Alain M. 1997. Cassius Dio on the reign of Nero. In Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Part 2, Principat. Vol. 34, Sprache und Literatur. Fascicle 3, Einzelne Autoren seit der hadrianischen Zeit und allgemeines zur Literatur des 2. und 3. Jahrhunderts (forts.). Edited by Wolfgang Haase, 2558–2590. Berlin and New York: De Gruyter.
  1016.  
  1017. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1018.  
  1019. Dio’s experience of Commodus and Elagabalus informs his picture of Nero’s theatricality and exhibitionism, which, combined with his effeminacy, marked an emperor who could not distinguish appropriate boundaries.
  1020.  
  1021. Find this resource:
  1022.  
  1023.  
  1024. Pelling, Christopher B. R. 1997. Biographical history? Cassius Dio on the early principate. In Portraits: Biographical representation in the Greek and Latin literature of the Roman Empire. Edited by Mark Julian Edwards and Simon C. R. Swain, 117–144. Oxford: Clarendon.
  1025.  
  1026. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1027.  
  1028. A careful study of how Dio supplements his annalistic structure with a biographical emphasis that reveals the impact of the imperial personality on history, yet does not succeed in powerfully individualizing the emperors.
  1029.  
  1030. Find this resource:
  1031.  
  1032.  
  1033. Scheitauer, A. 1990. Die Regierungszeit des Kaisers Elagabal in der Darstellung von Cassius Dio und Herodian. Hermes 118:335–356.
  1034.  
  1035. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1036.  
  1037. Dio judges Elagabalus harshly from the perspective of a senator, especially for his reliance on those of low status.
  1038.  
  1039. Find this resource:
  1040.  
  1041.  
  1042. Religion and the Divine
  1043. Dio’s history is a rich source for the paraphernalia of Roman divination (omens, portents, dreams) which primarily announce the birth, rise, and fall of the emperors; Dio himself gives credence to traditional Roman divinatory techniques, most emphatically to dreams, and provides key evidence for the development of the imperial cult.
  1044.  
  1045. Imperial Cult
  1046. Bowersock 1973 argues that Dio did not believe that any emperor was or became a god, and Fishwick 1990 shows that Dio believed that imperial cult was an appropriate way to honor a good emperor. Piatkowski 1984 shows that, although bad emperors abused the institution of imperial cult, Dio still supported it. Freixas 1940–1944 shows in general how abuse of the imperial cult as a tool of absolutism was an element of Dio’s presentation of bad emperors.
  1047.  
  1048. Bowersock, G. W. 1973. Greek intellectuals and the imperial cult in the second century AD. In Le culte des souverains dans l’empire romain: Entretiens préparés et présidés par Willem den Boer, Vandœuvres-Genève, 28 août–2 septembre 1972. Edited by W. Den Boer, 177–212. Vandoeuvres-Geneva, Switzerland: Fondation Hardt.
  1049.  
  1050. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1051.  
  1052. As a Greek intellectual, Dio did not believe in the actual divinity of the emperor even after his death.
  1053.  
  1054. Find this resource:
  1055.  
  1056.  
  1057. Fishwick, Duncan. 1990. Dio and Maecenas: The emperor and the ruler cult. Phoenix 44:267–275.
  1058.  
  1059. DOI: 10.2307/1088936Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1060.  
  1061. Dio holds that deification of an emperor should be based on the virtues he had displayed and not include temples or cult-statues made of gold or silver.
  1062.  
  1063. Find this resource:
  1064.  
  1065.  
  1066. Freixas, Alberto. 1940–1944. La divinización imperial en Dion Cassio. Anales del Instituto de literaturas clásicas 2:15–37.
  1067.  
  1068. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1069.  
  1070. A survey of Dio’s information on the development of imperial cult and his use of it to reveal the growth of imperial absolutism.
  1071.  
  1072. Find this resource:
  1073.  
  1074.  
  1075. Piatkowski, Adelina. 1984. Cassius Dio über den Kaiserkult. Klio 66:599–604.
  1076.  
  1077. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1078.  
  1079. The excesses and non-Roman elements of imperial cult introduced by bad emperors do not undermine the value of the institution for Dio.
  1080.  
  1081. Find this resource:
  1082.  
  1083.  
  1084. Dreams
  1085. Dio’s first literary work was a booklet on the dreams that had given Septimius Severus hope of imperial power, and the Roman History itself was inspired by a god in a dream. Although Gascó 1985 argues that Dio was typical of his age in believing in the divinatory power of dreams, Freyburger-Galland 1999 illustrates the particular significance that Dio attaches to them, as seen by their appearance at critical moments in his history. Sanchez Merino 1986 collects all the examples of dreams to show the overall frequency of their appearance.
  1086.  
  1087. Freyburger-Galland, Marie-Laure. 1999. Les rêves chez Dion Cassius. Revue des études anciennes 101:533–545.
  1088.  
  1089. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1090.  
  1091. Dio underlines the political role of dreams at critical moments such as the institution of the principate and the accession of emperors to power.
  1092.  
  1093. Find this resource:
  1094.  
  1095.  
  1096. Gascó, Fernando. 1985. Casio Dion y los sueños. Habis 16:301–305.
  1097.  
  1098. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1099.  
  1100. The insecurity of his time explains Dio’s explanation of the role of dreams in encouraging his career as an historian.
  1101.  
  1102. Find this resource:
  1103.  
  1104.  
  1105. Sanchez Merino, Pascuala E. 1986. Los “sueños” en Dion Casio. Estudios de Filología Griega 1:83–90.
  1106.  
  1107. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1108.  
  1109. Catalogue and brief comments on seventeen dreams recorded by Dio.
  1110.  
  1111. Find this resource:
  1112.  
  1113.  
  1114. Other Forms of Divination and Non-Roman Religions
  1115. Puiggali 1984 discusses Dio’s belief in the reality of supernatural powers affecting history. Freyburger-Galland 1999 (cited under Dreams) treats Dio’s use of examples of mainstream divination for which haruspices were responsible, and Freyburger-Galland 2004 discusses the particular significance that could be attached to the portent of a volcanic eruption. Dio’s notorious silence about the Christians is plausibly a sign of his dislike for a growing religious movement, as Martinelli 1990 and Freyburger-Galland 2005 argue.
  1116.  
  1117. Freyburger, Marie-Laure. 1999. L’etrusca disciplina chez Dion Cassius. In Des Sévères à Constantin: Les auteurs du IIIe siècle et l’Etrusca disciplina: Actes de la table ronde tenue à l’ENS les 24 et 25 octobre 1997. La divination dans le monde étrusco-italique 8. Edited by Dominique Briquel and Charles Guittard, 17–32. Tours, France: Institut d’études latines, Université de Tours.
  1118.  
  1119. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1120.  
  1121. A short study of the various terms that Dio uses for the practitioners of the multiple disciplines of the haruspices and their craft in the Roman History.
  1122.  
  1123. Find this resource:
  1124.  
  1125.  
  1126. Freyburger-Galland, Marie-Laure. 2004. Les phénomènes volcaniques chez Dion Cassius. In Connaissance et représentations des volcans dans l’Antiquité: Actes du colloque de Clermont-Ferrand, Université Blaise Pascal, 19–20 septembre 2002. Edited by Éric Foulon, 139–157. Clermont-Ferrand, France: Presses Universitaires Blaise-Pascal.
  1127.  
  1128. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1129.  
  1130. The eruption of Vesuvius demonstrates the problems that chance can inflict on human beings and perhaps heralded Domitian’s disastrous reign.
  1131.  
  1132. Find this resource:
  1133.  
  1134.  
  1135. Freyburger-Galland, Marie-Laure. 2005. Dion Cassius et les chrétiens. In Antiquité tardive et humanisme: De Tertullien à Beatus Rhenanus: Mélanges offerts à François Heim à l’occasion de son 70e anniversaire. Edited by Yves Lehmann, G. Freyburger, and J. Hirstein, 37–54. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols.
  1136.  
  1137. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1138.  
  1139. Dio’s silence on Christianity reveals his scorn for the religious phenomenon, of which he could not have been ignorant.
  1140.  
  1141. Find this resource:
  1142.  
  1143.  
  1144. Martinelli, Giovanna. 1990. Il silenzio sui cristiani nella Storia Romana di Cassio Dione: Un’ipotesi. Atti della Accademia ligure di scienze e lettere 47:430–442.
  1145.  
  1146. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1147.  
  1148. Dio toes the official line and does not speak about a problematic subject.
  1149.  
  1150. Find this resource:
  1151.  
  1152.  
  1153. Puiggali J. 1984. Les démons dans l’Histoire romaine de Dion Cassius. Latomus 43:876–883.
  1154.  
  1155. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1156.  
  1157. A study of Dio’s use of daimon (δαιμών) and daimonion (δαιμόνιον) that argues that Dio displays no sophisticated philosophical understanding of daimones or the role of chance (τυχή) in the world.
  1158.  
  1159. Find this resource:
  1160.  
  1161.  
  1162. Language and Terminology
  1163. Any author writing in Greek about Roman history had to make choices about how to deal with Latin terms for offices and institutions and with technical vocabulary in fields such as the law and the army. As a Greek author writing in his own language, he also played a role in the development of Greek lexis.
  1164.  
  1165. Rendering Latin Terms into Greek
  1166. Dio approached the huge task in a nuanced way, sometimes transliterating, as Freyburger 1984 shows, sometimes regarding transliteration as inadequate, as Freyburger-Galland 1992 and Freyburger-Galland 1997 show. On occasion he substitutes Greek calques, as Freyburger 1994 demonstrates. Favuzzi 1993 and Swan 1982 illustrate Dio’s use of semantic equivalents for Latin words in specific examples; Culham 1987 discusses the complexities of bureaucratic terminology, showing that Dio could employ a variation of terms for literary purposes; and Molin 2007 shows that new connotations could be given to familiar Greek words.
  1167.  
  1168. Culham, Phyllis. 1987. Roman roads, Greek terms: Translation, transliteration and transfer. Glotta 65:161–170.
  1169.  
  1170. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1171.  
  1172. Dio’s hodopoios (ὁδοποιός) should not be seen always as a technical term rendering the Latin curator viarum.
  1173.  
  1174. Find this resource:
  1175.  
  1176.  
  1177. Favuzzi, Andrea. 1993. Una peculiarità semantica nel lessico militare dioneo. Chiron 23:53–61.
  1178.  
  1179. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1180.  
  1181. Dio’s use of the word teichos (τεῖχος) in the sense of army, although paralleled in Cato, derives from its equation with stratopedon (στρατόπεδον) and reflects the development of strongly fortified permanent camps from the Flavian period onwards.
  1182.  
  1183. Find this resource:
  1184.  
  1185.  
  1186. Freyburger, Marie-Laure. 1984. Quelques exemples de l’emprunt linguistique du grec au latin dans le vocabulaire politique de Dion Cassius. Ktèma 9:329–337.
  1187.  
  1188. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1189.  
  1190. A study of the terms Dio uses for triumphus and imperator.
  1191.  
  1192. Find this resource:
  1193.  
  1194.  
  1195. Freyburger, Marie-Laure. 1994. Pro(-) et anti(-), de tout et de son contraire: Comment “pour” et “contre” peuvent s’employer l’un pour l’autre ou comment un proconsul peut parfois devenir un anti-consul. . . In Cas et prépositions en grec ancien: Contraintes syntaxiques et interprétations sémantiques: Actes du Colloque international de Saint-Étienne (3–5 juin 1993). Edited by Bernard Jacquinod, 121–132. Saint-Étienne, France: Centre Jean-Palerne, Publications de l’Univ. de Saint-Étienne.
  1196.  
  1197. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1198.  
  1199. The complexities involved in translating the Latin pro- by anti (ἀντί).
  1200.  
  1201. Find this resource:
  1202.  
  1203.  
  1204. Freyburger-Galland, Marie-Laure. 1992. Dion Cassius et l’étymologie: Auctoritas et Augustus. Revue des études grecques 105:237–246.
  1205.  
  1206. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1207.  
  1208. Dio does not use the regular Greek equivalent of Augustus, Sebastos (Σεβαστός), because he understood the Latin etymological significance of the adjective augustus.
  1209.  
  1210. Find this resource:
  1211.  
  1212.  
  1213. Freyburger-Galland, Marie-Laure. 1997. Aspects du vocabulaire politique et institutionnel de Dion Cassius. Paris: De Boccard.
  1214.  
  1215. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1216.  
  1217. A detailed survey of Dio’s political, military, and administrative vocabulary, emphasizing his preference for Classical Greek vocabulary and avoidance of transliteration.
  1218.  
  1219. Find this resource:
  1220.  
  1221.  
  1222. Molin, Michel. 2007. Préfets et préfecture du prétoire dans l’Histoire romaine de Dion Cassius. Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 18:199–216.
  1223.  
  1224. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1225.  
  1226. Dio uses terms with previously negative connotation for the praetorians in a new way (e.g., δορυφορικόν and σωματοφύλακες).
  1227.  
  1228. Find this resource:
  1229.  
  1230.  
  1231. Swan, P. Michael. 1982. Προβάλλεσθαι in Dio’s account of elections under Augustus. Classical Quarterly 32:436–440.
  1232.  
  1233. DOI: 10.1017/S0009838800026604Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1234.  
  1235. Proballesthai (προβάλλεσθαι) means “nominate as a candidate,” the Latin term nominare, not “commend.”
  1236.  
  1237. Find this resource:
  1238.  
  1239.  
  1240. Lexis
  1241. As can be expected for someone writing in a dynamic living language, Dio apparently introduces new words into literary Greek, as Connolly 1991 suggests, and uses existing vocabulary in new ways, as Freyburger-Galland 1996 demonstrates. This was done particularly to suit the Roman context, as Freyburger 2003 illustrates for the specific example of terms for crisis and disaster. Humphrey 1990 highlights how Dio’s usage of individual terms may be inconsistent because he used different sources for different parts of the work.
  1242.  
  1243. Connolly, A. 1991. The meaning of ἀνορμίζω and the possible addendum lexicis ἀνορμέω. Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 86:35–40.
  1244.  
  1245. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1246.  
  1247. Dio is the only literary author to use the compound ἀνορμίζω, meaning to anchor a ship outside a port.
  1248.  
  1249. Find this resource:
  1250.  
  1251.  
  1252. Freyburger, Marie-Laure. 2003. Le vocabulaire de la crise du pouvoir chez Dion Cassius. In Fondements et crises du pouvoir: Issus des journées d’études tenues au Centre Ausonius de l’Université de Bordeaux 3, mai 1999–octobre 2001. Edited by Sylvie Franchet d’Espèrey, Valérie Fromentin, Sophie Gotteland, and Jean-Michel Roddaz, 325–336. Bordeaux, France: Ausonius.
  1253.  
  1254. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1255.  
  1256. A study of what vocabulary Dio uses for crises and how he employs it.
  1257.  
  1258. Find this resource:
  1259.  
  1260.  
  1261. Freyburger-Galland, Marie-Laure. 1996. Δυναστεία chez Dion Cassius. Ktèma 21:23–27.
  1262.  
  1263. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1264.  
  1265. A concise study showing that, for Dio, dynasteia (δυναστεία) designates either sole rule or an oligarchy whose status was questionable.
  1266.  
  1267. Find this resource:
  1268.  
  1269.  
  1270. Humphrey, J. W. 1990. A note on στάδιον in Cassius Dio. Ancient History Bulletin 4:17–22.
  1271.  
  1272. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1273.  
  1274. Dio usually employs a conversion factor of 7.5 stadia to one Roman mile, but occasionally one of eight.
  1275.  
  1276. Find this resource:
  1277.  
  1278.  
  1279. Reception in Antiquity
  1280. Although his work remained well known, even in the Latin-speaking west, no one attempted to repeat Dio’s history from the foundation of Rome to the present on the same scale. During the Byzantine period his work was mined by excerptors and also epitomized, which attests to its continuing value.
  1281.  
  1282. Dio as a Source
  1283. Alföldy 1971 shows how the Greek historian Herodian, writing a generation after Dio, used his predecessor’s work for his own contemporary history. Whether the author of the Historia Augusta used Dio either directly or via Herodian or both is keenly disputed: Kolb 1972 and Kolb 1995 set out the arguments; Straub 1972 argues for a particular way in which the author of Historia Augusta used Dio, while Molinier-Arbò 2009 argues that he also used Marius Maximus.
  1284.  
  1285. Alföldy, Géza. 1971. Cassius Dio und Herodian über die Anfänge des neupersischen Reiches. Rheinisches Museum 114:360–366.
  1286.  
  1287. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1288.  
  1289. Herodian used Dio for his account of the whole period from Commodus to Severus Alexander.
  1290.  
  1291. Find this resource:
  1292.  
  1293.  
  1294. Kolb, Frank. 1972. Literarische Beziehungen zwischen Cassius Dio, Herodian und der Historia Augusta. Bonn, West Germany: Habelt.
  1295.  
  1296. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1297.  
  1298. The author of the Historia Augusta used Dio both directly and indirectly via Herodian.
  1299.  
  1300. Find this resource:
  1301.  
  1302.  
  1303. Kolb, Frank. 1995. Cassius Dio, Herodian und die Quellen der Historia Augusta. In Historiae Augustae Colloquium Maceratense: Actes du colloque de Macerata, 6–9 juin 1992. Historiae Augustae colloquia 3. Edited by G. Bonamente and G. Paci, 179–191. Bari, Italy: Edipuglia.
  1304.  
  1305. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1306.  
  1307. Argues that Dio and Herodian were the only sources for the Historia Augusta for the period beginning with Commodus and ending with the accession of Gordian.
  1308.  
  1309. Find this resource:
  1310.  
  1311.  
  1312. Molinier-Arbò, Agnès. 2009. Dion Cassius versus Marius Maximus? Éléments de polémique entre les Romaika et l’Histoire Auguste. Phoenix 63:278–295.
  1313.  
  1314. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1315.  
  1316. Where the Historia Augusta differs from Dio in its treatment of AD 178–193, the former’s use of Marius Maximus’s biographies can be assumed.
  1317.  
  1318. Find this resource:
  1319.  
  1320.  
  1321. Straub, Johannes. 1972. Cassius Dio und die Historia Augusta. In Bonner Historia-Augusta-Colloquium 1970. Edited by Johannes Straub and Andreas Alföldi, 271–285. Bonn, West Germany: Habelt.
  1322.  
  1323. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1324.  
  1325. The author of the Historia Augusta knew Dio’s work and incorporated it into a kind of satura lanx.
  1326.  
  1327. Find this resource:
  1328.  
  1329.  
  1330. Epitomizers
  1331. Cavallo 1987 shows that Dio’s original work continued to be read and copied at Constantinople up till the 10th century. In the late 11th century AD, Xiphilinus produced an epitome of Dio beginning at Book 36 and continuing to Book 80. Mazzucchi 1979 discusses the transmission of Dio’s text and the reasons for Xiphilinus’s choice of book to epitomize. Ehrhardt 1994 shows that Xiphilinus introduced material alien to the original, and Schmidt 1989 discusses how Xiphilinus dealt with a major problem in the text of Dio that he was using. Xiphilinus is sometimes useful for reconstructing the original Book divisions of Dio, as Canfora 1978 shows.
  1332.  
  1333. Canfora, Luciano. 1978. Xifilino e il libro LX di Dione Cassio. Klio 60:403–407.
  1334.  
  1335. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1336.  
  1337. Dio Book 61 may have begun with AD 47, the 800th anniversary of Rome.
  1338.  
  1339. Find this resource:
  1340.  
  1341.  
  1342. Cavallo, Guglielmo. 1987. La trasmissione dei ’moderni’ tra antichità tarda e medioevo bizantino. Byzantinische Zeitschrift 80:313–329.
  1343.  
  1344. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1345.  
  1346. Read for stylistic reasons, Dio’s work survived through copies made in the imperial library from the mid-10th century AD.
  1347.  
  1348. Find this resource:
  1349.  
  1350.  
  1351. Ehrhardt, Christopher. 1994. Dio Cassius Christianised. Prudentia 26:26–28.
  1352.  
  1353. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1354.  
  1355. Xiphilinus attributes words to Otho that are similar to those of Jesus.
  1356.  
  1357. Find this resource:
  1358.  
  1359.  
  1360. Mazzucchi, Carlo Maria. Alcune vicende della tradizione di Cassio Dione in epoca bizantina. Aevum 53 (1979): 94–139.
  1361.  
  1362. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1363.  
  1364. A study of Vat. Gr. 1288 and discussion on Xiphilinus’s choice of books to summarize.
  1365.  
  1366. Find this resource:
  1367.  
  1368.  
  1369. Schmidt, Manfred G. 1989. Cassius Dio, Buch LXX: Bemerkungen zur Technik des Epitomators Ioannes Xiphilinus. Chiron 19:55–59.
  1370.  
  1371. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1372.  
  1373. Xiphilinus rearranged material across books when faced with a major lacuna in his text of Dio.
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