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- /2\t184.9 143.1 148.5 109.1
- 1937 64\t
- 7/8\t34 194.4 113.6 158.7 84.2
- 1938 48 27
- 1/4\t158.4 99.0 119.3 73.5\t
- 1939 44\t5/8\t31 155.9 121.4 118.3 86.7\t
- 1Weekly indexes of prices (1926 \x02100) of 350 industrial issues in 1939 and 347 issues in earlier years.\t
- It was little short of nonsense for the stock market to say in 1937 that
- General Electric Company was worth $1,870,000,000 and almost pre-
- cisely a year later that it was worth only $784,000,000. Certainly nothing
- had happened within twelve months’ time to destroy more than half the
- value of this powerful enterprise, nor did investors even pretend to claim
- that the falling off in earnings from 1937 to 1938 had any permanent sig-
- nificance for the future of the company. General Electric sold at 64\t
- 7/8\t
- because the public was in an optimistic frame of mind and at 27\t1/4\t
- because the same people were pessimistic. To speak of these prices as rep-
- resenting “investment values†or the “appraisal of investors†is to do vio-
- lence either to the English language or to common sense, or both.
- Four Problems.\tAssuming that a common-stock buyer were to seek
- definite investment standards by which to guide his operations, he might
- Introduction to the Second Edition[31]\t
- well direct his attention to four questions: (1) the general future of corpo-
- ration profits, (2) the differential in quality between one type of company
- and another, (3) the influence of interest rates on the dividends or earn-
- ings return that he should demand, and finally (4) the extent to which his
- purchases and sales should be governed by the factor of timing as distinct
- from price.
- The General Future of Corporate Profits. If we study these questions in
- the light of past experience, our most pronounced reaction is likely to be a
- wholesome scepticism as to the soundness of the stock market’s judgment
- on all broad matters relating to the future. The data in our first table show
- quite clearly that the market underestimated the attractiveness of industrial
- common stocks as a whole in the years prior to 1926. Their prices gener-
- ally represented a rather cautious appraisal of past and current earnings,
- with no signs of any premium being paid for the possibilities of growth
- inherent in the leading enterprises of a rapidly expanding commonwealth.
- In 1913 railroad and traction issues made up the bulk of investment bonds
- and stocks. By 1925 a large part of the investment in street railways had
- been endangered by the development of the automobile, but even then there
- was no disposition to apprehend a similar threat to the steam railroads. The widespread recognition of the factor of future growth in com-
- mon stocks first asserted itself as a stock-market influence at a time when
- in fact the most dynamic factors in our national expansion (territorial
- development and rapid accretions of population) were no longer oper-
- ative, and our economy was about to face grave problems of instability
- arising from these very checks to the factor of growth. The overvalua-
- tions of the new-era years extended to nearly every issue that had even
- a short period of increasing earnings to recommend it, but especial favor
- was accorded the public-utility and chain-store groups. Even as late as
- 1931 the high prices paid for these issues showed no realization of their
- inherent limitations, just as five years later the market still failed to
- appreciate the critical changes taking place in the position of railroad
- bonds as well as stocks. Quality Differentials. The stock market of 1940 has its well-defined
- characteristics, founded chiefly on the experience of the recent past and
- on the rather obvious prospects of the future. The tendency to favor the
- larger and stronger companies is perhaps more pronounced than ever.
- This is supported by the record since 1929, which indicates, we believe,
- both better resistance to depression and a more complete recovery of
- earning power in the case of the leading than of the secondary compa-
- nies. There is also the usual predilection for certain industrial groups,
- including companies of smaller size therein. Most prominent are the
- chemical and aviation shares—the former because of their really remark-
- able record of growth through research, the latter because of the great
- influx of armament orders.But these preferences of the current stock market, although easily
- understood, may raise some questions in the minds of the sceptical. First
- to be considered is the extraordinary disparity between the prices of
- prominent and less popular issues. If average earnings of 1934–1939 are
- taken as a criterion, the “good stocks†would appear to be selling about
- two to three times as high as other issues. In terms of asset values the
- divergence is far greater, since obviously the popular issues have earned
- a much larger return on their invested capital. The ignoring of asset val-
- ues has reached a stage where even current assets receive very little atten-
- tion, so that even a moderately successful enterpri
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