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Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) (Islamic Studies)

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  1. Introduction
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  3. The Islamic Salvation Front, best known by its French name, Front islamique du salut (FIS), is a banned political and religious organization in Algeria. Founded after a brief opening for elections in the late 1980s, the organization was brutally suppressed by the Algerian army. Even more of a threat to the FIS, however, were rival Islamist organizations. Although still an important base of opposition in Algeria, the FIS has been sidelined by continued economic concerns and urban revolts against the ruling class in Algeria. There is in the early 21st century an orchestrated attempt by the government to suppress accounts and memories of the civil wars and conflicts of the 1990s, of which FIS was an important part.
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  5. General Overviews
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  7. Most studies of the FIS are focused on efforts at peacekeeping and dialogue. By attempting to bring the FIS to the table, these studies (e.g., Pierre and Quandt 1996) demonstrate the basic demands of the FIS and the ultimate flexibility of its so-called Islamist ideology. Many studies, including Roberts 1994 (cited under Origins), have emphasized the role of the state in manipulating the FIS and other Islamist groups by pitting them against one another. The few scholarly, book-length studies, including Willis 1996 and Willis 1998, similarly focus on the constantly problematic relationship between the FIS and the Algerian state/army apparatus as well as with other Islamist parties, such as the Al-Nahda. Other scholars have contextualized the FIS and its interactions with the state as part of a wider political pattern of state, religion, and society in North Africa, as seen in Entelis 1994 and Entelis 1997. Bouamama 2000 provides an overview of the roots of Islamism in Algeria, and Rouadjia 1990 reviews the early years of the movement. Malley 1996 offers a policy analysis of the political evolution of Algeria and the FIS and presents Algeria as a case study of “Third Worldism.” Finally, the FIS produced its own magazines, including the periodical Al-Munqidh, published, in Arabic, between October 1989 and February 1992.
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  9. Bouamama, Saïd. Algerie: Les racines de l‘intégrisme. Anvers, Belgium: Editions EPO, 2000.
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  11. This study surveys the rise of Islamism and the advent of Abdelaziz Bouteflika.
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  13. Entelis, John P. “Islam, Democracy, and the State: The Reemergence of Authoritarian Politics in Algeria.” In Islamism and Secularism in North Africa. Edited by John Ruedy, 219–251. New York: St. Martin’s, 1994.
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  15. Authoritarianism and Islamist politics are rivals but also self-reinforcing, because each uses the other as a foil for ideological and political advantage.
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  17. Entelis, John P. Islam, Democracy, and the State in North Africa. Indiana Series in Arab and Islamic Studies. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997.
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  19. Entelis demonstrates the relationship between Islam and democracy in Algeria and in North Africa more generally.
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  21. Malley, Robert. The Call from Algeria: Third Worldism, Revolution, and the Turn to Islam. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996.
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  23. Malley examines Algeria as part of the larger trend of Third World politics, while linking the rise of the FIS to specific political and religious conditions in North Africa.
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  25. Pierre, Andrew J., and William B. Quandt. The Algerian Crisis: Policy Options for the West. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1996.
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  27. Pierre and Quandt attempt to outline the origins of the crisis and possible, limited avenues for reconciliation.
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  29. Rouadjia, Ahmed. Les frères et la mosquée: Enquête sur le mouvement islamiste en Algérie. Les Afriques. Paris: Karthala, 1990.
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  31. This work studies the earliest beginnings of the movement and its initial development.
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  33. Willis, Michael. The Islamist Challenge in Algeria: A Political History. Berkshire, UK: Ithaca Press, 1996.
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  35. A full-length, well-researched tome outlining the history of the FIS, in the context of Islamist politics.
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  37. Willis, Michael. “Algeria’s Other Islamists: Abdallah Djaballah and the Ennahda Movement.” Journal of North African Studies 3.3 (1998): 46–70.
  38. DOI: 10.1080/13629389808718337Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  39. This article shows that the FIS was one of several Islamist movements and demonstrates the relationships among them. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  41. Origins
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  43. Islamic activism in Algeria has deep roots. During French imperial rule (1830–1962), several Algerian intellectuals used Islam as an alternative to Western models of development. ‘Abd al-Hamid Ben Badis, perhaps the most famous of these thinkers, founded the Muslim Algerian Ulema and published the monthly magazine al-Shihab, which would have a great influence on religious reform in Algeria, as discussed in Roberts 1994. Also, resistance to French rule in the 1950s and 1960s was often legitimized in Islamic terms. Many scholars, however, view the decline of oil revenue in the 1980s and the fall of the Algerian socialist state fueled by those dollars as the cause of the rise of the FIS and its popularity, as seen in Takeyh 2003. Also, in marked contrast to the overtly secular regime of Habib Bourguiba, in Tunisia, where the government was squarely against even moderate Islamists, Algerian presidents, starting with Houari Boumedienne (1965–1978) and Colonel Chadli Bendjedid (1979–1992), allowed for new family status codes that favored Islamist interpretations. They also allowed “radical” preaching in the mosques under the aegis of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, as discussed in Roberts 1988. Nevertheless, there were several mosques and Islamic movements not under the control of the ministry. These formed a core of opposition against the state in the late 1980s, as shown in Martínez 2000. In 1988 a large demonstration against food prices inspired by the Palestinian intifada erupted among the working class, who filled the streets. Mobilizing these protesters, Islamist political parties insisted on political reform and participation. The FIS was founded in 1989, after the Algerian constitution was amended to permit new political parties.
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  45. Martínez, Luis. The Algerian Civil War, 1990–1998. Translated by Jonathan Derrick. CERI Series in Comparative Politics and International Studies. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000.
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  47. Originally published in 1998, in French, as La guerre civile en Algérie (Paris: Karthala). A monograph overview of the civil war and its origins.
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  49. Roberts, Hugh. “Radical Islamism and the Dilemma of Algerian Nationalism: The Embattled Arians of Algiers.” In Special Issue: Islam and Politics. Third World Quarterly 10.2 (1988): 556–589.
  50. DOI: 10.1080/01436598808420072Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  51. An overview of Islamism in Algeria and the situation in the country while the FIS was emerging as a player.
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  53. Roberts, Hugh. “From Radical Mission to Equivocal Ambition: The Expansion and Manipulation of Algerian Islamism, 1979–1992.” In Accounting for Fundamentalisms: The Dynamic Character of Movements. Edited by Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby, 428–489. Fundamentalism Project. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994.
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  55. This is a good primer on the historical background of the FIS and various Islamist groups.
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  57. Takeyh, Ray. “Islamism in Algeria: A Struggle between Hope and Agony.” Middle East Policy 10.2 (2003): 62–75.
  58. DOI: 10.1111/1475-4967.00106Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  59. A concise account of the FIS and its role in attempts at reconciliation in Algeria.
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  61. Elections and Radicalization
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  63. The FIS emerged fully on the scene in 1989 as the primary symbol of Islamic opposition after the institution of political reforms by Colonel Chadli Bendjedid. The FIS leaders, Abbasi Madani, Ali Belhadj, and El Hachemi Sahnouni, renounced many forms of violence in their bid to remain a legitimate political party under the reform regime. Their stunning success in elections, especially local elections around Algiers and other major cities, threatened the Algerian state regime, as discussed in Roberts 1992. In 1991 the FIS organized a general strike after the government attempted to take them out of the electoral process through gerrymandering. Even so, the FIS made surprising gains in the elections, leading to the cancellation of the electoral process by the army in January 1992. The FIS was banned in 1992, and Madani and Belhadj were arrested. Many FIS followers reacted by resorting to violence against the state and forming radical, sometimes terrorist, branches. This so-called failure of democratic reform, a failure caused by fear of Islamist political gains, is explored in detail by several scholars, as seen in Tahi 1995 and Mortimer 1996. The leadership of the FIS was often split between the elder, sheikhly Madani, who at first embraced elections and democracy, and the younger, more charismatic Belhadj, who had more-conservative, Salafi leanings. Their own writings reflect these perspectives (Belhadj 1994, Madani 1987). There were also some divisions between the FIS in Algeria and supporters living in Europe who sent the FIS funds and support. The diverse views and opinions of the FIS were expressed in an interview with Anwar Haddam, the president of the Parliamentary Delegation Abroad of the FIS, in Haddam 1996. Kepel 1995 looks at the FIS in the context of global Islamist movements.
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  65. Belhadj, Ali. Fasl al-kalam fi muwajahat zulm al-hukkam. Jabhat al-Islamiyya li’l-Inqadh. Beirut, Lebanon: Dār al-ʿUqāb, 1994.
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  67. This is a primer on the thought and intellectual arguments of Belhadj and his ideas about political rule.
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  69. Haddam, Anwar H. “An Islamist Vision for Algeria.” Middle East Quarterly 3.3 (1996): 69–80.
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  71. This interview offers an important view into the thinking of FIS expatriates.
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  73. Kepel, Gilles. “Islamists versus the State in Egypt and Algeria.” Daedalus 124.3 (1995): 109–127.
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  75. This article provides a useful, comparative overview of the FIS and the Muslim Brotherhood and their various techniques. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  77. Madani, Abbasi. Azmat al-Fikr al-hadith wa-mubarrirat al-hall al-islami. Nahwa inqadh al-insan wa-al-insaniyah. Al’Aziziyah, Saudi Arabia: Maktabat al-Manarah, 1987.
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  79. A more traditional approach; Madani establishes his thought solidly in Islamic texts and the sayings of the Prophet.
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  81. Mortimer, Robert. “Islamists, Soldiers, and Democrats: The Second Algerian War.” Middle East Journal 50.1 (1996) 18–39.
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  83. Another examination of the dilemma of elections and the violence that occurred after the state annulled results. Discusses the 1995 Rome Platform, an opportunity for dialogue between the parties. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  85. Roberts, Hugh. “The Algerian State and the Challenge of Democracy.” Government and Opposition 27.4 (1992): 433–454.
  86. DOI: 10.1111/j.1477-7053.1992.tb00422.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  87. Gives an overview of the essential challenges faced by an authoritarian regime and religiously inspired democrats, as well as the contradictory reactions of Western powers. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  89. Tahi, Mohand Salah. “Algeria’s Democratisation Process: A Frustrated Hope.” Third World Quarterly 16.2 (1995): 197–220.
  90. DOI: 10.1080/01436599550036095Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  91. This article expresses the difficulties and disappointments faced by the FIS and other Islamist groups in Algeria in the early 1990s. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  93. FIS versus GIA versus the State
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  95. After 1992, several rival rebellious groups arose, including Groupe islamique armé (GIA), or Armed Islamic Group, condemned by the FIS for its brutal tactics involving the targeting of citizens. The FIS formed an alliance with its own armed group, the Islamic Salvation Army, better known as Armée islamique du salut (AIS). Soon, this rival group became as much a threat to FIS as the army and government that had originally excluded it from elections, as discussed in Labat 1995. AIS and FIS were repeatedly targeted by the GIA. Indeed, the FIS, along with “nonviolent” Islamists, attempted to distance itself decisively from the atrocities committed by the GIA, as discussed in Entelis 1997 and Hafez 2004. Madani and Belhadj were finally released from prison in 2003. However, in the early 21st century the FIS Party remains banned. There have been rumors about popular uprisings against the regime that corresponded to the 2011 Arab Spring, as seen in Ramzi 2011. Indeed, the Arab Spring has changed the political situation on the ground, potentially opening up new avenues for the FIS, with the lifting of emergency laws in February 2011 and the announcement in April 2011 of constitutional reforms. Yet, the potential for national representation and democratization is not always the same as national reconciliation. Speaking or writing about the civil war has been banned as part of the so-called Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation, which is discussed in Goldstein 2006. Some scholars have been pessimistic about the possibility of dialogue between Islamist groups and the state, especially in the context of attempts to suppress or ignore historical memory. Others have been somewhat more hopeful that there is a way out of the impasse, as seen in Roberts 1994 and Roberts 1995. Still other scholars, as shown in Quandt 1998, have proposed that Algeria is evolving or transitioning from a typically authoritarian system. In 1999 the FIS accepted a peace accord with the government. The AIS was dissolved in 2000 as a result of this accord.
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  97. Entelis, John P. “Political Islam in the Maghreb: The Nonviolent Dimension.” In Islam, Democracy, and the State in North Africa. Edited by John P. Entelis, 43–74. Indiana Series in Arab and Islamic Studies. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997.
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  99. Entelis examines how nonviolent forms of Islamic opposition functioned in Algeria even as groups such as the GIA sidelined their efforts.
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  101. Goldstein, Eric. “Algeria’s Amnesia Decree.” openDemocracy, April 2006.
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  103. Examines the way the Algerian state has attempted to suppress historical memory of the 1980s and 1990s.
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  105. Hafez, Mohammed M. “From Marginalization to Massacres: A Political Process Explanation of GIA Violence in Algeria.” In Islamic Activism: A Social Movement Theory Approach. Edited by Quintan Wiktorowicz, 37–60. Indiana Series in Middle East Studies. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004.
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  107. Hafez discusses the political process through which groups are gradually radicalized. Instead of pointing to typical issues of exclusion and marginalization, he examines the way indiscriminate violence by the state leads progressively to more-violent actions by groups such as GIA.
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  109. Labat, Séverine. Les islamistes algériens: Entre les urnes et le maquis. L’épreuve des faits. Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1995.
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  111. This is an authoritative study of the antagonism between the FIS and GIA.
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  113. Quandt, William B. Between Ballots and Bullets: Algeria’s Transition from Authoritarianism. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1998.
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  115. Quandt challenges the assumption that democracy and Islam are incompatible, by examining various reasons to be hopeful about the possible decline of authoritarianism.
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  117. Ramzi, Walid. “Algeria Refuses to Free Salafist Prisoners.” Magharebia, 3 June 2011.
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  119. Outlines the ongoing struggle between the Islamist parties and the Algerian military state as the FIS calls for the release of its prisoners.
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  121. Roberts, Hugh. “Algeria between Eradicators and Conciliators.” Middle East Report 189 (1994): 24–27.
  122. DOI: 10.2307/3013109Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  123. Roberts suggests striking a bargain between the FIS and the state. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  125. Roberts, Hugh. “The Islamists, the Democratic Opposition and the Search for a Political Solution in Algeria.” Review of African Political Economy 22.64 (1995): 237–244.
  126. DOI: 10.1080/03056249508704124Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  127. Roberts details, with frustration, the army’s lack of conciliation and compromise with FIS. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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