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  1. /2\t184.9 143.1 148.5 109.1
  2. 1937 64\t
  3. 7/8\t34 194.4 113.6 158.7 84.2
  4. 1938 48 27
  5. 1/4\t158.4 99.0 119.3 73.5\t
  6. 1939 44\t5/8\t31 155.9 121.4 118.3 86.7\t
  7. 1Weekly indexes of prices (1926 \x02100) of 350 industrial issues in 1939 and 347 issues in earlier years.\t
  8. It was little short of nonsense for the stock market to say in 1937 that
  9. General Electric Company was worth $1,870,000,000 and almost pre-
  10. cisely a year later that it was worth only $784,000,000. Certainly nothing
  11. had happened within twelve months’ time to destroy more than half the
  12. value of this powerful enterprise, nor did investors even pretend to claim
  13. that the falling off in earnings from 1937 to 1938 had any permanent sig-
  14. nificance for the future of the company. General Electric sold at 64\t
  15. 7/8\t
  16. because the public was in an optimistic frame of mind and at 27\t1/4\t
  17. because the same people were pessimistic. To speak of these prices as rep-
  18. resenting “investment values” or the “appraisal of investors” is to do vio-
  19. lence either to the English language or to common sense, or both.
  20. Four Problems.\tAssuming that a common-stock buyer were to seek
  21. definite investment standards by which to guide his operations, he might
  22.  
  23. Introduction to the Second Edition[31]\t
  24. well direct his attention to four questions: (1) the general future of corpo-
  25. ration profits, (2) the differential in quality between one type of company
  26. and another, (3) the influence of interest rates on the dividends or earn-
  27. ings return that he should demand, and finally (4) the extent to which his
  28. purchases and sales should be governed by the factor of timing as distinct
  29. from price.
  30. The General Future of Corporate Profits. If we study these questions in
  31. the light of past experience, our most pronounced reaction is likely to be a
  32. wholesome scepticism as to the soundness of the stock market’s judgment
  33. on all broad matters relating to the future. The data in our first table show
  34. quite clearly that the market underestimated the attractiveness of industrial
  35. common stocks as a whole in the years prior to 1926. Their prices gener-
  36. ally represented a rather cautious appraisal of past and current earnings,
  37. with no signs of any premium being paid for the possibilities of growth
  38. inherent in the leading enterprises of a rapidly expanding commonwealth.
  39. In 1913 railroad and traction issues made up the bulk of investment bonds
  40. and stocks. By 1925 a large part of the investment in street railways had
  41. been endangered by the development of the automobile, but even then there
  42. was no disposition to apprehend a similar threat to the steam railroads. The widespread recognition of the factor of future growth in com-
  43. mon stocks first asserted itself as a stock-market influence at a time when
  44. in fact the most dynamic factors in our national expansion (territorial
  45. development and rapid accretions of population) were no longer oper-
  46. ative, and our economy was about to face grave problems of instability
  47. arising from these very checks to the factor of growth. The overvalua-
  48. tions of the new-era years extended to nearly every issue that had even
  49. a short period of increasing earnings to recommend it, but especial favor
  50. was accorded the public-utility and chain-store groups. Even as late as
  51. 1931 the high prices paid for these issues showed no realization of their
  52. inherent limitations, just as five years later the market still failed to
  53. appreciate the critical changes taking place in the position of railroad
  54. bonds as well as stocks. Quality Differentials. The stock market of 1940 has its well-defined
  55. characteristics, founded chiefly on the experience of the recent past and
  56. on the rather obvious prospects of the future. The tendency to favor the
  57. larger and stronger companies is perhaps more pronounced than ever.
  58. This is supported by the record since 1929, which indicates, we believe,
  59. both better resistance to depression and a more complete recovery of
  60.  
  61. earning power in the case of the leading than of the secondary compa-
  62. nies. There is also the usual predilection for certain industrial groups,
  63. including companies of smaller size therein. Most prominent are the
  64. chemical and aviation shares—the former because of their really remark-
  65. able record of growth through research, the latter because of the great
  66. influx of armament orders.But these preferences of the current stock market, although easily
  67. understood, may raise some questions in the minds of the sceptical. First
  68. to be considered is the extraordinary disparity between the prices of
  69. prominent and less popular issues. If average earnings of 1934–1939 are
  70. taken as a criterion, the “good stocks” would appear to be selling about
  71. two to three times as high as other issues. In terms of asset values the
  72. divergence is far greater, since obviously the popular issues have earned
  73. a much larger return on their invested capital. The ignoring of asset val-
  74. ues has reached a stage where even current assets receive very little atten-
  75. tion, so that even a moderately successful enterpri
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