Time for know your corrupt politician...

Time for know your corrupt politician...

1992 Pelosi produced the Clintonite 1992 Democratic platform that included a capital gains tax cut, a “pay-as-you-go” requirement, and a focus on “individual responsibility.” She vacillated for weeks on NAFTA under pressure from her constituents and her president, ultimately siding with the latter. “Words failed to express our revulsion of your action,” said the secretary treasurer of the San Francisco Labor Council at the time.

2003 Pelosi ousted the DEM member of the FEC most devoted to enforcing the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law, replacing him with a labor lawyer who had worked to block the law.

2005, Lobbied the FEC to neuter part of the law and allow politicians to raise unlimited amounts of money for groups campaigning for ballot measures.

When the DEM party’s dependence on corporate fundraising intensified. Pelosi harangued lawmakers who hadn’t paid their DCCC “dues” — fundraising benchmarks that DCCC members must meet to sit on or chair committees, which range from tens to hundreds of thousands of dollars. Pelosi shamed lawmakers by making public how much they had or hadn’t raised. She threatened a senior Minnesota Democrat that he would miss out on a ranking position on the House Ag Committee, forcing him to take large amounts from wealthy donors and biz PACs.

2006, Pelosi tried to get rid of arch-rival Hoyer by endorsing conservative PA Rep. John Murtha, who close to being indicted in the Abscam scandal (Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington’s annual “Most Corrupt Members of Congress” report for using his position on a defense appropriations subcommittee to line of the pockets of one of his former staffers and the clients of his lobbyist brother.

2019, Pelosi adopted rules governing its proceedings (H.R. Res. 6, 116th Cong., Committee on Oversight and Reform, which it charged with “review[ing] and study[ing] on a continuing basis the operation of Government activities at all levels” and which it permitted to “conduct investigations” “at any time . . . of any matter,” “without regard to” other standing committees’ jurisdictions. The Oversight Committee may “require, by subpoena or otherwise the production of documents as it considers necessary.” In doing so Pelosi’s rules totally eviscerate the 4th. Amendment’s prohibition upon illegal (unsupported by judicially obtained warrant) search and seizures.

On 7/2/19 Pelosi files suit to obtain Trump’s tax returns. Rulings indicated Trump’s returns could not be released, as there was no legal authority to do so, and legal authority preventing disclosure.

On 7/24/19, Peolsi again adopts a resolution expressly ratifying investigations and subpoenas issued by any standing committee, pursuant to its Committee jurisdiction concerning “the President” and “his businessentities and organizations”—specifically including “tax information.” See H. Res. 507, 116th Cong. (2019); H. Res. 509, 116th Cong. (2019)

Pelosi backed Obama’s illegal war in Libya and urged Obama to take military action six years after she had courted controversy by meeting with Assad and declaring “the road to Damascus is a road to peace.” She explicitly denied Obama needed to get congressional authorization for the war, advocating for the kind of imperial presidency she had opposed under Bush. When asked if the public should be informed when the government assassinates a US citizen via drone, Pelosi said, “it depends on the situation,” and that “people just want to be protected.”

Previously a critic of government surveillance, she now is one of its most powerful defenders. When a bipartisan coalition moved to curtail the NSA’s collection of Americans’ phone records in 2013, Pelosi killed the effort. After complaining that Trump was attempting “thought control” and generally warning how dangerous he was, Pelosi voted to extend his power to carry out legally dubious surveillance on Americans through the NSA.


In 2008, as a bill aimed at limiting swipe fees on credit cards was making its way through the House, Visa embarked on a massive lobbying and influence campaign to sway Pelosi against such legislation. Then her husband got a call from his broker inviting him to Visa’s exclusive IPO, which was closed to the public. Pelosi bought 5,000 shares at $44 each, whose value jumped by $20 two days later. She chose not to bring the bill to the floor before Congress adjourned. Republicans would later try to pass a so-called “Pelosi provision,” barring lawmakers from using their office to access IPOs.

In another case, the $50 million diverted by Pelosi to help build a light-rail project in San Francisco turned out to also be benefiting a four-story commercial building in the area owned by her husband. Pelosi’s husband also invested heavily in green tech firm SunEdison just weeks before a major acquisition made its stock price leap by 29 percent, prompting speculation about insider trading. This was on top of money that Pelosi’s PAC was paying her husband and his firm, an arrangement that, while not illegal, is ethically questionable.

2016 Pelosi introduced the platform in an op-ed, tax credits for businesses was the policy she led with. She’s remained against Medicare For All, stressing after the Democratic takeover of the House that she and other Democrats would be focused on fixing and protecting Obamacare.

Not only is Pelosi, one of the richest members of congress — as of 2015, she was worth over $100 million. According to financial disclosure reports filed by Pelosi, she and her husband have invested anywhere between $150,000–$350,000 in Facebook, $250,000–$500,000 in AT&T, and a whopping $1.5–$1.6 million in Amazon, as well as $1.7–$3.5 million in Apple (though they also sold between $1.35–$5.75 million worth of stock in the latter). It’s hard to imagine someone with this portfolio launching a serious campaign against corporate America, let alone breaking up the monopoly power of these specific companies.