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  58. [citations] => Balandier, Georges. 1981 (2ème édition). Sens et puissance. Paris: Quadrige/PUF.
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  82. Scott, James. 1985. Weapons of the Weak. Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance, New Haven and London: Yale University Press.
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  84. Mendras, Henri. 1967. La fin des paysans, innovations et changement dans l’agriculture française. Paris: SEDEIS.
  85. Mitrović, Milovan. 1989. Naše selo između prošlosti i budućnosti. Beograd: Naučna knjiga.
  86. Mišković, Nataša. 2010. Bazari i bulevari. Svet života u Beogradu 19. veka. Beograd: Muzej grada Beograda.
  87. Naumović, Slobodan. 1995. Ustaj seljo, ustaj rode: Simbolika seljaštva i politička komunikacija u novijoj istoriji Srbije. Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju II (1): 39-63.
  88. Pantelić, Nikola. 1991. Nasleđe i savremenost. Društveni život u selima čačanskog i gornjomilanovačkog kraja (Posebna izdanja, knj. 35). Beograd: Etnografski institut SANU.
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  92. Rihtman-Auguštin. 1988. Dunja. Etnologija naše svakodnevice. Zagreb: Školska knjiga.
  93. Romelić, Živka et Marko Stojanović. 1989. Neki elementi kulture gastarbajtera đerdapskih naselja. Etnološke sveske X: 197-202.
  94. Sahlins, Marshall. 1976. "De la sociologie de l'échange primitif". In: Age de pierre, âge d'abondance (traduction T. Jolas), 237-292. Paris: Gallimard.
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  96. Simić, Andrei. 1973. The Peasant Urbanites: A Study of Rural Urban Mobility in Serbia, (Editor’s preface by E. A. Hammel. Studies in Anthropology series 1). New York & London: Seminar.
  97. Stanimirović, Vojislav. 1998. Ustanova miraza u našoj tradicijskoj kulturi. Beograd: Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu.
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  102. Wallace, Anthony Francis Clarke. 1956. Revitalization Movements. American Anthropologist 58: 264-281.
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  135. [en_US] => <span>The paper, which is part of a larger whole, offers an attempt to interpret new forms of behavior, especially the complex interplay between different forms of gift giving and consumption in contemporary marital rites. These forms of behavior, which tend to mimic traditional patterns, but are far from them, represent the symbolic responses of peasants to the economic pressures of the outside environment. The concept of the use of tradition is offered as a framework through which it is possible to link the entirety of socio-economic conditions with deliberate actions by individuals or groups in a rural environment. Playing with the multiple meanings which can be ascribed to the forms of behavior that mimic traditional patterns, especially the reciprocity of different forms of exchange of gifts and wedding feasts, enables the transformation of interests which it isn’t advisable to endorse into actions which are acceptable to everyone. To use Bourdieu’s terms, consciously resorting to traditional forms of behavior enables the “euphemization” of their original meaning and the real reasons behind their use, and constitutes the first step in the use of tradition. The second step in this process is linked to choice between different behavioral patterns (the flows of reciprocity on the one hand, and conspicuous, prestigious consumption on the other) and playing with the social consequences of such choices. The possibility of using elements of the traditional cultural pattern of the wedding in order to maintain or elevate one’s social status was present before, especially due to the multifaceted practice of gift giving, or rather, the possibility of giving a gift which is larger than the expected return gift. The only difference between the traditional and the contemporary model of wedding practices is that today it’s possible to elevate one’s status through consumption which completely sidesteps the established channels of reciprocity and mutuality. Namely, while the former patterns of behavior made it possible to elevate one’s status only to the extent to which other members of the community received gifts, or the extent to which other members of the community profited from “excessive” gift giving, today it is necessary to build one’s social standing through consumption which completely sidesteps the channels of mutuality (like spending money on ordering songs, on orchestras, large tents, limos etc.) In a system like that, the practice of utilizing tradition, the public focus on gift giving and other forms of mutual exchange, serves primarily (but not only) to diminish the intrusiveness of new forms of behavior, especially “pure status consumption”, and to make their social consequences more acceptable.</span>
  136. [fr_FR] => <span>Dans ce texte il sera question des activités qui constituent la réponse symbolique des paysans, exprimée par des formes de comportement qui visent a sémbler a des formes traditionnelles, à la pression tout à fait réelle de la société environnante inspirée par des raisons idéologiques ou économiques, et, le plus souvent, par leur combinaison. La catégorie de l'usage de la tradition va aider, au niveau de l'analyse, à relier l'assemblage des causes structurelles à l'activité consciente et aux objectifs des individus ou des groupes. La pluralité de signification des formes de comportement qui visent a sémbler a des formes traditionnelles, en prémier lieu des formes de réciprocité, des donnations et des pratiques de dèpense aux noces villageoises en tant que rites de passage, permet de transformer les intérêts qui, pour diverses raisons, ne peuvent pas se réaliser ouvertement, en procédés qui, en principe du moins, sont acceptables à tous. L'assujetissement des formes traditionnelles de conduite symbolique à l' "euphémisation" de leur sens, constitue, par conséquent, la première condition d'efficacité de l'usage de la tradition. La seconde condition est rélié à la possibilité de choix entre les formes symboliques de conduite qui appartiennent à des contextes tout à fait différents (canaux de réciprocité, de l'une coté, et consommation ostentatoire de l'autre), sur la base de l'estimation des conséquences sociales d'un tel choix. L'instrumentalisation du fôrme culturelle du festin de noce dans le but d'acquérir ou de maintenir son statut, de même que la multiplicité de significations que prend ainsi le festin étaient présentes dans le modèle antérieur de festivités nuptiales. Seul le fait que l'acquisition du statut peut se faire par le biais d'une consommation qui néglige complètement les canaux de la réciprocité est essentiellement nouveau. Tandis que dans le modèle antérieur, la richesse pouvait élever le statut social dans la mesure où, par les canaux de la réciprocité généralisée, la consommation se faisait au niveau des ressortissants de la communauté villageoise, dans le modèle d'aujourd'hui, le statut ne peut s'acquérir que par le pouvoir de consommation publiquement extériorisé. L’instrumentalisation de la traditition (en prémier lieu des échanges et donations passant par les canaux de la réciprocité généralisée) serve alors a minimiser la visibilité de cette pratique et a éuphemiser ses consequences sociales.</span>
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  384. [en_US] => <span>Archaeology in Serbia was shaped as a discipline by the end of the 19th century. Its founders, mainly educated at the universities in the German-speaking lands, in the spirit of Altertumswissenschaft, have brought with them the corresponding attitude towards the Classical antiquity. In the process of transfer of the concepts a certain blurring occurred, but not absolute abandonment of the previous narratives about the ancient past, for example the one developed in the framework of Proto-Illyrism. From its inception in the humanistic histories of the 16th century, the Proto- Illyrian idea was the framework of political action, the pivotal point of identity construction, but as well the grounds for territorial aspirations. In these tendencies a major role was played by the Classical past. Through the usage of Classical ethnonyms and toponymes, political concepts and historical narratives, the advocates of Proto-Illyrism took part in the positioning of the Balkans in the temporal and spatial domain of the modern Europe. The paper points to the role of the Proto-Illyrian idea in the affirmation and/or legitimizing of various interests (individual, group), as well as in constructing various identities in the Western Balkans.</span>
  385. [sr_SR] => Arheologija u Srbiji stekla je svoje disciplinarne obrise krajem 19. veka. Njeni osnivači, uglavnom obrazovani na visokoškolskim ustanovama nemačkog govornog područja i na postulatima onovremene nauke o starini (Altertumswissenschaft), preuzeli su i odgovarajuću recepciju antike. Prilikom preuzimanja pomenutih idejnih koncepata došlo je do svojevrsnog zamagljivanja – ali ne i potpunog nestanka – dotadašnjih narativa o antičkoj prošlosti, poput onog razvijenog u okvirima protoilirizma. Od svojih začetaka u humanističkim istorijama 16. stoleća, protoilirska ideja je tokom naredna četiri veka predstavljala okvir političkog delovanja, stožer identitetskih konstrukcija, ali i osnovu teritorijalnih pretenzija. U ovim pregnućima veoma važnu ulogu igrala je i antička prošlost. Upotrebom antičkih etnonima i toponima, političkih koncepata i istorijskih narativa zagovornici protoilirizma učestvovali su u smeštanju Balkana u vremensko-prostorne okvire moderne Evrope. Osvrćući se na obuhvatnost i razuđenost protoilirske ideje ovaj rad ukazuje na njenu ulogu u afirmisanju i/ili legitimisanju različitih interesa (ličnih, grupnih i dr.), kao i u formulisanju različitih identiteta na prostoru Zapadnog Balkana.
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