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Dyula (African Studies)

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  1. Introduction
  2. The name Dyula (also spelled Dioula, Jula, and Juula) has a number of distinct though interrelated meanings. In the first place, in Mande languages, the word Dyula refers specifically to a professional trader, especially one engaged in long-distance trade. More generally, the word refers to communities of Mande-speaking Muslims who settled along trade networks from Senegal to northern Ghana. Many such communities referred to themselves by other names, such as Maraka or Jakhanke, and specialized in Islamic scholarship as well as commerce. However, especially in parts of Burkina Faso and in northern Côte d’Ivoire Muslim Mande-speakers did identify themselves as Dyula, whether or not they were specifically engaged in trade. Côte d’Ivoire was home to the large trading towns of Kong, Bouna, and Bondoukou as well as smaller Dyula communities and was the center of the Dyula as an ethnic as opposed to simply a professional identity. More recently, the relative prosperity of southern Côte d’Ivoire in the colonial period and afterwards led to widespread migration from the north and from neighboring countries and led to the emergence of a new Dyula ethnicity, especially in urban areas. Civil conflict in Côte d’Ivoire over the past two decades has led to anti-Dyula xenophobia.
  3. General Overviews
  4. Because of the multiple meanings of the term “Dyula,” there is no comprehensive overview. Perinbam 1980 is an excellent short introduction to the topic. The introductory chapters in Person 1968–1975 provide a thorough review of Dyula history, including trade and Islamic networks. Meillassoux 1971 is an excellent anthology of articles on West African trading networks, including Dyula. Launay 1982 focuses on Dyula social organization in historical perspective, from the 19th century to the development of new forms of Dyula ethnicity in urban Côte d’Ivoire.
  5. Launay, Robert. Traders without Trade: Responses to Change in Two Dyula Communities. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1982.
  6. DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511558054Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  7. A historically informed ethnography of two Dyula communities in northern Côte d’Ivoire, with a detailed analysis of social organization and its relation to trade and to Islam. The book considers the effects of political and economic change in the 20th century, including the development of new forms of urban ethnicity.
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  9. Meillassoux, Claude, ed. The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa: Studies Presented and Discussed at the Tenth International African Seminar at Fourah Bay College, Freetown, December 1969. London: Oxford University Press for the International African Institute, 1971.
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  11. An excellent anthology of articles on trade and traders in West Africa, both in the precolonial past and in the present. Helps to situate Dyula trade networks within a wider context.
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  13. Perinbam, B. Marie. “The Julas in Western Sudanese History: Long-Distance Traders and Developers of Resources.” In West African Culture Dynamics: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives. Edited by B. K. Swartz and Raymond E. Dumett, 455–475. Paris, The Hague, and New York: Mouton, 1980.
  14. DOI: 10.1515/9783110800685Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  15. A short overview of the role of the Dyula in West African history, focusing on migrations, trade in different commodities (gold, kola, textiles), Islam, and the politics of Dyula culture, particularly the centrality of the organization of a trade diaspora through the relationship between landlords and strangers.
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  17. Person, Yves. Samori: Une révolution dyula. 3 vols. Dakar, Senegal: Institut Fondamental d’Afrique Noire, 1968–1975.
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  19. The first chapters situate the Dyula in terms of the geography and the diverse societies of the regions where they are situated and discuss trade and scholarly Islamic networks in detail. This is the best general introduction to the subject. The rest of the work is a detailed study of the career of the Dyula conqueror Samori. There is an important bibliography.
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  21. The Formation of a Trading Diaspora
  22. The trade networks which came to be known as “Dyula” were originally associated with the great medieval West African empires of Ghana and Mali, well known to Arab geographers at the time (Levtzion and Hopkins 2000, cited under Medieval Empires and Trans-Saharan Trade). These empires controlled the African end of a trans-Saharan trade in gold mined in West Africa in exchange for salt mined in the Sahara. Before the name Dyula became current, specialized traders were called Wangara. They traveled throughout the West African savanna as far away as Kano in northern Nigeria, where they were credited with introducing Islam. This section covers Medieval Empires and Trans-Saharan Trade as well as Early Wangara Traders.
  23. Medieval Empires and Trans-Saharan Trade
  24. Bovill 1970 and Austen 2010 relate the emergence of Dyula trade networks in response to the development of trade links across the Sahara between North and West Africa. The archaeological excavations of Susan McIntosh (McIntosh 1981) and Roderick McIntosh (McIntosh 1998) at the site of Djenné-Djenno in the Niger Delta situate this trade and its impact of West African society in long-term perspective. The trade led to the emergence of the empires of Ghana (9th to 12th centuries) and Mali (13th to 16th centuries), as described in Levtzion 1980; these empires were amply documented in the corpus of geographical literature in Arabic anthologized in Levtzion and Hopkins 2000.
  25. Austen, Ralph. Trans-Saharan Africa in World History. New York: Oxford University Press, 2010.
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  27. An account of how, from the 8th to the 19th century, the Sahara was a bridge between the Mediterranean and African worlds. Stresses the importance of Islam in forging a trans-Saharan cosmopolitan culture.
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  29. Bovill, E. W. The Golden Trade of the Moors. 2d ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970.
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  31. A very readable, if somewhat dated, history of trans-Saharan trade from ancient times to the 17th century. First published in 1958.
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  33. Levtzion, Nehemiah. Ancient Ghana and Mali. Rev. ed. New York and London: Africana, 1980.
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  35. A comprehensive account of the great medieval West African empires by a noted Israeli historian. The first half of the book is a chronological account; the second half focuses particularly on trade and on Islam. First published in 1973.
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  37. Levtzion, Nehemiah, and J. F. P. Hopkins, eds. Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener, 2000.
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  39. A comprehensive anthology of medieval Arabic writings on West Africa from the 9th to the 17th century. Includes a firsthand description of Mali by the great North African traveler Ibn Battuta, as well as passages from the noted geographer al-Idrisi and the historian Ibn Khaldun, among many others. An indispensable reference work.
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  41. McIntosh, Roderick James. The Peoples of the Middle Niger: The Island of Gold. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 1998.
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  43. A very accessible survey of archeological research on the Middle Niger region from the earliest human occupation to the establishment of medieval empires. The analysis stresses the importance of “heterarchy” and complementarity, as opposed to hierarchy, as a principle of social organization which has endured in the region.
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  45. McIntosh, Susan Keech. “A Reconsideration of Wangara/Palolus, Island of Gold.” Journal of African History 22. 2 (1981): 145–158.
  46. DOI: 10.1017/S002185370001937XSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  47. Argues on the basis of excavations in Djenné-Djenno that the Middle Niger was the “Island of Gold” identified in medieval Arabic and European sources rather than Bambuk and Bure, located nearer the source of the Niger. She proposes that this region was the original homeland of the Soninke diaspora. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  49. Early Wangara Traders
  50. Early Mande-speaking traders and clerics whose caravans set out from the empire of Mali were originally known as “Wangara” rather than “Dyula.” Massing 2000 suggests that the origins of the diaspora are even older, with roots in the Soninke empire of Ghana. Wangara traders established themselves as far away as Borgu in northern Benin (Brégand 1998) and among the Hausa. Hausa chronicles in Arabic (Palmer 1985, Al-Hajj 1968) attribute the Islamization of Hausaland, particularly the city of Kano, to the Wangara. However, Lovejoy 1978 argues that these may have been Songhay speakers rather than Mande.
  51. Al-Hajj, Muhammad A. “A Seventeenth-Century Chronicle on the Origins and Missionary Activities of the Wangarawa.” Kano Studies 1.4 (1968): 7–42.
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  53. A chronicle of the migration of Shaikh Abd al-Rahman al-Wanqari from Mali through the Hausa states of Gobir and Katsina to Kano, where he built a mosque and disseminated Islamic learning. The chronicle includes a genealogy of the Shaikh’s sons and nephews who also distinguished themselves in religious learning.
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  55. Brégand, Denise. Commerce caravanier et relations sociales au Bénin: Les Wangara du Borgou. Paris: L’Harmattan, 1998.
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  57. A detailed historical ethnography of Wangara trading communities in northern Benin. A product of multiple migrations, they have retained Mande patronymics, a separate identity, and until recently active involvement in trade while adopting the local language.
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  59. Lovejoy, Paul. “The Role of the Wangara in the Economic Transformation of the Central Sudan in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries.” Journal of African History 19.2 (1978): 173–193.
  60. DOI: 10.1017/S0021853700027584Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  61. Argues that the Wangara involved in establishing trading networks in Borgu and Hausaland were not originally from Mali, but rather Songhay traders from regions closer to northern Benin and Nigeria. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  63. Massing, Andreas. “The Wangara, an Old Soninke Diaspora in West Africa?” Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines 158 (2000): 281–308.
  64. DOI: 10.4000/etudesafricaines.175Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  65. A detailed survey of the historical literature on the Wangara and of the presence of the trade diaspora throughout Mali, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Benin, and Nigeria.
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  67. Palmer, H. R. Sudanese Memoirs: Being Mainly Translations of a Number of Arabic Manuscripts Relating to the Central and Western Sudan. Ann Arbor, MI: Books on Demand, University Microfilms, 1985.
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  69. An English translation of several northern Nigerian chronicles in Arabic, first published in 1928. Includes the Kano Chronicle, which recounts how Wangara from Mali first brought Islam to the Hausa city of Kano and converted the sultan.
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  71. Explorers’ Narratives
  72. The Portuguese, in their explorations of the African coastline in attempting to circumnavigate Africa, were the first Europeans to enter into direct contact with Mande traders (Crone 2010, Fernandes 1938). They were supplanted by other European maritime powers, such as the English (Jobson 1968). In their explorations of the Niger River, the authors of Park 2000 and Caillé 1968 travelled with Dyula caravans. In the last decade of the 19th century, French military officers Louis Gustave Binger (Binger 1892) and Georges Bailly (Niamkey-Kodjo 1991) furnished detailed descriptions of Dyula trading towns, especially Kong in modern Côte d’Ivoire.
  73. Binger, Louis Gustave. Du Niger au Golfe de Guinée par le pays de Kong et le Mossi. 2 vols. Paris: Hachette, 1892.
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  75. The explorations of Captain Binger, who traveled from Bamako to the Atlantic Coast. He visited the camp of the Dyula warlord Samori, who was besieging the town of Sikasso, and describes in considerable detail the Dyula towns of Kong, Bobo-Dioulasso, Salaga, and Bondoukou, with considerable attention to trade goods and routes.
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  77. Caillé, René. Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo; and across the Great Desert, to Morocco, Performed in the Years 1824–1828. 2 vols. London: F. Cass, 1968.
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  79. The French explorer’s account of his journey to Tombouctou, first published in French in 1830. Disguised as a Moor, he accompanied Dyula caravans from Senegal through Guinea and Côte d’Ivoire before reaching the Niger River. Contains both ethnographic details and information on trade. First edition (1830) available online: Volume 1, Volume 2.
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  81. Crone, G. R. ed. The Voyages of Cadamosto and Other Documents on Western Africa in the Second Half of the Fifteenth Century. Surrey, UK: Ashgate, 2010.
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  83. The volume includes several accounts of Portuguese explorations of the West African coast, especially the two voyages of the Venetian captain Alvise Cadamosto in 1455 and 1466. Cadamosto provides a secondhand account of the trans-Saharan gold trade with Mali as well as eyewitness details on trade, Islam, and politics in the Wolof kingdom of Cayor as well as in the Casamance. First published in 1937.
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  85. Fernandes, Valentim. Description de la côte d’Afrique de Ceuta au Sénégal. Edited by Pierre de Cenival and Théodore Monod. Paris: Larose, 1938.
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  87. An account of the West African coast written in Portuguese by a Moravian in the early 16th century, with an account of the gold trade in Djenné and Tombouctou undertaken by “Ungaros,” i.e., Wangara. The text is bilingual Portuguese/French.
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  89. Jobson, Richard. The Golden Trade: Or, A Discovery of the River Gambra, and the Golden Trade of the Aethiopians. London: Dawsons of Pall Mall, 1968.
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  91. Jobson first published the account of his voyage to the Gambia River in 1623 (London: Nicholas Bourne; available online). The book includes the first published reference to the word “Dyula.” Jobson also notes the contempt of Muslim traders for their non-Muslim rulers.
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  93. Niamkey-Kodjo, Georges. Fin de siècle en Côte d’Ivoire, 1894–1895: La ville de Kong et Samori d’après le journal inédit du français Georges Bailly. Paris: L’Harmattan, 1991.
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  95. Bailly’s diary of a year (June 1894–April 1895) spent in the Dyula trading town of Kong at the head of ten French African soldiers in anticipation of an attack by Samori’s forces, with rich detail on trade, religion, politics, and daily life.
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  97. Park, Mungo. Travels in the Interior of Africa. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000.
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  99. The travels of the Scottish explorer who reached the Niger River in an expedition from 1795–1797. A very rich account of trade, Islam, slavery, and local practices. First edition (London: W. Bulmer, 1799) available online.
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  101. Precolonial Mande Trade and Traders
  102. The Mande trade network established in the heyday of the Malian empire continued to expand westward and southward even after Mali’s demise. This migration not only involved traders, but also Muslim scholarly lineages, who contributed substantially to the spread of Islam throughout the region. Dyula networks relied extensively on the social relationship of “landlord” or “host” to “stranger,” both in the organization of the caravan trade, where passing traders relied on the services of established local “hosts” wherever they sojourned, and in the constitution of diaspora communities, where new arrivals depended on established “hosts.” To the west, these networks spread from the Niger Valley to Senegambia and to the Guinea Coast. Southward expansion will be discussed in the next section, “Dyula Ethnicity: Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso and Ghana.” This section covers “Routes and Commodities,” “Islamic Scholarship,” “Niger Valley,” “Senegambia,” and “Guinea and Sierra Leone.”
  103. Routes and Commodities
  104. The Dyula trade network was part of a vaster West African system of exchange which linked different ecological zones—desert, grasslands, forest—with different social systems. Meillassoux 1971 analyzes the dynamics of some of these systems, in particular the relationship between traders and local rulers who furnished slaves for exchange and were major consumers of the luxury goods traders provided. The search for sources of gold was one cause for the expansion of these networks, particularly toward the southeast, as described in Perinbam 1988, Werthmann 2007, and Wilks 1962. This southward expansion stimulated the demand for another luxury commodity, kola nuts, which grow only in the rain forest. Lovejoy 1980 provides an overview of the kola trade, which Meillassoux 1963 analyzes in more detail in southwestern Côte d’Ivoire. Launay 1978 details Dyula production and exchange of textiles, another important commodity. The interconnectedness of communities along these routes is exemplified in the career of Abu Bakr al-Siddiq; Wilks 1967 summarizes his account of his life and travels (written in Jamaica, where he was enslaved).
  105. Launay, Robert. “Transactional Spheres and Inter-Societal Exchange in Ivory Coast.” Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines 18 (1978): 561–573.
  106. DOI: 10.3406/cea.1978.2368Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  107. The article contrasts patterns of Dyula trade in kola with the Gouro across an ecological frontier where access to markets was strictly controlled by frontier communities with trade in textiles to the Senufo among whom they lived as a minority.
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  109. Lovejoy, Paul. “Kola in the History of West Africa.” Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines 20 (1980): 97–134.
  110. DOI: 10.3406/cea.1980.2353Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  111. A very thorough survey of sources about the development of the kola trade in West Africa, using linguistic sources, Arabic accounts, and oral history to trace the development of the trade from the 13th to the 19th century. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  113. Meillassoux, Claude. “L’économie des échanges pré-coloniaux en pays Gouro.” Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines 3 (1963): 551–576
  114. DOI: 10.3406/cea.1963.3713Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  115. A detailed analysis of trade between the Gouro of southwestern Côte d’Ivoire and the Dyula from the standpoint of the Gouro. The analysis explains the maintenance of monopolies over trade by groups on both sides of the frontier, and contrasts the social effects on trade on Gouro living along the frontier as opposed to those living in the forest.
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  117. Meillassoux, Claude. “Introduction.” In The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa: Studies Presented and Discussed at the Tenth International African Seminar at Fourah Bay College, Freetown, December 1969. Edited by Claude Meillassoux, 3–86. London: Oxford University Press for the International African Institute, 1971.
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  119. An analysis of precolonial patterns of West African trade, in French with full English translation, from the perspective of a noted Marxist anthropologist who focuses on the ways in which trade reinforced relations of domination, including the need for perpetually waging war to acquire slaves.
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  121. Perinbam, B. Marie. “The Political Organization of Traditional Gold Mining: The Western Loby, c. 1850 to c. 1910.” Journal of African History 29.3 (1988): 437–462.
  122. DOI: 10.1017/S0021853700030577Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  123. Argues that the gold trade in southern Burkina Faso was loosely controlled by the Dyula city-state of Kong, exercising loose hegemony over stateless Lobi miners. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  125. Werthmann, Katja. “Gold Mining and Jula Influence in Precolonial Southern Burkina Faso.” Journal of African History 48.3 (2007): 395–414.
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  127. Challenges the central hypothesis of Perinbam 1988 that the gold trade in southern Burkina Faso was under Dyula control. Werthmann argues that the current Lobi inhabitants of the region were not at all involved in mining and that the identity of the miners is still uncertain, but that mining was probably a seasonal activity organized by small-scale producers. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  129. Wilks, Ivor. “A Medieval Trade-Route from the Niger to the Gulf of Guinea.” Journal of African History 3.2 (1962): 337–341.
  130. DOI: 10.1017/S0021853700003236Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  131. Argues for the importance of the medieval route from Djenné on the Niger River to the now defunct town of Begho near the sources of gold in the Lobi fields, and from there southwards to Akan regions in southern Ghana. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  133. Wilks, Ivor. “Abū Bakr al-Șiddīq of Timbuktu.” In Africa Remembered: Narratives by West Africans from the Era of the Slave Trade. Edited by Phillip Curtin, 152–169. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1967.
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  135. A translation and introduction to the narrative of the life of a Dyula trained as an Islamic scholar in Djenné who then traveled to live with his uncles in Kong and Bouna until he was enslaved in a war with Bondoukou and transported to Jamaica. Includes firsthand information about Dyula scholarship, trade, and travel in the 19th century.
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  137. Islamic Scholarship
  138. The continued identity of Dyula traders as Muslims depended on the preservation of traditions of Islamic scholarship. Like the trans-Saharan networks described in Lydon 2009, to which Dyula networks were closely linked, a common religion was an essential component of building relationships of trust. However, unlike the Saharan trade, transactions do not seem to have been extensively documented on paper and adjudicated in Islamic tribunals. Massing 2004 provides the example of the Baghayogho to show how specialized scholarly lineages spread out from the Niger Valley throughout much of West Africa alongside specialized trading communities such as the Maraka along the Niger River (Perinbam 1986), the Jakhanke in the Futa Jallon region of Guinea (Hunter 1976), or the Dyula of Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, and Ghana (Wilks 1968, Wilks 2000). As Handloff 1982 argues, religious specialists often relied for income on the sale of amulets and other medical services.
  139. Handloff, Robert E. “Prayers, Amulets, and Charms: Health and Social Control.” African Studies Review 25.2/3 (1982): 185–194.
  140. DOI: 10.2307/524216Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  141. Discusses the role of Muslim scholars in the town of Bondoukou in dispensing various healing services, including herbal remedies as well as talismans. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  143. Hunter, Thomas C. “The Jabi Ta’rikhs: Their Significance in West African Islam.” International Journal of African Historical Studies 9.3 (1976): 435–457.
  144. DOI: 10.2307/216847Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  145. A partial translation as well as an analysis of chronicles of the Jabi lineage among the Jakhanke of Guinea, including study in the town of Diakha under al-Hajj Salim Suware, the exodus to Guinea, and the importance of the great Jabi scholar al-Hajj Salim Kassamba (or Gassama). Stresses the relative independence of scholars from commercial networks and their reliance on divination and the sale of amulets for income. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  147. Lydon, Ghislaine. On Trans-Saharan Trails: Islamic Law, Trade Networks, and Cross-Cultural Exchange in Nineteenth-Century Western Africa. Cambridge, UK, and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
  148. DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511575457Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  149. A detailed history of trans-Saharan trade in the 19th century. Argues that trade relations relied on trust based on a community of faith, on the existence of Islamic tribunals, and on a paper economy where transactions were rigorously documented.
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  151. Massing, Andreas W. “Baghayogho: A Soninke Muslim Diaspora in the Mande World.” Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines 44 (2004): 887–922.
  152. DOI: 10.4000/etudesafricaines.4850Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  153. Documents the dispersion of the Baghayogho family of Islamic scholars from Djenné and Tombouctou throughout Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, and Ghana.
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  155. Perinbam, B. Marie. “Islam in the Banamba Region of the Eastern Beledugu, c. 1800–c. 1900.” International of African Historical Studies 19.4 (1986): 637–657.
  156. DOI: 10.2307/219138Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  157. Stresses the close relationship between Maraka Muslims and non-Muslim Bamana in the region of Banamba. A discussion of the Maraka network of trade and Islamic scholarship. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  159. Wilks, Ivor. “The Transmission of Islamic Learning in the Western Sudan.” In Literacy in Traditional Societies. Edited by Jack Goody, 161–197. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1968.
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  161. A seminal article which outlines the Dyula tradition of Islamic scholarship, including the core curriculum. Wilks uses chains of transmission to identify core figures in the dissemination of Islamic learning, notably Al-Hajj Salim Suware in the 15th century and Muhammad al-Mustafa Saganogo in the 18th century.
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  163. Wilks, Ivor. “The Juula and the Expansion of Islam into the Forest.” In The History of Islam in Africa. Edited by Nehemia Levtzion and Randall L. Pouwels, 93–115. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2000.
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  165. Discusses the impact of the Suwarian tradition (from the teachings of al-Hajj Salim Suware) on Islamic scholarship among the Dyula, facilitating cooperation between Dyula Muslims and non-Muslim rulers, including the rulers of the powerful state of Asante.
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  167. Niger Valley
  168. Perinbam 1973 demonstrates how the Niger Valley continued to be a central hub in the Dyula network as the center for the dispersion of Mande-speaking traders and scholars throughout West Africa. Monteil 1971 describes the great trading center of Djenné, founded during if not before the medieval empires, which continued to play a critical role. Further south along the Niger, Muslim traders and scholars locally known as Maraka founded important towns such as Sinsani, described in Roberts 1980, and Banamba. Roberts 1987 shows how this network was disrupted by the jihad of al-Hajj Umar Tall and by the onset of French colonial rule in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
  169. Monteil, Charles. Une cité soudanaise Djénné, métropole du Delta central du Niger. Paris: Anthropos, 1971.
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  171. This monograph on the great trading city of Djenné by a French colonial officer was originally published in 1932 (Paris: Société d’éd. géographiques, maritimes et coloniales). It contains detailed information on the multiethnic population of the city as well as on trade and the local economy.
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  173. Perinbam, B. Marie. “Social Relations in the Trans-Saharan Trade and Western Sudanese Trade: An Overview.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 15.4 (1973): 416–436.
  174. DOI: 10.1017/S0010417500007234Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  175. The article examines various social mechanisms for regulating long-distance trade in the Niger Valley in the absence of overarching political control: ethnic specialization, market networks, and specialized brokerage relationships. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  177. Roberts, Richard. “Long Distance Trade and Production: Sinsani in the Nineteenth Century.” Journal of African History 21.2 (1980): 169–188.
  178. DOI: 10.1017/S0021853700018156Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  179. A detailed account of precolonial trade in the Maraka town of Sinsani along the Niger River, where salt and horses from the desert were exchanged for cloth, slaves, and grain produced in slave plantations. Includes a description of the organization of caravan trade as well as canoe trade to Tombouctou along the Niger River. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  181. Roberts, Richard. Warriors, Merchants, and Slaves: The State and the Economy in the Middle Niger Valley, 1700–1914. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1987.
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  183. An economic and political history of the Niger Valley, beginning with the role of Maraka trading towns under the Bamana state of Segu, the disruption of trade during the jihad of al-Hajj Umar, and the dismantling of the base of the Maraka economy under colonial rule with the liberation of slaves and mass exodus of ex-slaves from the region.
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  185. Senegambia
  186. Brooks 1993 describes how, during the heyday of the empire of Mali, Mande traders migrated westward, settling along the Gambia River and later in the Casamance using relationships of trust between landlords and strangers to organize settlements and to host long-distance caravans. Bellagamba 2000 and Wright 1977 provide further analyses of the operation of the landlord/stranger relationship in Dyula trade networks. Initially, as Dramé 2009 argues, Muslim immigrants lived peacefully among local communities and readily intermarried. Curtin 1975 analyzes in detail how the Atlantic slave trade radically transformed the political economy of the region, generating the violent tensions between Muslim traders and rulers within Mande communities described in Quinn 1972. Leary 1971 shows how tensions increased between Mande and their non-Muslim neighbors, especially in the Casamance, where Muslim communities such as Pakao, described in Schaffer and Cooper 1980, eventually came to live separately from their neighbors.
  187. Bellagamba, Alice. “A Matter of Trust: Political Identities and Interpersonal Relationships along the River Gambia.” Paideuma 46 (2000): 37–61.
  188. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  189. An analysis of the use of “trust” (karafoo) as a flexible idiom associated with landlord/stranger relationships as expressions of political dependence within Dyula communities in Gambia as expressed in historical memories. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  190. Find this resource:
  191. Brooks, George E. Landlords and Strangers: Ecology, Society, and Trade in Western Africa, 1000–1630. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1993.
  192. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  193. A detailed and comprehensive economic history of Senegambia and the Guinea Coast until the 17th century, taking climate and geography into account. Examines the interaction of Mande trade networks with local populations as well as with Europeans, especially Portuguese.
  194. Find this resource:
  195. Curtin, Philip D. 1975. Economic Change in Precolonial Africa: Senegambia in the Era of the Slave Trade. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
  196. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  197. An economic history of the region in the 18th and 19th centuries, focusing on both Mande and European trade diasporas and the organization of the slave trade along with the exchange of other commodities such as gold, iron, and textiles.
  198. Find this resource:
  199. Dramé, Aly. “Migration, Marriage, and Ethnicity: The Early Development of Islam in Precolonial Middle Casamance.” In New Perspectives on Islam in Senegal: Conversion, Migration, Wealth, Power, and Femininity. Edited by Mamadou Diouf and Mara A. Leichtman, 169–188. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
  200. DOI: 10.1057/9780230618503Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  201. An account of the arrival of Muslim Mande under Fodey Dramey in middle Casamance, and of strategies of peaceful conversion of local Bainunk (Banyun) people through intermarriage.
  202. Find this resource:
  203. Leary, Frances Anne. The Role of the Mandinka in the Islamization of the Casamance, 1850–1901.” In Papers on the Manding. Edited by Carleton T. Hodge, 227–248. Bloomington: Indiana University Publications, 1971.
  204. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  205. Suggests that the Diola reaction to Dyula jihads in late 19th-century Casamance, particularly the campaigns of Fode Kaba Doumbouya, actually impeded the process of Islamization in the region n.
  206. Find this resource:
  207. Quinn, Charlotte A. Mandingo Kingdoms of the Senegambia: Traditionalism, Islam, and European Expansion. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1972.
  208. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  209. A description of Mande kingdoms along the Gambia River and in Casamance, and how the divisions between Dyula traders and scholars and the ruling aristocracies led to the Marabout-Soninke wars of the 19th century, particularly the jihad of Maba Diakhou.
  210. Find this resource:
  211. Schaffer, Matt, and Christine Cooper. Mandinko: The Ethnography of a West African Holy Land. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1980.
  212. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  213. A short ethnography of the Muslim Mande town of Pakao in the Casamance, with emphasis on the analysis of social organization.
  214. Find this resource:
  215. Wright, Donald R. “Darbo Jula: The Role of a Mandinka Jula Clan in the Long-Distance Trade of the Gambia River and its Hinterland.” African Economic History 3 (1977): 33–45.
  216. DOI: 10.2307/3601138Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  217. An analysis of long-distance trade in salt, iron, slaves, and cloth along the Niger-Gambia axis, focusing specifically on the activities of the Darbo clan. Focuses on ways in which traders managed relations with local societies, and particularly the importance of the landlord/stranger relationship for the caravan trade. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  218. Find this resource:
  219. Guinea and Sierra Leone
  220. Curtin 1971 relates how Mande traders, particularly the Jakhanke, were originally attracted to the region by gold deposits in Bambuk. Sanneh 1989 and Suret-Canale 1970 discuss the Jakhanke tradition of Islamic scholarship, which ) stressed peaceful coexistence with non-Muslim local peoples. However, as Rodney 1970 shows, the predominance of the slave trade led to chronic instability in the region, requiring considerable flexibility in the organization of commerce, as analyzed in Howard 1976. Skinner 1978 argues that the local presence of Muslims had a lasting impact on local cultures. Bledsoe and Robey 1986 analyzes the role of Mande scholars as purveyors of forms of secret knowledge associated with talismanic writing, while Shaw 2002 suggests that such esoteric knowledge, especially divination, reflects violent incursions fueled by the slave trade.
  221. Bledsoe, Caroline H., and Kenneth M. Robey. “Arabic Literacy and Secrecy among the Mende of Sierra Leone.” Man n.s. 21.2 (1986): 202–226.
  222. DOI: 10.2307/2803157Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  223. Discusses the ways in which Mende of Sierra Leone adopted and adapted Islamic literacy from Dyula “morimen”—Muslim scholars involved in the fabrication of talismans—in terms of local cultural idioms of secret knowledge. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  224. Find this resource:
  225. Curtin, Philip D. “Pre-colonial Trading Networks and Traders: The Diakhanké.” In The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa: Studies Presented and Discussed at the Tenth International African Seminar at Fourah Bay College, Freetown, December 1969. Edited by Claude Meillassoux, 228–239. London: Oxford University Press for the International African Institute, 1971.
  226. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  227. Argues that the Jakhanke were pioneers in developing the slave trade from the Niger valley to Senegambia, which they traded along with gold from Bambuk, cloth, and kola nuts. The European abolition of the slave trade led to a decline in the importance of the network.
  228. Find this resource:
  229. Howard, Allen M. “The Relevance of Spatial Analysis for African Economic History: The Sierra Leone–Guinea System.” Journal of African History 17.3 (1976): 365–388.
  230. DOI: 10.1017/S0021853700000499Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  231. Applies geographical models to the analysis of political economy and trade networks in the Guinea–Sierra Leone corridor, stressing the importance of flexibility in the “space forming” and “space maintaining” processes which underlay Dyula adaptations to shifting trade patterns. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  232. Find this resource:
  233. Rodney, Walter. A History of the Upper Guinea Coast, 1545–1800. Oxford: Clarendon, 1970.
  234. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  235. An economic history of the Guinea Coast from the arrival of the Portuguese to the decline of the Atlantic slave trade. Includes a lengthy discussion of the arrival of the Mande in the region according to Portuguese sources, as well as of the organization of commerce, especially the slave trade.
  236. Find this resource:
  237. Sanneh, Lamin O. The Jakhanke Muslim Clerics: A Religious and Historical Study of Islam in Senegambia. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1989.
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  239. Stresses the importance of the Jakhanke as a clerical network rather than as traders, with Islamic scholarship and trade rigorously separate. Depicts the central feature of Jakhanke scholarship as an insistence of peaceful coexistence with neighbors. Includes extensive discussion of Jakhanke traditions of Islamic education and healing.
  240. Find this resource:
  241. Shaw, Rosalind. Memories of the Slave Trade: Ritual and the Historical Imagination in Sierra Leone. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2002.
  242. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  243. An analysis of the impact of Mande Islamic practice on Temne divination in Sierra Leone, demonstrating how the relationship between the Temne and Muslim outsiders and ultimately the intimate structuring of Temne society were shaped by the development of the slave trade.
  244. Find this resource:
  245. Skinner, David E. “Mande Settlement and the Development of Islamic Institutions in Sierra Leone.” International Journal of African Historical Studies 11.1 (1978): 32–62.
  246. DOI: 10.2307/217053Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  247. This paper details the ways in which Dyula immigration in Sierra Leone, particularly in the 18th and 19th centuries, led to an incorporation of Islamic ideas and institutions by local cultures. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  248. Find this resource:
  249. Suret-Canale, Jean. “Touba in Guinea – Holy Place of Islam.” In African Perspectives: Papers in the History, Politics and Economics of Africa Presented to Thomas Hodgkin. Edited by Christopher Allen and R. W. Johnson, 53–81. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1970.
  250. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  251. The history of the Jakhanke holy town of Touba in the Futa Jallon, its founding by Karamoko Ba (al-Hajj Salim Gassama [or Kassamba] Jabi), and the persecution of Islamic notables under French colonial rule in the early 20th century.
  252. Find this resource:
  253. Dyula Ethnicity in Côte D’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, and Ghana
  254. Gold deposits in the region led Mande traders to found the town of Begho, which no longer exists, in northeastern Côte d’Ivoire, perhaps as early as 1400. The kola trade led to further immigration of Mande groups, for the most part living as minorities among Voltaic- or Akan-speaking peoples. Muslim communities that continued to speak Mande referred to themselves as ethnically Dyula; communities in northern Ghana that adopted local languages still called themselves Wangara, while they were known as Yarse in the Mossi kingdoms of Burkina Faso. This section covers Arrival and Early History, Kong, Bobo Dioulasso, and Darsalamy, Bouna and Bondoukou, Gonja, Wa, and Mossi in the Volta Basin, Korhogo and the Senufo Heartland, Language and Folklore, and Visual Arts and Masquerade.
  255. Arrival and Early History
  256. Wilks 1982a suggests that the gold trade originally attracted Mande traders to the region along the borders of modern Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, and Burkina Faso, establishing the town of Begho. Goody 1964 and Person 1964 show how the forest to the south, also the source of kola, attracted further waves of Dyula traders and Muslim scholars as well as warriors. Wilks 1982b describes how the arrival of the Portuguese along the coast diverted the gold trade away from the Dyula, although the kola trade continued to flourish.
  257. Goody, Jack. “The Mande and the Akan Hinterland.” In The Historian in Tropical Africa. Edited by Jan Vansina, Raymond Mauny, and L. V. Thomas, 192–218. London: Oxford University Press for the International African Institute, 1964.
  258. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  259. An ethnohistorical reconstruction of several waves of Mande immigration to northern Ghana, including proto-Dyula (Ligbi and Hwela) and Dyula traders as well as Malinke warriors who founded the kingdom of Gonja.
  260. Find this resource:
  261. Person, Yves. “En quête d’une chronologie ivoirienne.” In The Historian in Tropical Africa. Edited by Jan Vansina, Raymond Mauny, and L. V. Thomas, 322–338. London: Oxford University Press for the International African Institute, 1964.
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  263. Chronicles the settlement of different regions of Côte d’Ivoire, with particular attention to Mande settlement. Person contests the identification of “Bitu” in 17th-century chronicles as Begho in northeastern Côte d’Ivoire.
  264. Find this resource:
  265. Wilks, Ivor. “Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. I. The Matter of Bitu.” Journal of African History 23.3 (1982a): 333–349.
  266. DOI: 10.1017/S0021853700020958Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  267. Identifies the town of “Bitu” mentioned in 17th-century Arabic chronicles with the early Dyula town of Begho as an important center of the gold trade as mentioned in early Portuguese sources. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  268. Find this resource:
  269. Wilks, Ivor. “Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. II. The Struggle for Trade.” Journal of African History 23.4 (1982b): 463–472.
  270. DOI: 10.1017/S0021853700021307Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  271. Argues that the arrival of the Portuguese on the West African Coast diverted the gold trade southward, leading to the emergence of powerful Akan states and ultimately Asante, which wrested control over the gold trade from the Wangara or Dyula. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  272. Find this resource:
  273. Kong, Bobo-Dioulasso, and Darsalamy
  274. Bernus 1960, Tauxier 2003, and Niamkey Kodjo 2006 explain that the town of Kong in northern Côte d’Ivoire was not only a center of commerce and Islamic learning, but also, particularly in the 18th century, the capital of a powerful state. It reached its apogee under Sekou Wattara, a Dyula who seized power in a coup d’état in the early 1700s. As Green 1987 observes, the social organization of Kong was characterized by the division between Dyula traders and scholars on one hand and Sonongui warriors (who did not rigorously observe Islamic prescriptions about prayer, drinking, or fasting) on the other). Şaul 1998 describes how such “warriors,” including captives from neighboring societies, were organized into “war houses” (Griffeth 1971 also draws attention to Bobo-Dioulasso in Burkina Faso, originally part of Kong’s imperial domain, which became an independent political, commercial, and religious center, also under Wattara rule). Werthmann 2012 provides a history of the exclusively Muslim community of Darsalamy, founded by some of the noted Islamic scholars of Bobo-Dioulasso.
  275. Bernus, Edmond. “Kong et sa région.” Etudes Eburnéennes 8 (1960): 239–324.
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  277. A detailed history and ethnography of Kong by a French anthropologist. The first full-length study published about the community.
  278. Find this resource:
  279. Green, Kathryn. “Dyula and Sonongui Roles in the Islamization of the Region of Kong.” In Rural and Urban Islam in West Africa. Edited by Nehemiah Levtzion and Humphrey J. Fisher, 97–117. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1987.
  280. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  281. A detailed analysis of the fundamental social distinction between traders and scholars on one hand, warriors on the other. Shows the considerable differences between the religious practices of each category, with Sonongui actively participating in masquerading and initiation society ritual.
  282. Find this resource:
  283. Griffeth, Robert R. “The Dyula Impact on the Peoples of the West Volta Region.” In Papers on the Manding. Edited by Carleton T. Hodge, 167–181. Bloomington: Indiana University Publications, 1971.
  284. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  285. Details Dyula expansion northwards from Kong toward Burkina Faso, with the formation of the independent trading center of Bobo-Dioulasso by Wattara warriors.
  286. Find this resource:
  287. Niamkey Kodjo, Georges. Le royaume de Kong (Côte d’Ivoire) des origines à la fin du XIXè siècle. Paris: L’Harmattan, 2006.
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  289. A history of the city of Kong, from its beginnings to its apogee as a major power in the region under Sekou Wattara to its decline in the 19th century and ultimate destruction by Samori. While the book focuses primarily on political history, there is also substantial information about commerce.
  290. Find this resource:
  291. Şaul, Mahir. “The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa.” International Journal of African Historical Studies 31.3 (1998): 537–570.
  292. DOI: 10.2307/221475Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  293. Discusses the military organization of the Wattara of Kong and of Bobo-Dioulasso in terms of multiethnic “war houses” which simultaneously functioned as military and social units. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  294. Find this resource:
  295. Tauxier, Louis. Les États de Kong (Côte d’Ivoire). Paris: Karthala, 2003.
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  297. Based on research undertaken in 1921 and written during the following two years, this pioneering historical and ethnographic study of Kong and its surrounding region by a noted French colonial administrator was never published until recently.
  298. Find this resource:
  299. Werthmann, Katja. “Transformations d’une élite musulmane en Afrique de l’Ouest: Le cas des Dioula de Darsalamy (Burkina Faso).” Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines 52 (2012): 845–876.
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  301. Describes the emigration of Dyula Muslims from Bobo-Dioulasso in the 19th century in order to found an exclusively Muslim community, separate and distinct from neighboring non-Islamic societies.
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  303. Bouna and Bondoukou
  304. East of Kong in Côte d’Ivoire, the two major trading towns were Bouna to the north and Bondoukou to the south. Both were integrated into kingdoms ruled by non-Mande and non-Muslims. Boutillier 1993 describes the state of Bouna, whose rulers were Kulango, speaking a Voltaic language. Holden 1970 sheds light on the occupation of Bouna by the Dyula conqueror Samori at the end of the 19th century. Tauxier 1973 and Terray 1995 provide accounts of Bondoukou, which was under the authority of Abron kings of the Akan-speaking Gyaman state.
  305. Boutillier, Jean-Louis. Bouna, royaume de la savane ivoirienne: Princes, marchands et paysans. Paris: Karthala and Editions de l’ORSTOM, 1993.
  306. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  307. A historical ethnography of the kingdom of Bouna. Although most of the book deals with kingship, warfare, and dynastic politics, there is a separate section devoted exclusively to the town of Bouna as a trading metropolis.
  308. Find this resource:
  309. Holden, Jeff. “The Samorian Impact on Buna: An Essay in Methodology.” In African Perspectives: Papers in the History, Politics and Economics of Africa Presented to Thomas Hodgkin. Edited by Christopher Allen and R. W. Johnson, 83–108. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1970.
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  311. An analysis of the relationship between the conqueror Samori and the Dyula population of Bouna, calling into question colonial accounts of Samori’s alleged barbarity and uniform Dyula opposition and suggesting that there was considerable support for Samori among the Dyula of Bouna.
  312. Find this resource:
  313. Tauxier, Louis. Le noir de Bondoukou: Koulangos, Dyoulas, Abrons, etc. Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus Reprint, 1973.
  314. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  315. A detailed ethnography by a prolific French colonial administrator and scholar. Different ethnic groups—Kulango, Dyula, and Abron—are described separately, though about a hundred pages are devoted exclusively to the Dyula, including a thorough description of social organization. Originally published in 1921.
  316. Find this resource:
  317. Terray, Emmanuel. Une histoire du royaume abron de Gyaman: Des origins à la conquête colonial. Paris: Karthala, 1995.
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  319. An encyclopedic history of the Kingdom of Gyaman, with particular emphasis on the relations between the kingdom and the Asante empire to the southeast. Written by a Marxist anthropologist, the book also includes analysis of trade and of the relationship between rulers and the Dyula community.
  320. Find this resource:
  321. Gonja, Wa, and Mossi in the Volta Basin
  322. Dyula who settled in the Volta basin of northern Ghana and eastern Burkina Faso, unlike their cousins to the west, maintained a separate identity but ceased to speak Mande. In the powerful Mossi kingdoms of Yatenga and Ouagadougou, they were known as Yarse (Duperray 1985, Izard 1971, Kouanda 1989). Armed horseman from Mossi established the Mamprusi and Dagomba kingdoms in northern Ghana, while Mande horsemen, accompanied by Muslim scholars and traders, carved out the kingdom of Gonja, whose political organization is described in Goody 1967. The Gonja town of Salaga was a major trading hub, as was the town of Wa in the smaller kingdom of Wala, whose history is recounted in Wilks 1989. Levtzion 1968 provides an overview of the political role of Muslims throughout the region, where they retained a distinct corporate identity as opposed to chiefs.
  323. Duperray, Anne-Marie. “Les Yarsé du royaume de Ouagadougou: L’écrit et l’oral.” Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines 25 (1985): 179–212.
  324. DOI: 10.3406/cea.1985.1747Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  325. An analysis of oral traditions concerning the origins and history of Yarse communities in the Mossi kingdom of Ouagadougou, focusing on their role in the Islamization of the region and on their relationship with Mossi rulers.
  326. Find this resource:
  327. Goody, J. R. “The Over-Kingdom of Gonja.” In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century. Edited by Daryll Forde and P. M. Kaberry, 179–205. London: Oxford University Press for the International African Institute, 1967.
  328. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  329. An early formulation of a model which has been applied to many precolonial states in the region, arguing a division of society into “estates”: horse-owning warrior aristocrats; Muslim traders and clerics; and commoners, mostly farmers.
  330. Find this resource:
  331. Izard, Michel. “Les Yarsé et le commerce dans le Yatênga pré-colonial.” In The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa: Studies Presented and Discussed at the Tenth International African Seminar at Fourah Bay College, Freetown, December 1969. Edited by Claude Meillassoux, 214–227. London: Oxford University Press for the International African Institute, 1971.
  332. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  333. An account of the Yarse in the Mossi kingdom of Yatenga. Yarse are of Dyula origin and have maintained a separate identity as traders while adopting the Mossi (More) language and assimilating to their neighbors in many respects. Discusses precolonial patterns of trade, especially salt, cotton, and kola.
  334. Find this resource:
  335. Kouanda, Assimi. “Le religion musulmane: Facteur d’intégration ou d’identification ethnique: Le cas des Yarse du Burkina Faso.” In Les ethnies ont une histoire. Edited by Jean-Pierre Chrétien and Gérard Prunier, 125–134. Paris: Karthala and ACCT, 1989.
  336. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  337. Argues that before the advent of colonial rule, Islam simultaneously distinguished the Yarse from their Mossi neighbors and furnished the basis for their broader incorporation into Mossi society.
  338. Find this resource:
  339. Levtzion, Nehemia. Muslims and Chiefs in West Africa: A Study of Islam in the Middle Volta Basin in the Pre-Colonial Period. Oxford: Clarendon, 1968.
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  341. A comprehensive study of patterns of Islamization in the Volta basin from Mossi to Ashanti, focusing on commerce and on the complementary relationship between Muslims and rulers in different states.
  342. Find this resource:
  343. Wilks, Ivor. Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1989.
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  345. A history of the city-state of Wa from its origins to the advent of Samori, British colonial rule, and ultimately independence, stressing pervasive factionalism among both political and religious elites, culminating in the conversion of part of the community to Ahmadiyya in the colonial era.
  346. Find this resource:
  347. Korhogo and the Senufo Heartland
  348. Shifts in the political economy of the region left some Dyula communities on the periphery of major axes of trade. This was the case of Dyula living as a minority among the Senufo in and around the chiefdom of Korhogo, in a densely populated area where Dyula production and sale of textiles was the mainstay of their economy. Launay 1977, Launay 1979, Launay 1982, and Launay 1988 describe their social and political organization in detail, as well as the consequences of far-reaching economic change in the colonial and postcolonial periods. Relations with colonial rulers could be modeled after their history of accommodation to non-Muslim rulers (Launay 1997). On the other hand, changes in political economy were to have far-reaching implications in other domains such as kinship and marriage (Launay 1995).
  349. Launay, Robert. “Joking Slavery.” Africa 47.4 (1977): 413–422.
  350. DOI: 10.2307/1158346Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  351. An analysis of the practice of obscene joking by second-generation slaves at the expense of freeborn people in terms of the ways in which slavery was reflected in Dyula social organization. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  352. Find this resource:
  353. Launay, Robert. “Landlord, Hosts, and Strangers among the Dyula.” Ethnology 18.1 (1979): 71–83.
  354. DOI: 10.2307/3773185Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  355. An examination of the relationship between “landlords” and “strangers” as an idiom which simultaneously structured long-distance trading partnerships and relationships of clientage between lineages within Dyula communities. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  356. Find this resource:
  357. Launay, Robert. Traders without Trade: Responses to Change in Two Dyula Communities. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1982.
  358. DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511558054Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  359. An ethnography of two Dyula communities. Koko, in the Senufo chiefdom of Korhogo, was incorporated into a large town, while Kadioha became a rural backwater. Describes Dyula society before the colonial period as well as the different ways in which each community has adapted to sweeping changes.
  360. Find this resource:
  361. Launay, Robert. “Warriors and Traders: The Political Organization of a West African Chiefdom.” Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines 28 (1988): 355–373.
  362. DOI: 10.3406/cea.1988.1657Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  363. Argues that the fundamental ideological contrast between “warfare” and “Islamic scholarship” among the Dyula overlies an equally fundamental distinction between warfare, which relies on the mobilization of large numbers of people, and trade, organized around the cooperation of relatively small groups.
  364. Find this resource:
  365. Launay, Robert. “The Power of Names: Illegitimacy in a Muslim Community in Côte d’Ivoire.” In Situating Fertility: Anthropology and Demographic Inquiry. Edited by Susan Greenhalgh, 108–129. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995.
  366. DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511621611Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  367. Suggests that the steep rise of illegitimacy in urban Dyula communities is less a function of changes in sexual morality and more an unintended consequence of the declining importance of kin group membership and changing patterns of marriage.
  368. Find this resource:
  369. Launay, Robert. “Des infidèles d’un autre type: Les réponses au pouvoir colonial dans une communauté musulmane de Côte d’Ivoire.” In Le temps des marabouts: Itinéraires et stratégies islamiques en Afrique occidentale française v. 1880–1960. Edited by David Robinson and Jean-Louis Triaud, 415–430. Paris: Karthala, 1997.
  370. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  371. Argues that Muslim accommodation to non-Muslim rule rested on the separation of the practice of Islam from politics, furnishing a paradigm governing the relationship of Muslim notables to colonial authorities which has been characterized as “collaboration” but which represented attempts to preserve the religious integrity of the Muslim community.
  372. Find this resource:
  373. Language and Folklore
  374. Dyula is a dialect of the Manding or northern Mande language, along with Bamana and Maninka. Delafosse 1955 is an early lexicography. Dumestre and Retord 1981 is an excellent instructional textbook in the language as spoken in modern towns of Côte d’Ivoire. Derive and Derive 1980 and Tera 2002 are bilingual collections of folktales in Dyula with French translation. Derive 1992 is an analysis of some of these folktales.
  375. Delafosse, Maurice. La langue mandingue et ses dialectes. 2 vols. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1955.
  376. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  377. A lexicography of different dialects of the Manding language, including Dyula, originally published 1929, by a prominent West African scholar and administrator in the early 20th century.
  378. Find this resource:
  379. Derive, Jean. “Marriage: A Delicate Balance between Two Families: The Example of Jula Tales.” Merveilles et Contes 6.2 (1992): 257–273.
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  381. An analysis of three contrasting Dyula folktales about marriage, each of which represents a common theme of Dyula folklore. All stress a bride’s conflicting loyalties to her own and her husband’s family, and the need to establish a successful balance. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  382. Find this resource:
  383. Derive, Jean, and Marie-Jo Derive. Ntalen jula/Contes dioula. Abidjan, Ivory Coast: CEDA, 1980.
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  385. An anthology of Dyula folktales, written in Dyula with French translation.
  386. Find this resource:
  387. Dumestre, Gérard, and G. L. A. Retord. Kó dì? Cours de dioula. 2d ed. Abidjan, Ivory Coast: Nouvelles Editions Africaines, 1981.
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  389. An excellent textbook which teaches Dyula as spoken as a lingua franca in towns and cities of modern Côte d’Ivoire. First published in 1974.
  390. Find this resource:
  391. Tera, Kalilou. Cun cakica/Contes en dioula. Abidjan, Ivory Coast: EDILIS, 2002.
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  393. A short bilingual Dyula/French collection of different sorts of Dyula folktales, ranging from humorous stories to didactic tales to legends.
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  395. Visual Arts and Masquerade
  396. Although Dyula were Muslims, this did not mean that they did not engage in artistic production and performance, including masquerading. The division of Dyula society into “warrior” and “scholar” lineages permitted warrior groups such as the Sonongui of Kong or the tun tigi of Korhogo to initiate young men into secret societies where masks and masquerading were central. Arnaut 2001, Bravmann 1974, and Bravmann 1979 describe the particularly rich masking tradition of Bondoukou and its surrounding region, while Green 1987 shows that Kong was equally involved in masquerading (Green 1987).
  397. Arnaut, Karel. “Islam and Its Others: Sakaraboutou as Masquerade in Bondoukou (Côte d’Ivoire).” Etnofoor 14.2 (2001): 23–54.
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  399. An analysis of the Sakaraboutou performance during Ramadan in the town of Bondoukou. Sakaraboutou is a dance during which young men dress up as warriors and hunters, paradoxically stressing the military aspect of Dyula identity at the very moment when Islamic scholars generally hold center stage.
  400. Find this resource:
  401. Bravmann, René A. Islam and Tribal Art in West Africa. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1974.
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  403. A pioneering study of masking traditions in the Bondoukou region which challenges the assertion that Muslim, and specifically Dyula, communities did not participate in the production and performance of masks and masquerades.
  404. Find this resource:
  405. Bravmann, René A. “Gur and Manding Masquerades in Ghana.” African Arts 13.1 (1979): 45–51.
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  407. Argues that masking traditions among the Akan were imported from northern sources, both Dyula and Voltaic. Analyzes 19th-century British accounts of Sakrabundi masks in Asante, suggesting that their source was a shared Dyula and Nafana tradition from Bondoukou.
  408. Find this resource:
  409. Green, Kathryn L. “Shared Masking Traditions in Northeastern Ivory Coast.” African Arts 20.4 (1987): 62–69.
  410. DOI: 10.2307/3336636Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  411. Discusses Do masquerading in Kong, and the adoption of masks similar to those of their non-Muslim Senufo neighbors in the performances of young men of Sonongui “warrior” origin.
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  413. Urban Ethnicity in Modern Côte D’Ivoire
  414. Colonial rule opened up the southern forests of Côte d’Ivoire, the source of valuable kola nuts, to Dyula penetration. Modern modes of transportation radically altered the scale and organization of this long-distance trade. At the same time, the development of a plantation economy based on cocoa and coffee in the forest zone led to rapid economic growth and the rise of cities and towns which attracted migrants from the much less prosperous north of the country as well as from its neighbors, especially Mali and Burkina Faso. Mande-speaking Dyula Muslim traders constituted the hub of new communities where immigrants were readily incorporated by, if need be, adopting the Mande language and the religion of Islam. The rapid expansion of this community in southern Côte d’Ivoire has also triggered ethnic tension, and indeed interethnic violence in the context of the Ivoirian Civil War. This section covers “New Forms of Urban Ethnicity,” “Commerce,” “Islam,” and “The Ivoirian Civil War.”
  415. New Forms of Urban Ethnicity
  416. Large-scale immigration from northern Côte d’Ivoire and neighboring countries to the burgeoning towns of the south led to the formation of distinct Dyula communities. Many of these were native Mande speakers, but others, such as Senufo from northern Côte d’Ivoire, assimilated into these communities by adopting Mande as a lingua franca. Lewis 1971 shows how these communities were internally differentiated in terms of region of origin. Members of these communities were under strong pressure to conform to a common Dyula culture, in ways that Ellovich 1980 and Ellovich 1985 suggest specifically tended to reduce women’s independence. More recently, LeBlanc 2000a, LeBlanc 2000b, and LeBlanc 2007 (a study of Dyula youth in Bouaké, Côte d’Ivoire) have shown how Islam has tended to displace region of origin and Dyula cultural norms as a marker of identity, leading young Dyula women in particular to dress and behave in more overtly Muslim fashion.
  417. Ellovich, Risa. “Dioula Women in Town: A View of Intra-Ethnic Variation (Ivory Coast).” In A World of Women: Anthropological Studies of Women in the Societies of the World. Edited by Erika Bourgignon, 87–103. New York: Praeger, 1980.
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  419. Based on a study of Dyula women in Gagnoa, in southwestern Côte d’Ivoire, in 1972, Ellovich argues that they enjoy relatively less independence in an urban than in a rural setting, facing considerable pressure to conform to “traditional” standards.
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  421. Ellovich, Risa. “The Law and Ivoirian Women.” Anthropos 80 (1985): 185–197.
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  423. Contrasts the attitudes of Dyula and Bete women in the town of Gagnoa toward the Ivorian Civil Code, suggesting that Bete women are both more knowledgeable about the law and more comfortable using it to their advantage. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  424. Find this resource:
  425. LeBlanc, Marie Nathalie. From Sya to Islam: Social Change and Identity among Muslim Youth in Bouaké, Côte d’Ivoire.” Paideuma 46 (2000a): 85–109.
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  427. Discusses how Dyula youth in Bouaké are increasingly defining themselves in religious terms rather than in terms of their place of origin, as among an older generation. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  428. Find this resource:
  429. LeBlanc, Marie Nathalie. “Versioning Womanhood and Muslimhood: ‘Fashion’ and the Life Course in Contemporary Bouaké, Côte d’Ivoire.” Africa 70.3 (2000b): 442–481.
  430. DOI: 10.3366/afr.2000.70.3.442Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  431. Examines different modes of fashion among young Dyula women in Bouaké, stating that as these women grow older, and especially after marriage, they adopt styles of dress which emphasize their identity as Muslims more explicitly. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  432. Find this resource:
  433. LeBlanc, Marie Nathalie. “Imaniya and Young Muslim Women in Côte d’Ivoire.” Anthropologica 49.1 (2007): 35–50.
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  435. Shows the problems of Western-educated and self-sufficient young Dyula women in the marriage market, and how the adoption of explicitly Muslim fashion and behavior can help negotiate notions of marriageability. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  436. Find this resource:
  437. Lewis, Barbara. “The Dioula of the Ivory Coast.” In Papers on the Manding. Edited by Carleton T. Hodge, 273–307. Bloomington: Indiana University Publications, 1971.
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  439. One of the earliest descriptions of the creation of a new Dyula ethnicity in the towns of southern Côte d’Ivoire, focusing on the formation of the Dyula community in the town of Gagnoa and of the role of place of origin in structuring internal relations within the community.
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  441. Commerce
  442. Colonial rule opened up kola-producing regions in the southern forests to Dyula settlement in small towns such as Anyama, studied in Vernière 1969. Harre 1993 shows how some groups who were already specialized in long-distance commerce before the colonial period were able to exploit these new opportunities, while Amselle 1977 documents ways in which new actors managed to break into new commercial circuits. Labazée 1993 documents how these commercial networks crisscrossed Côte d’Ivoire, but also operated across international borders. Bredeloup 1991 argues that the economic development of southern Côte d’Ivoire, centered on plantation agriculture and urban growth, created a market for foodstuffs grown in the north. According to Labazée 1992, the growth of this market encouraged Senufo from the north who wanted to enter the commercial sector to assimilate to their Dyula neighbors.
  443. Amselle Jean-Loup. Les négociants de la savane: Histoire et organisation sociale des Kooroko (Mali). Paris: Anthropos, 1977.
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  445. An ethnographic study of the Kooroko, formerly a caste of blacksmiths in the Wassulu region of Mali who moved to Bamako and Bouaké during the colonial period, achieving a strategic role in the kola trade.
  446. Find this resource:
  447. Bredeloup, Sylvie. “Des négociants au long cours s’arrêtent à Dimbokro (Côte d’Ivoire).” Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines 31 (1991): 475–486.
  448. DOI: 10.3406/cea.1991.1567Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  449. The long-distance trade in food from northern Côte d’Ivoire to the southern town of Dimbokro, told from the perspective of the career of M’Ba, who arrived in the town from Mali as a young man and whose rise and decline epitomized the fortunes of Dyula involved in long-distance commerce.
  450. Find this resource:
  451. Harre, Dominique. “Les hommes d’affaires en Côte d’Ivoire: L’insertion des Malinkés du Kabadougou dans l’économie contemporaine.” In Grands commerçants d’Afrique de l’Ouest: Logiques et pratiques d’un groupe d’hommes d’affaires contemporains. Edited by Emmanuel Grégoire and Pascal Labazée, 221–262. Paris: Karthala, Editions de l’ORSTOM, 1993.
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  453. Discusses the role of traders from the region of Odiénné in northwestern Côte d’Ivoire in historical perspective, including migration and the organization of commercial circuits in the Ivoirian south.
  454. Find this resource:
  455. Labazée, Pascal. “Crise, mobilité professionelle, conversion identitaire: L’exemple du commerce de l’igname à Korhogo (Côte d’Ivoire).” Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines 32 (1992): 455–468.
  456. DOI: 10.3406/cea.1992.1544Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  457. Based on a case study of the trade in yams from the Korhogo region to other towns in Côte d’Ivoire; shows how the commercial sector in Korhogo permits ethnic mobility, with Senufo entering the sector in greater numbers and assimilating to Dyula status.
  458. Find this resource:
  459. Labazée, Pascal. “Les échanges entre le Mali, le Burkina Faso et le nord de la Côte-d’Ivoire.” In Grands commerçants d’Afrique de l’Ouest: Logiques et pratiques d’un groupe d’hommes d’affaires contemporains. Edited by Emmanuel Grégoire and Pascal Labazée, 125–174. Paris: Karthala, Editions de l’ORSTOM, 1993.
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  461. An analysis of trans-border Dyula trade circuits based in Korhogo in Côte d’Ivoire, Sikasso in Mali, and Bobo-Dioulasso in Burkina Faso. Stresses the adaptability of Dyula networks.
  462. Find this resource:
  463. Vernière, Marc. “Anyama: Étude de la population et du commerce kolatier.” ´Cahiers de l’O.R.S.T.O.M., Sciences humaines series, 6.1 (1969): 83–112.
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  465. A description of the kola trade from one small town in southern Côte d’Ivoire where half the population is Dyula.
  466. Find this resource:
  467. Islam
  468. Marty 1922, a survey of Islamic communities in Côte d’Ivoire, observes that at the onset of colonial rule, the vast majority of Muslims were Mande-speakers, though by no means all Mande-speakers were Muslim. Launay and Miran 2000 describes how Mande immigration to the towns of southern Côte d’Ivoire led to the emergence of a more standardized Dyula Islamic culture. Even so, some immigrant groups, such as the Hamallist community founded by Yacouba Silla studied in Hanretta 2009, maintained distinct religious practices. After World War II, new Islamic currents such as the so-called Wahhabiyya, the subject of the pioneering study Kaba 1974, came to challenge mainstream Islamic beliefs and practices, first of all in Bouaké but eventually, as Launay 1992 shows, even in old Dyula centers such as Korhogo. LeBlanc 1999 describes new forms of Islamic education which have also, in tandem with new mass media analyzed in Launay 1997, transformed religious practice, especially among younger Muslims. Miran 2006 documents new forms of Islamic education which have emerged in Abidjan, by far the largest city in Côte d’Ivoire, which has assumed a position of leadership.
  469. Hanretta, Sean. Islam and Social Change in French West Africa: History of an Emancipatory Community. Cambridge, UK, and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
  470. DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511576157Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  471. A historical study of the Hamallist community in Côte d’Ivoire which formed around Yacouba Sylla, who followed the controversial Sheikh Hamallah from Nioro in Mali to Gagnoa in southwestern Côte d’Ivoire, where the Sheikh was exiled by the French.
  472. Find this resource:
  473. Kaba, Lansiné. The Wahhabiyya: Islamic Reform and Politics in French West Africa. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1974.
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  475. A study of the Subbanu movement, dubbed “Wahhabi” by French colonial authorities, who feared that their critique of Dyula Islamic practice would spark anticolonial and pan-Arabic sympathies. The movement had branches in various francophone countries in the region—notably Guinea and Mali—as well as in Côte d’Ivoire, particularly in Bouaké.
  476. Find this resource:
  477. Launay, Robert. Beyond the Stream: Islam and Society in a West African Town. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992.
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  479. An analysis of changes in Islamic beliefs and practices in the town of Korhogo from the precolonial period to the 1980s, with an emphasis on contemporary variation in Islamic practice as reflected in various debates in the local Dyula community.
  480. Find this resource:
  481. Launay, Robert. “Spirit Media: The Electronic Media and Islam among the Dyula of Northern Côte d’Ivoire.” Africa 67.3 (1997): 441–453.
  482. DOI: 10.2307/1161183Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  483. A description of the religious uses of radio, television, and especially audio cassettes in the Dyula community of Korhogo. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  484. Find this resource:
  485. Launay, Robert, and Marie Miran. “Beyond Mande mory: Islam and Ethnicity in Côte d’Ivoire.” Paideuma 46 (2000): 63–84.
  486. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  487. An analysis of the ways in which Islam in Côte d’Ivoire has come to be identified as a Dyula religion, and the attempts of contemporary Muslim leaders to disengage religion from ethnicity. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  488. Find this resource:
  489. LeBlanc, Marie Nathalie. “The Production of Islamic Identities through Knowledge Claims in Bouaké, Côte d’Ivoire.” African Affairs 98 (1999): 485–508.
  490. DOI: 10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a008064Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  491. Argues that the proliferation of Franco-Arabic schools (medersas) in the town of Bouaké has generated new forms of symbolic capital, allowing youth to use their knowledge of Arabic to contest the religious authority of elders. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  492. Find this resource:
  493. Marty, Paul. Etudes sur l’Islam en Côte d’Ivoire. Paris: Leroux, 1922.
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  495. A comprehensive survey of Islam in the early years of the colony by an administrator. Contains biographical information about most Islamic scholars throughout the colony, and clearly signals the fact that most Muslims were Mande, but also that there were large non-Muslim Mande communities.
  496. Find this resource:
  497. Miran, Marie. Islam, histoire et modernité en Côte d’Ivoire. Paris: Karthala, 2006.
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  499. An analysis of contemporary Islamic tendencies in the “megalopolis” of Abidjan, with particular attention to the proliferation of Islamic associations in the country’s largest city.
  500. Find this resource:
  501. The Ivorian Civil War
  502. The death of President Houphouët-Boigny, who had led Côte d’Ivoire from independence until 1993, sparked a contest for his succession which led acting President Henri Konan Bédié to proclaim a policy of “Ivoirité”—“Ivoirianness”—in order to exclude his Dyula rival Alassane Dramane Ouattara, whose career is outlined in Konaté 2002. Marshall-Fratani 2006 and Dembélé 2002 argue that real concerns about citizenship degenerated into outbreaks of nativist xenophobia, lumping Ivoirian and foreign Dyula and marginalizing the participation of northerners in national politics. Launay 2012 shows how this nativism also turned into Islamophobia. McGovern 2011 is a particularly nuanced and original study of a decade of conflict after a failed coup in 2001 led to the de facto partition of the country until 2011, with ethnic tensions perpetually simmering.
  503. Dembélé, Ousmane. “La construction économique et politique de la catégorie ‘étranger’ en Côte d’Ivoire.” In Côte d’Ivoire: L’année terrible 1999–2000. Edited by Marc Le Pape and Claudine Vidal, 123–171. Paris: Karthala, 2002.
  504. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  505. Recounts the emergence of nativist identity politics in Côte d’Ivoire and the categorization of Dyula as “foreigners.”
  506. Find this resource:
  507. Konaté, Yacouba. “Le destin d’Alassane Dramane Ouattara.” In Côte d’Ivoire: L’année terrible 1999–2000. Edited by Marc Le Pape and Claudine Vidal, 253–309. Paris: Karthala, 2002.
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  509. An account of the career of the leading Dyula politician in Côte d’Ivoire, Alassane Dramane Ouattara, from technocrat at the International Monetary Fund to Prime Minister under Félix Houphouët-Boigny to leader of the Rassemblement des Républicains (RDR) party.
  510. Find this resource:
  511. Launay, Robert. “The Roots of Islamophobia in Côte d’Ivoire.” In Special Issue: Côte d’Ivoire Is Cooling Down? Reflections a Year after the Battle for Abidjan. Edited by Joseph Hellweg. Cultural Anthropology (2012).
  512. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  513. Argues that the importance of Islam in consolidating the immigrant community in southern Côte d’Ivoire has led to a spread of Islamophobia as part of the nativist response to demographic change and its electoral implications.
  514. Find this resource:
  515. Marshall-Fratani, Ruth. “The War of ‘Who is Who’: Autochthony, Nationalism, and Citizenship in the Ivoirian Crisis.” African Studies Review 49.2 (2006): 9–43.
  516. DOI: 10.1353/arw.2006.0098Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  517. An analysis of the origin and salience of concepts of autochthony in contemporary political discourse in Côte d’Ivoire and their relationship to concepts of citizenship within the postcolonial nation-state. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  518. Find this resource:
  519. McGovern, Mike. Making War in Côte d’Ivoire. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011.
  520. DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226026855.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  521. An anthropological analysis of the conflict in Côte d’Ivoire which avoids a conventional chronological account, but instead attempts to identify factors which have led to ethnic violence but also those which have kept such violence in check, avoiding the kind of bloodbath which devastated neighboring Liberia.
  522. Find this resource:
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