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Zapatista Rebellion in Chiapas

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  1. Introduction
  2.  
  3. The Zapatista rebellion in Chiapas drew widespread attention to the plight of indigenous peoples in Mexico’s second-poorest state. On 1 January 1994 the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) (cited under Primary Sources and Translations) took possession of six towns in central and eastern Chiapas, including the former colonial seat of power, San Cristóbal de Las Casas. More than 3,000 indigenous people participated in the uprising, which was timed to coincide with the taking effect of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Denouncing NAFTA as a “death sentence for indigenous peoples,” the principal spokesperson for the EZLN, Subcomandante Marcos, argued that the privatization of collectively held lands and the implementation of neoliberal economic policy would undermine small producers (campesinos) and make the country more dependent on imported crops and other commodities. The Zapatistas issued a call for all Mexicans to mobilize against then-President Carlos Salinas de Gortari, a principal architect of neoliberal reforms who had claimed victory in the 1988 presidential elections despite widespread evidence of fraud. The government responded with a military offensive, but large-scale protests were effective in ensuring that peace talks would begin in late February 1994. Negotiations did not lead to a peaceful solution. By 1996 only one set of accords had been signed, relating to indigenous rights, but these have not been implemented. As a result, the Zapatistas have attempted to build alternative community structures and promote autonomous projects on the lands that were occupied during the early stages of the rebellion. Scholarship on the Zapatistas is large and covers many different aspects of this movement. While some scholars celebrate the novel qualities of the EZLN (for example, its desire not to seek power and its promotion of decentralized autonomous bases of support), others claim that outside activists have sought to mobilize local grievances to support their own political agendas. Earlier studies of the EZLN tended to highlight the movement’s public statements, speeches, and communiqués. More recent work has been able to provide more-detailed analyses of the local-level impacts of the rebellion, including greater attention to the participation of indigenous women.
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  5. General Overviews
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  7. Several works examine the general context in which the Zapatista rebellion occurred. Some scholars emphasize the agrarian conflicts and prior history of local organizing. Harvey 1998 traces the emergence of campesino organizations in the 1970s and 1980s that demanded land redistribution and improved economic and social conditions. This activism was a forerunner of the Zapatista rebellion, and Harvey argues that the government’s failure to address unequal land distribution, combined with political repression of grassroots activists, radicalized a new generation of community members in ways that led them to turn to the armed option offered by the EZLN. Womack 1999 similarly highlights the social inequalities within a longer historical perspective. This author adds important material regarding the role of the Catholic diocese in supporting community-based organizations in Chiapas, and a section of thirty-two readings including key texts from the Colonial period up to 1998. Some works, such as Muñoz Ramírez 2008, take the testimonies of Zapatistas themselves as the main source for constructing a history of the rebellion. Higgins 2004 uses international relations theory to see the rebellion as a response to the centralizing tendency of state formation in Mexico, which had rendered indigenous people largely invisible, at least in political terms, until 1994. Gollnick 2008 adds an important dimension by critiquing literary narratives that have also placed indigenous people in a passive role in the social history of Chiapas. Against this trend, most recent scholarship gives greater weight to the agency of indigenous people. De Vos 2002 uses a series of testimonies to detail the aspirations and hopes of those indigenous campesinos who migrated from former plantations to establish new communities in the Lacandón forest of eastern Chiapas since the 1940s. Ross 2002 also provides insight into the process by which the Zapatistas actively engaged with Mexican society and resisted the government’s counterinsurgency campaign in the 1990s. These overviews reflect the core issue of land conflicts in Chiapas, a theme that is also central to the film documentary A Place Called Chiapas (Wild 2005).
  8.  
  9. de Vos, Jan. Una tierra para sembrar sueños: Historia reciente de la Selva Lacandona, 1950–2000. Sección de Obras de Historia. Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2002.
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  11. Jan de Vos is a leading historian of the Lacandón forest region of Chiapas. This book is the third part of a trilogy of books that cover Lacandón history from colonial times to the present. De Vos divides his analysis into parallel accounts of different individuals who represent to some degree the diverse economic and political interests at stake in this area of Chiapas, one of the main bases for the Zapatista rebellion.
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  13. Gollnick, Brian. Reinventing the Lacandón: Subaltern Representations in the Rain Forest of Chiapas. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2008.
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  15. Gollnick shows how the Lacandón forest has been represented in dominant literary forms in ways that have excluded or minimized indigenous voices. Drawing on theoretical insights from subaltern studies, Gollnick brings these voices, or “oral traces,” to the fore, providing new ways of reading the history of Chiapas.
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  17. Harvey, Neil. The Chiapas Rebellion: The Struggle for Land and Democracy. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998.
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  19. Harvey analyzes the formation and actions of three independent peasant movements in Chiapas during the 1970s and 1980s. The struggle for land and the right to organize outside of the ruling party’s main peasant confederation are seen as important factors that led up to the Zapatista rebellion. The author also examines responses from the Mexican government and civil society.
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  21. Higgins, Nicholas. Understanding the Chiapas Rebellion: Modernist Visions and the Invisible Indian. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2004.
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  23. Using insights from Foucault on modern forms of governmentality, Higgins explains how the process of state formation in Mexico made indigenous people invisible to the national project. He examines the Zapatista rebellion as a demand for visibility and an end to assimilationist and exclusionary forms of political representation.
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  25. Muñoz Ramírez, Gloria. The Fire and the Word: A History of the Zapatista Movement. Translated by Laura Carlsen with Alejandro Reyes Arias. San Francisco: City Lights, 2008.
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  27. A history of the Zapatista movement and its origins, told from the perspective of members of the EZLN. The book is organized by year and is written in a clear and accessible style, with photographs and a preface by Subcomandante Marcos.
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  29. Ross, John. The War Against Oblivion: Zapatista Chronicles, 1994–2000. Monroe, ME: Common Courage, 2002.
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  31. Ross explains how the chronicle, in Mexico’s journalistic tradition, is more than a simple chronology of events. The chronicle is evocative in its detail and allows the reader to imagine the events described rather than simply memorize them. Ross divides his chronicle into time and seasons, much like agricultural cycles, to present the struggles of the Zapatistas from 1994 to 2000.
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  33. Wild, Nettie, dir. A Place Called Chiapas: Inside the World’s First Post-Modern Revolution. DVD. New York: Zeitgeist Films, 2005.
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  35. Filmed during the years immediately following the 1994 uprising, this documentary captures the testimonies of participants in the movement as well as those affected, including private landowners and ranchers.
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  37. Womack, John. Rebellion in Chiapas: An Historical Reader. New York: New Press, 1999.
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  39. Historical analysis of the rebellion, with particular attention to the role of the Catholic diocese of San Cristóbal de Las Casas and Bishop Samuel Ruiz in promoting social justice through peaceful means. The book includes a very useful collection of primary source materials from the Colonial period to the 1990s. Translations by John Womack Jr.
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  41. Edited Collections
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  43. Hayden 2001 provides a large number of short essays, journalistic articles, and Zapatista communiqués that explain the origins of the rebellion and its impact in the 1990s. The volume editor examines the Zapatistas in terms of familiar struggles for economic justice and democracy and provides a useful timeline of events that helps orient the reader. A more scholarly collection that focuses on diverse local experiences of the rebellion is Rus, et al. 2003. This book is particularly useful for undergraduate students, providing clear and detailed analyses that go beyond easy celebration or demonization of the Zapatistas. The novelty of the EZLN as a guerrilla movement that does not aspire to take power, but to “change the world without taking power,” is a central theme of Holloway and Peláez 1998. In Spanish, Viqueira and Rus 1995 provides a very broad overview of the history, regional geography, indigenous cultures, and recent processes of agrarian change. The emphasis on local variation and the existence of “many zapatismos” is also present in Viqueira and Estrada 2010. The editors and contributing authors seek to explain how the EZLN gained support in different subregions of Chiapas, while pointing out the tensions and conflicts that arose over competing affiliations within and between communities. The local diversity of the Zapatista movement has also been addressed in special issues of academic journals, including Latin American Perspectives in 2007 and Identities in 2008.
  44.  
  45. Hayden, Tom, ed. The Zapatista Reader. New York: Nation Books, 2001.
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  47. This collection consists of essays by a wide range of scholars and intellectuals with different perspectives on the Zapatista movement. It includes a postscript on the Zapatistas’ march to Mexico City in 2001 to push for constitutional recognition of indigenous rights. The volume also includes eleven original documents written by the EZLN, and a very useful introduction and timeline of events.
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  49. Holloway, John, and Eloína Peláez, eds. Zapatista! Reinventing Revolution in Mexico. London: Pluto Press, 1998.
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  51. This collection covers important aspects of the rebellion, including symbolism, women’s participation, economic globalization, and the Zapatistas’ use of the Internet. The editors provide an insightful introduction that draws attention to several novel aspects of this movement and its implications for our understanding of the term “revolution.”
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  53. Gledhill, John, ed. Special Issue: Anthropological Perspectives on Indigenous Resurgence in Chiapas. Identities 15.5 (2008).
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  55. Special issue of the journal Identities, which brings together ethnographic research on the impact of Zapatismo in different localities of Chiapas during the period between 2001 and 2007. Anthropologist John Gledhill provides an Introductory Essay (available to subscribers) that analyzes the evolution of the Zapatista movement and state responses. Ideal for graduate students wishing to conduct research in Chiapas.
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  57. Rus, Jan, Shannon Mattiace, and Rosalva Aída Hernández, eds. Mayan Lives, Mayan Utopias: The Indigenous Peoples of Chiapas and the Zapatista Rebellion. Latin American Perspectives in the Classroom. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003.
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  59. A collection by leading scholars of the indigenous cultures of Chiapas, with many years of fieldwork experience. Very useful introduction for students wishing to gain an overview of the issues motivating the Zapatista rebellion as well as in-depth historical and ethnographic analyses.
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  61. Special Issue: Globalizing Resistance: The New Politics of Social Movements in Latin America. Latin American Perspectives 34.2 (2007).
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  63. Special issue of the journal Latin American Perspectives concerning the Zapatistas, with articles analyzing local, national, and international dimensions of the movement, including an evaluation of the Other Campaign (by Mariana Mora), neo-Zapatista networks (by Alicia Swords), and a useful conceptual discussion of the contested meanings of autonomy in Chiapas (by Richard Stahler-Sholk).
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  65. Viqueira, Juan Pedro, and Marco Estrada, eds. Los indígenas de Chiapas y la rebelión Zapatista: Microhistorias políticas. Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 2010.
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  67. A recent collection of ethnographic studies of how Zapatismo has been received in different communities in Chiapas. The authors take a longer historical perspective to show how the rebellion emerged out of prior struggles for land and argue for a more locally nuanced understanding of the rebellion in which there may exist many local Zapatismos.
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  69. Viqueira, Juan Pedro, and Mario Ruz, eds. Chiapas: Los rumbos de otra historia. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1995.
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  71. A large collection of scholarly essays on a wide range of aspects related to the history of Chiapas since the Colonial period. The contributors show the great diversity within Chiapas in terms of demography, ecology, and ethnic relations.
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  73. Primary Sources and Translations
  74.  
  75. The Zapatistas and Subcomandante Marcos in particular are well known for publicizing their cause through communiqués that combine social analysis with poetry, references to popular culture, literature, and indigenous mythology. These communiqués appeal to many readers as they feel connections to the broader goals of dignity and justice, although their communities may be very different from those in rural Chiapas. The power of Marcos’s communiqués is frequently noted as a unique characteristic of the Zapatistas, and there are several good collections of his writings in English and Spanish. The first in chronological terms is Bardacke 1995, which includes the very first communiqués from the start of the rebellion. Womack 1999 provides a historical analysis of how the rebellion occurred and includes primary-source documents from grassroots organizations that were active prior to the armed uprising. Our Word Is Our Weapon (Marcos 2003) is a very comprehensive collection of Marcos’s communiqués from prior to the rebellion until 2001, accompanied by an insightful essay by Ana Carrigan that summarizes the development of the movement in the 1980s and 1990s. More-recent writings are included in two volumes published by City Lights Press, The Speed of Dreams (Marcos 2007) and The Other Campaign (Marcos 2008). In Spanish, the most complete collection of Zapatista documents is the five-volume series Documentos y Comunicados edited by García de León (Monsiváis and Poniatowska 1994–2003), a leading scholar of the history of Chiapas, and published by Ediciones Era between 1994 and 2003. Primary sources are constantly updated and made available at the EZLN official webpage, Enlace Zapatista.
  76.  
  77. Bardacke, Frank. Shadows of Tender Fury: The Letters and Communiqués of Subcomandante Marcos and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation. New York: Monthly Review, 1995.
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  79. Useful collection of early Zapatista communiqués, including the essay “Chiapas: The Southeast in Two Winds, a Storm and a Prophecy,” written by Subcomandante Marcos two years prior to the uprising, as well as the first Declaration of the Lacandón Jungle and Marcos’s speech to the US Democratic National Convention in August 1994. John Ross provides an introductory chapter; Subcomandante Marcos, a prologue.
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  81. EZLN. Zapatista Army of National Liberation.
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  83. Official website of the EZLN. Important source for updates, analyses, radio programs, and communiqués since 1994, as well as longer articles published in the magazine Revista Rebeldía concerning the Zapatistas and the Other Campaign.
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  85. Marcos, Subcomandante. Our Word Is Our Weapon: Selected Writings of Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos. Edited by Juana Ponce de León. New York: Seven Stories, 2003.
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  87. Evocative communiqués from Subcomandante Marcos on a wide range of topics, including the war in Chiapas, civil society, and international solidarity. The volume includes overview chapters and a timeline to help situate Marcos’s writings. E-book.
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  89. Marcos, Subcomandante. The Speed of Dreams: Selected Writings 2001–2007. Edited by Canek Peña-Vargas and Greg Ruggiero. San Francisco: City Lights, 2007.
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  91. A collection of Marcos’s writings on the indigenous peoples’ struggles in Chiapas, as well as broader national and international political issues, including the US-led invasion of Iraq.
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  93. Marcos, Subcomandante. The Other Campaign/La Otra Campaña. Open Media series. San Francisco: City Lights, 2008.
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  95. The book, a bilingual edition, includes the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandón Jungle, written in 2005, which called for the unification of individuals and groups opposed to the neoliberal capitalist order in Mexico and elsewhere. The authors explain the purpose of the Other Campaign, a national initiative to create a popular alternative to the political parties during the presidential campaign of 2006.
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  97. Monsiváis, Carlos, and Elena Poniatowska. EZLN: Documentos y comunicados. 5 vols. Edited by Antonio García de León. Colección Problemas de México. Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 1994–2003.
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  99. The most complete collection of communiqués and documents produced by the Zapatistas between 1994 and 2003. The editor also contributes his own introductory essays to place the documents in their broader political context.
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  101. Womack, John. Rebellion in Chiapas: An Historical Reader. New York: New Press, 1999.
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  103. The volume provides a unique collection of readings dating from colonial times to the Zapatista communiqués of the 1990s. Particularly useful are documents pertaining to campesino and indigenous organizations, the Catholic Diocese, and leftist political groups in the two decades between the Indigenous Congress of 1974 and the armed uprising of 1 January 1994.
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  105. Chiapas History
  106.  
  107. The Zapatista rebellion is one of several that have occurred in Chiapas since the Colonial period. Historians have identified common themes in these rebellions, particularly the reaction by indigenous communities to threats against their autonomy in religious and social affairs. García de León 1985 provides a very detailed history of ethnic relations between indigenous peoples and Spanish colonial rulers and post-Independence elites. He examines resistance to conquest, as well as uprisings against the impositions of the church and colonial government in 1712 and 1869. At independence, the annexation of Chiapas into Mexico rather than Guatemala did not bring progressive change for the indigenous population. Instead, as García de León 1985 and Benjamin 1996 point out, modernization was developed at the expense of local communities, leading to the consolidation of a class of regionally based landowners who controlled state government. Their power was sufficient to mobilize indigenous workers to fight against the revolutionary movements of the 1910s. As a result, the Mexican revolution had less impact on unequal land distribution in Chiapas than in most other parts of the country. The main impact of the postrevolutionary state was the way in which indigenous government structures were transformed by the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) to provide support for the regime and enforce local political control within communities. Rus 1994 is a much-cited and perceptive analysis of this process in highland Chiapas. The period since 1960 saw increasingly frequent interactions between new outside actors and rural communities. The Catholic Diocese of San Cristóbal de Las Casas established a strong network of pastoral workers throughout the highlands and the newly settled canyons of the Lacandón forest. In the 1970s, a variety of left-wing activists arrived from urban areas of Mexico to organize new grassroots organizations outside of the official channels established by the PRI. Harvey 1998 describes this process and its impact on community participation in a variety of struggles for land and recognition of indigenous rights. The recent political salience of ethnicity, as opposed to class identities, is also examined in Montemayor 1997, which places the Zapatista rebellion in a longer historical context of indigenous resistance in Mexico.
  108.  
  109. Benjamin, Thomas. A Rich Land, a Poor People: Politics and Society in Modern Chiapas. Rev. ed. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996.
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  111. Essential reading for students interested in the contradictory nature of Chiapas, one of the poorest states in Mexico but also one of the richest in terms of its natural resources. The book is particularly important for explaining the impact of modernization policies under Porfirio Díaz (1867–1911) as well as in the postrevolutionary period. E-book.
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  113. García de León, Antonio. Resistencia y utopia: Memorial de agravios y cronicas de revueltas y profecias acecidas en la provincia de Chiapas. 2 vols. Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 1985.
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  115. Detailed analysis of ethnic and class relations in Chiapas since the Spanish conquest. The author emphasizes the use of religious and cultural practices in a long sequence of rural rebellions in Chiapas, revealing a tradition of agrarian conflict that would again emerge with the Zapatista rebellion.
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  117. Harvey, Neil. The Chiapas Rebellion: The Struggle for Land and Democracy. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998.
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  119. Harvey focuses on the agrarian struggles in Chiapas since the early 1970s, placing them in a longer historical context. His second chapter discusses the impacts of conquest and colonial rule on indigenous communities, as well as the conflicts brought by state modernization and capitalist agriculture in the 19th and early 20th centuries.
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  121. Montemayor, Carlos. Chiapas: La Rebelión Indígena de México. Horas de Latinoamérica. Mexico City: Joaquín Mortiz, 1997.
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  123. The author, one of Mexico’s leading intellectuals and scholars of indigenous cultures, analyzes the Zapatista movement as part of a longer and nationally significant struggle for indigenous rights.
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  125. Rus, Jan. “The “Comunidad Revolucionaria Institucional”: The Subversion of Native Government in Highland Chiapas, 1936–1968.” In Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico. Edited by Gilbert Joseph and Daniel Nugent, 265–300. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1994.
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  127. Essential reading on the political restructuring of indigenous communities between the 1930s and the late 1960s. Rus focuses on the case of San Juan Chamula to reveal the mechanisms by which native government was transformed by the entry of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and bilingual education programs, resulting in the consolidation of a new indigenous elite.
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  129. Origins of the Rebellion
  130.  
  131. Although the general history of land concentration and political repression has been cited as causing the Zapatista rebellion, the actual mechanisms by which people joined the rebellion are still a matter of some debate and ongoing research. Gilly 1998 sees the rebellion as a continuation of a longer history of rural resistance in Chiapas and Mexico more generally. Land disputes and the decline of economic opportunities during the 1980s are also central to the accounts provided in Collier and Quaratiello 2005 and Ross 1994. The 1980s was also a decade of increasing political repression in Chiapas. The state government was often cited as responsible for human rights violations, most frequently committed against leaders and members of independent peasant organizations. Gómez Cruz and Kovic 1994 demonstrates the scale and impact of human rights violations in the years immediately prior to the rebellion. Poor social conditions and demographic pressures in the communities located in the Lacandón forest are also seen as factors leading to the rebellion. Leyva Solano and Ascencio Franco 2002 documents the increasing pressures on the land that many of these communities faced. Tello 2006 and Legorreta Díaz 1998 have questioned the way that the EZLN used these grievances to further its own agenda. They argue that the rebellion was not an inevitable response to social conditions. While Tello focuses on the manipulation of local grievances by outside leaders, Legorreta Díaz describes alternative projects of campesino organizations in the Lacandón forest that competed with the path taken by the Zapatistas.
  132.  
  133. Collier, George, and Elizabeth Quaratiello. Basta! Land and the Zapatista Rebellion in Chiapas. 3d ed. Oakland, CA: Food First, 2005.
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  135. The authors explain how economic crisis and neoliberal restructuring since the 1970s negatively affected peasant communities in Chiapas. The rise in unemployment in the 1980s is also described as a contributing factor to social unrest. The book’s third edition adds an accessible account of the rebellion and subsequent interactions with the government and civil society. Frequently used text for undergraduate students.
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  137. Gilly, Adolfo. “Chiapas and the Rebellion of the Enchanted World.” In Rural Revolt in Mexico: US Intervention and the Domain of Subaltern Politics. Expanded ed. Edited by Daniel Nugent, 261–333. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998.
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  139. Sees the Zapatista rebellion in the context of a longer history of rural rebellions since colonial times. Argues that rebellions are defense mechanisms against the encroachment of capitalist markets and threats to community autonomy and cultural traditions. A longer version of this essay in Spanish is Gilly’s Chiapas: La razón ardiente (Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 2002).
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  141. Gómez Cruz, Patricia Jovita, and Christina María Kovic. Con un pueblo vivo, en tierra negada: Un ensayo sobre los derechos humanos y el conflicto agrario en Chiapas, 1989–1993. San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Mexico: Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1994.
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  143. Well-documented account of the violation of human rights in Chiapas in the years preceding the rebellion, including explanations of the social, political, and religious divisions that gave rise to these violations.
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  145. Legorreta Díaz, María del Carmen. Religión, Política y Guerrilla en Las Cañadas de la Selva Lacandona. Mexico City: Cal y Arena, 1998.
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  147. The author uses her own fieldwork research during the 1980s to explain the various political projects and strategies that coexisted in the villages of the Lacandón forest prior to the 1994 uprising. The author is critical of the EZLN for its decision to organize for armed struggle, arguing that other options were available, including those favored by the area’s existing peasant organizations.
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  149. Leyva Solano, Xochitl, and Gabriel Ascencio Franco. Lacandonia al Filo del Agua. 2d ed. Sección de Obras de Antropología. Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2002.
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  151. Very detailed account of the social and economic conditions prevailing in the canyons of the Lacandón forest prior to the Zapatista rebellion. The authors show how a combination of demographic, environmental, and economic factors created the conditions in which a younger generation of indigenous campesinos found hope in the armed option of the EZLN.
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  153. Ross, John. Rebellion from the Roots: Indian Uprising in Chiapas. New York: Common Courage, 1994.
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  155. Passionate account of the rebellion and its early impacts, directed to a general readership, which highlights the main motivations for the rebellion, including the social conditions in Chiapas as well as broader national and global forces such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
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  157. Tello, Carlos. La rebelión de las Cañadas: Origen y ascenso del EZLN. Mexico City: Planeta Mexicana, 2006.
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  159. The author discusses how the EZLN was born in Chiapas, the background of its principal nonindigenous leaders, including Subcomandante Marcos, and the divisions that existed within indigenous communities over the decision to support the armed uprising. He uses material made available by the Mexican government’s police investigations into the history of the EZLN.
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  161. Religious Influences and Conflicts
  162.  
  163. The Catholic diocese of San Cristóbal de Las Casas has been an influential actor in accompanying indigenous and mestizo communities in their struggles for social justice. Bishop Samuel Ruiz García headed the diocese from 1960 to 2000. During the late 1960s and 1970s, the diocese made a decision to oppose exploitation and injustice, participating in the continent-wide emergence of liberation theology. Bishop Ruiz was often at the center of disputes with local elites, who accused him of fomenting rebellion. However, Ruiz was consistently in favor of peaceful change and expressed significant differences with the EZLN leadership. Following the rebellion, Ruiz became an important mediator in peace talks between the government and the Zapatistas, until the peace process broke down in late 1996. There are several insightful studies of Bishop Ruiz and the work of the diocese. Bravo 1994 discusses the theological and philosophical foundations for Ruiz’s work. Womack 1999 and MacEóin 1996 provide accessible introductions to Ruiz and his role in the political conflicts in Chiapas. Floyd 1996 places the current tensions between the diocese and the government in a longer historical context of church-state relations in Mexico, while Chojnacki 2010 and Kovic 2005 offer more in-depth studies of Catholic catechists and their struggles for human rights in the highlands of Chiapas. Other religious denominations have been less well studied, despite their growing presence in Chiapas since the 1970s. Most attention has focused on violent expulsions of community members who refuse to participate in economically burdensome rituals of traditionalist Catholic community authorities. Dissenters have expressed their opposition by converting to Protestantism and other churches. Thousands of people have been expelled by traditionalist Catholics in several highland communities, a process described in the edited volume Pérez Enríquez 1994.
  164.  
  165. Bravo, Carlos. Chiapas: El evangelio de los pobres: Iglesia, justicia y verdad. Grandes Temas. Mexico City: Espasa Calpe Mexicana, 1994.
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  167. Timely account of the main philosophical and theological positions of the Catholic diocese of San Cristóbal de Las Casas at the moment of the Zapatista rebellion.
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  169. Chojnacki, Ruth. Indigenous Apostles: Maya Catholic Catechists Working the Word in Highland Chiapas. Studies in World Christianity and Interreligious Relations 46. Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi, 2010.
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  171. Rare ethnographic account of the interactions between indigenous people and the Catholic Church during the expansion of liberation theology. The author shows how indigenous people shaped the Catholic message and practice through a dialectical process of religious conversion.
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  173. Floyd, Charlene. 1996. “A Theology of Insurrection? Religion and Politics in Mexico.” Journal of International Affairs 50.1 (Summer 1996): 142–166.
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  175. The author provides a long historical perspective on tensions in church-state relations in Mexico, as well as analysis of the economic conditions that gave rise to the Zapatista rebellion and the role played by the Catholic Church in promoting social change.
  176. Find this resource:
  177. Kovic, Christine. Mayan Voices for Human Rights: Displaced Catholics in Highland Chiapas. Louann Atkins Temple Women & Culture series 9. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005.
  178. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  179. Kovic explains why, since the 1970s, several communities in highland Chiapas witnessed violent expulsions of indigenous people due to their opposition to traditional authorities tied to the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Using fieldwork data among displaced Catholics, Kovic shows how they have created new communities and fought for the defense of human rights, including freedom of religion.
  180. Find this resource:
  181. MacEóin, Gary. The People’s Church: Bishop Samuel Ruiz of Mexico and Why He Matters. New York: Crossroad, 1996.
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  183. This book places the work of Bishop Samuel Ruiz in the broader context of changes in the Catholic Church in the 1960s and 1970s, particularly the emergence of liberation theology and the preferential option for the poor. The author also details the social conditions that help explain the rebellion.
  184. Find this resource:
  185. Pérez Enríquez, María Isabel, ed. Expulsiones Indígenas: Religión y migración en tres municipios de los Altos de Chiapas: Chenalhó, Larráinzar y Chamula. Mexico City: Claves Latinoamericanas, 1994.
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  187. Historical and ethnographic study of the causes of mass expulsions of religious dissenters in three municipalities of highland Chiapas, as well as the impacts on communities and religious divisions.
  188. Find this resource:
  189. Womack, John. Rebellion in Chiapas: An Historical Reader. New York: New Press, 1999.
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  191. The first part of this book contains a long essay titled “Chiapas, the Bishop of San Cristóbal, and the Zapatista Revolt,” in which Womack discusses the historical context of social conflict in Chiapas, as well as the participation of Bishop Ruiz in supporting indigenous struggles for justice. The essay clarifies important distinctions between Ruiz and the EZLN, including details on Ruiz’s opposition to the use of armed struggle.
  192. Find this resource:
  193. Agrarian History
  194.  
  195. The struggle over land was a key factor in the Zapatista rebellion. Several works examine the longer history of land conflicts in Chiapas since the end of the Mexican revolution. The new revolutionary government included as one of its goals the redistribution of agricultural land to new peasant communities (ejidos). The formation of new ejidos in Chiapas differed from that in other areas of Mexico in that large landholdings were not immediately broken up for redistribution; instead, the government promoted colonization of the remote areas of the Lacandón forest in the eastern part of the state. In the 1980s, struggles for land in Chiapas became more intense and often pitted government-affiliated peasant organizations against more-radical and independent movements. This history is documented in Harvey 1998 and Collier and Quaratiello 2005. Reyes Ramos 1992 provides an exhaustive account of the history of land reform in Chiapas between 1914 and 1988. This author uses data from the Secretariat of Agrarian Reform to show that the redistribution of land was used by successive governments to garner political support for the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). This strategy of co-optation, combined with selective repression, was particularly evident during the 1980s, when the state government favored the National Peasant Confederation (CNC) in responding to claims for land, despite the fact that much of the struggle had been led by independent organizations such as the Independent Confederation of Agricultural Workers and Campesinos (CIOAC) and the Emiliano Zapata Peasant Organization (OCEZ). The local impacts of land reform movements reveal a gradual dismantling of large estates over several decades. Van der Haar 2002 shows how this process was already far along in the Tojolobal highlands at the time of the Zapatista rebellion. Similarly, Mattiace 2003 examines the history of agrarian struggles of Tojolobal communities, which became one of the key areas in which the Zapatista rebellion found support.
  196.  
  197. Collier, George, and Elizabeth Quaratiello. Basta! Land and the Zapatista Rebellion in Chiapas. 3d ed. San Francisco: Food First, 2005.
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  199. The authors explain how economic crisis and neoliberal restructuring since the 1970s negatively affected peasant communities in Chiapas. The rise in unemployment in the 1980s is also described as a contributing factor to social unrest. The book’s third edition adds an accessible account of the rebellion and subsequent interactions with the government and civil society. Frequently used text for undergraduate students.
  200. Find this resource:
  201. Harvey, Neil. The Chiapas Rebellion: The Struggle for Land and Democracy. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998.
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  203. Examines the historical development of land tenure, the impact of liberal land reforms in the nineteenth century, and postrevolutionary agrarian policies from the 1930s to the 1980s. The author shows how the struggle for land in Chiapas was not an isolated phenomenon but formed part of a resurgence of peasant activism at the national level during the 1970s.
  204. Find this resource:
  205. Mattiace, Shannon. To See With Two Eyes: Peasant Activism and Indian Autonomy in Chiapas, Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2003.
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  207. The author discusses peasant struggles for land within the historical context of indigenismo, a state-sponsored ideology that sought to maintain centralized control over the political, economic, and social life of indigenous peoples between 1940 and 1994. The book adds original insight into grassroots organizing in the Tojolobal region of Chiapas prior to and after the 1994 rebellion.
  208. Find this resource:
  209. Reyes Ramos, María Eugenia. El reparto de tierras y la política agraria en Chiapas, 1914–1988. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1992.
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  211. Vital source of official data and statistics on the complex and slow process of land reform in Chiapas between 1914 and 1988, accompanied by analysis of major obstacles to redistribution and conflicts between peasant organizations, local landowners, and the Mexican state.
  212. Find this resource:
  213. van der Haar, Gemma. Gaining Ground: Land Reform and the Constitution of Community in the Tojolobal Highlands of Chiapas, Mexico. Thela Latin America series. Amsterdam: Rozenberg, 2002.
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  215. Ethnographic study of Tojolobal-speaking communities and their struggles for land titles since the 1930s. The author sees the impact of the Zapatista rebellion in terms of the continuation of land struggles through the adoption of new political identities and organizational forms.
  216. Find this resource:
  217. Agrarian Conflicts After 1994
  218.  
  219. The long history of land conflicts in Chiapas did not come to an end when the government reformed Article 27 of the Constitution in 1992. That reform was seen by many as canceling out the hope of access to land for thousands of younger indigenous and mestizo campesinos. However, the Zapatista rebellion forced the government to temporarily revive land reform in Chiapas to regain some political ground and avoid the growth of active support for the EZLN. Several books have analyzed this sudden resurgence of land reform after 1994. Villafuerte Solís 1999 is the most comprehensive account of the government’s program of redistribution. While the program was effective in redistributing land, Villafuerte Solís 1999 points out that this process has also led to a pulverization of land holdings into very small plots that are insufficient to provide for subsistence needs or to function effectively in competitive markets. Unlike in previous decades, the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party was much weaker in the wake of the Zapatista rebellion. In early 1994, independent organizations were able to take advantage of this weakness and seized thousands of hectares of land and demanded recognition as ejidos. This process was accompanied by the emergence of new, statewide alliances among peasant and indigenous organizations. Pérez Ruiz 2005 discusses the relationship between these new alliances and the Zapatistas, focusing on the shift from relative support to one of increasing distance over the course of the 1990s. In examining land conflicts after 1994, few scholars have studied the positions and views of large, private landowners. The most in-depth and insightful study in this regard is Bobrow-Strain 2007, in which the author explains why landowners in the Chilón region of northeastern Chiapas did not try to evict peasants from their lands in the months after the Zapatista uprising. Washbrook 2007 explores the regional variations of land disputes in Chiapas and provides ethnographic material from communities that lie outside the main areas of Zapatista presence. While the Zapatistas have sought to build their own local and regional alternatives, de Grammont and Mackinlay 2009 argues that they may have missed out on opportunities to promote broader democratization. Eisenstadt 2009 raises similar questions about the recent shift in political discourse to issues of indigenous rights when there may be greater possibilities to build on community-based agrarian identities.
  220.  
  221. Bobrow-Strain, Aaron. Intimate Enemies: Landowners, Power and Violence in Chiapas. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007.
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  223. The only book-length study in English on how landowners responded to the Zapatista uprising. The author explains why landed elites were unable to force the state government to evict peasants who had used the conjuncture of early 1994 to occupy private farmlands. Important book that provides valuable insight into the postrebellion recomposition of political power in Chiapas.
  224. Find this resource:
  225. de Grammont, Hubert, and Horacio Mackinlay. “Campesino and Indigenous Social Organizations Facing Democratic Transition in Mexico, 1938–2006.” Latin American Perspectives 36.4 (July 2009): 21–40.
  226. DOI: 10.1177/0094582X09338588Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  227. The authors examine different ways in which campesino and indigenous organizations interact with the state and political parties. They argue that organizations that seek to build alternatives outside of the existing political system may have reason to do so but will also need to take into account the importance of building a democratic system. Available online to subscribers.
  228. Find this resource:
  229. Eisenstadt, Todd. “Agrarian Tenure Institutions, Conflict Frames, and Communitarian Identities: The Case of Indigenous Southern Mexico.” Comparative Political Studies 42.1 (January 2009): 82–113.
  230. DOI: 10.1177/0010414008325273Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  231. The author presents findings from 4,000 surveys conducted in Oaxaca and Chiapas to argue that land tenure institutions that resulted from the state’s agrarian reform programs are more important in shaping local identities than ethnicity. Available online to subscribers.
  232. Find this resource:
  233. Pérez Ruiz, Maya Lorena. ¡Todos Somos Zapatistas! Alianzas y rupturas entre el EZLN y las organizaciones indígenas de México. Colección Científica, Serie Antropología 474. Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 2005.
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  235. The author explains how, immediately following the Zapatista uprising, a wide variety of peasant organizations formed a statewide coalition to coordinate their efforts to win solutions to their land claims. She also analyzes their evolving relationship with the EZLN during the subsequent years and explains the gradual distancing between many peasant organizations and the EZLN.
  236. Find this resource:
  237. Villafuerte Solís, Daniel. La Tierra en Chiapas: Viejos problemas nuevos. Mexico City: Plaza y Valdés, 1999.
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  239. Valuable resource for understanding the federal government’s decision to temporarily revive land reform in Chiapas in the wake of the Zapatista rebellion. The authors use data and statistics of the government’s land reform program to show the extent to which claims for land were settled, which groups benefited, and the overall implications for rural development in Chiapas.
  240. Find this resource:
  241. Washbrook, Sarah, ed. Rural Chiapas Ten Years after the Zapatista Uprising. Library of Peasant Studies 24. London: Routledge, 2007.
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  243. This volume, the product of a conference held in Chiapas in 2004, consists of scholarly essays that examine the impacts of the Zapatista rebellion in several distinct areas of the state. The editor provides an introductory overview of the rebellion and recent scholarship. The volume contributes to our understanding of local variation in how different communities have related to Zapatismo.
  244. Find this resource:
  245. Subcomandante Marcos
  246.  
  247. The Zapatistas’ public presence has often been associated with Subcomandante Marcos. As a nonindigenous leader, he has attracted both praise and criticism for his role in promoting the rebellion. De La Grange and Rico 1998 provides a critical account of Marcos’s life and presents him as an effective manipulator of the media and intellectuals. A contrasting perspective emerges from Yvon Le Bot, who, through a series of interviews (see Le Bot 1997), presents Marcos’s views on a wide range of topics, including the origins of the EZLN and the uprising and the transition from armed Zapatismo to civilian Zapatismo. Le Bot also includes his own analysis and a timeline of events to contextualize the interview material. Henck 2007 offers a detailed account of Marcos, tracing the evolution of his leadership style from his days as a university student to his arrival in Chiapas and subsequent role as spokesperson. In interviews published in Castellanos and Trabulsi 2008, Marcos discusses the Zapatistas’ critique of the main political parties in Mexico and notes the current challenges facing the movement. Among these is the sense of vulnerability to continued military and paramilitary aggression, without the level of civil society protection and support that had been important during the mid-1990s. Marcos has also lamented the way that he became the center of media attention, rather than the indigenous communities themselves. These challenges are discussed in Castellanos 2008.
  248.  
  249. Castellanos, Laura. “Learning, Surviving: Marcos after the Rupture.” NACLA Report on the Americas 41.3 (May–June 2008): 34–39.
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  251. Analysis of the political impact for Marcos and the Zapatistas of his publicly expressed differences with sectors of the left, intellectuals, and political parties in the period between 2002 and 2008.
  252. Find this resource:
  253. Castellanos, Laura, and Ricardo Tribulsi. Corte de Caja: Entrevista al Subcomandante Marcos. Mexico City: Búnker, 2008.
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  255. Important interview that addresses the reasons behind the distancing of the EZLN from all political parties. Marcos discusses the obstacles facing the Zapatistas and his own role in the movement’s history.
  256. Find this resource:
  257. de La Grange, Bertrand, and Maite Rico. Marcos, la genial impostura. Nuevo Siglo. Mexico City: Aguilar, 1998.
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  259. De la Grange and Rico describe the prior political formation of Marcos, as Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente, in northern Mexico, and argue that Marcos has been adept at manipulating sentiments among commentators that have lent legitimacy to the Zapatista rebellion.
  260. Find this resource:
  261. Henck, Nick. Subcommander Marcos: The Man and the Mask. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007.
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  263. Detailed account that draws on a large body of writing about Subcomandante Marcos. The author explains how the evolution of Marcos’s ideas about revolution and political strategy was transformed by his interactions with indigenous communities in Chiapas, resulting in his subordination to indigenous leadership of the EZLN.
  264. Find this resource:
  265. Le Bot, Yvon. Subcomandante Marcos: El sueño Zapatista. Mexico City: Plaza y Janés, 1997.
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  267. The author presents interviews conducted with Marcos, as well as two of the indigenous leaders, Mayor Moisés and Comandante Tacho, in 1996, focusing on the origins, impacts, and challenges of the Zapatistas. The author also examines the history of the movement and its main goals.
  268. Find this resource:
  269. Peace Negotiations and Constitutional Reform
  270.  
  271. Peace talks began in February 1994 but failed to produce any agreements until the San Andrés Accords on Indigenous Rights and Culture were signed by Zapatista and government representatives in February 1996. The accords and the process that produced them are examined in detail in Hernández Navarro and Vera Herrera 1998. Both sides signed these accords, but the government failed to send them to Congress to incorporate their provisions into the national constitution. Debates ensued over the merits and implications of the San Andrés Accords, with some arguing that the granting of local autonomy to indigenous communities could lead to the Balkanization of the Mexican nation and to the imposition of undemocratic restrictions on individual rights. These issues are discussed from a wide variety of perspectives in Arnson and Benítez 2000 and Arnson, et al. 2003. A renewed effort to revive the San Andrés Accords occurred in 2001, but Congress decided to pass a watered-down version that was rejected by the Zapatistas. One of the most-succinct and informative analyses of peace talks and the limited nature of the 2001 Indigenous Law is provided in Higgins 2001. The implications of the denial of the San Andrés Accords and the passage of the Indigenous Law are examined by different authors in the edited volume Hernández Castillo and Sierra 2004.
  272.  
  273. Arnson, Cynthia, and Raúl Benítez, eds. Chiapas: Los desafíos de la paz. Mexico City: Miguel Ángel Porrúa, 2000.
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  275. Examination of the origins of the rebellion and the failures of the peace negotiations in 1994 and 1995–1996 to produce lasting solutions. The volume is distinctive for the range of perspectives presented, including those who participated as advisors to both sides of the peace talks in Chiapas.
  276. Find this resource:
  277. Arnson, Cynthia, Raúl Benítez, and Andrew Selee, eds. Chiapas: Interpretaciones sobre la negociación y la paz. Mexico City: UNAM, 2003.
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  279. Essays mainly by Mexican scholars and writers addressing the obstacles to peace talks in Chiapas. The collection includes keynote addresses by the former Bishop of San Cristóbal de Las Casas and the government’s peace commissioner in 2002, Luis H. Alvarez. The essays are grouped into three main sections focusing on indigenous rights, the structural roots of the conflict, and the evolution of peace negotiations.
  280. Find this resource:
  281. Hernández Castillo, Rosalva Aída and Teresa Sierra, eds. El estado y los indígenas en tiempos del PAN. Conocer para Decidir. Mexico City: Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social, 2004.
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  283. Collection of essays that address the failure of the Mexican Congress to incorporate the San Andrés Accords into the federal constitution in 2001. The contributors examine various implications of the newly elected National Action Party’s policies toward indigenous peoples, including the tensions between the promotion of large-scale development projects, such as the Plan Puebla-Panamá, and the rights of indigenous peoples.
  284. Find this resource:
  285. Hernández Navarro, Luis, and Ramón Vera Herrera. Los acuerdos de San Andrés. Colección Problemas de México. Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 1998.
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  287. Important resource that includes all the documents that make up the San Andrés Accords on Indigenous Rights and Culture, signed by the EZLN and government delegations in February 1996. The authors also provide their own analyses of the accords and the context in which they were negotiated.
  288. Find this resource:
  289. Higgins, Nicholas. “Mexico’s Stalled Peace Process: Prospects and Challenges.” International Affairs 77.4 (October 2001): 885–903.
  290. DOI: 10.1111/1468-2346.00224Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  291. Accessible and detailed account of why the peace process in Mexico failed to produce successful outcomes, including analysis of the main differences between the San Andrés Accords on Indigenous Rights and Culture (signed in 1996) and the Indigenous Law passed by the Mexican Congress in 2001. Available online to subscribers.
  292. Find this resource:
  293. Human Rights
  294.  
  295. The Zapatista rebellion drew attention to the long history of neglect and marginalization suffered by the indigenous population of Chiapas. It also highlighted the weak protection of basic human rights. One of the motivations for joining the rebellion was the fact that peaceful means of achieving reform had been suppressed by local and state government. This situation did not improve after the rebellion. Reactions against the Zapatistas, combined with the failure of peace talks to produce lasting solutions, led to increased activity of paramilitary groups and continued human rights violations. The Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas has produced many reports, including Ni paz ni justicia, published in 1996, which focused on the attacks perpetrated by the paramilitary group Paz y Justicia in the northern zone of Chiapas. The nongovernmental organization Centro de Investigaciones Económicas y Políticas de Acción Comunitaria (CIEPAC) is a good source for reports that monitor human rights and issues related to development policies in Chiapas. One of the most serious cases of human rights violations occurred in December 1997, when a paramilitary group killed forty-five unarmed members of a pacifist organization, Las Abejas (“The Bees”), in the highland village of Acteal. Police stationed nearby failed to intervene, prompting many to believe that the attackers enjoyed support from within the government. The Acteal massacre is the subject of several studies and film documentaries. Tavanti 2002 focuses on the history and politics of Las Abejas, while Lacourse and Patry 2000 provides testimonies of indigenous community members regarding the impact of militarization. In addition to the Acteal massacre, it is estimated that by 2000, more than 15,000 people had been displaced from their communities by paramilitary threats and violence. This issue is discussed in the 2002 video Walking towards the Dawn, produced by the Chiapas Media Project (Chiapas Media Project 2002). The video also explores the ways in which communities are using reenactments and short plays to preserve memory in their struggles for justice. Scholarship in Chiapas has emphasized how local cultural and political realities shape people’s understandings of human rights. Pitarch, et al. 2008 underlines the importance of linguistic and cultural factors among the Mayan peoples of Chiapas and Guatemala. Speed 2007 and Kovic 2005 similarly provide fine-grained ethnographic analyses of human rights discourse and practice in different subregions of Chiapas, adding to the growing appreciation of local diversity within the state.
  296.  
  297. Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas. Ni paz ni justicia, ó, Informe general y amplio acerca de la guerra civil que sufren los Ch’oles en la zona norte de Chiapas. San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Mexico: Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1996.
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  299. Detailed account of the conditions that gave rise to paramilitary actions in northern Chiapas in the mid-1990s, including a description of one of the major paramilitary groups at that time, Paz y Justicia, and its links to elected representatives in the state congress.
  300. Find this resource:
  301. Centro de Investigaciones Económicas y Políticas de Acción Comunitaria (CIEPAC).
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  303. Useful resource for updated information and analyses on human rights, militarization, and environmental and social impacts of government policies.
  304. Find this resource:
  305. Chiapas Media Project. Walking towards the Dawn: The Memory, Resistance and Hope of the Communities Displaced by War in Chiapas. VHS. Chicago: Chiapas Media Project, 2002.
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  307. This documentary shows how the Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center has conducted its work among victims of human rights abuse in highland Chiapas. Participants in the film include members of indigenous communities that seek new ways to preserve memory of violations in their continuing struggle for justice and an end to impunity.
  308. Find this resource:
  309. Kovic, Christine. Mayan Voices for Human Rights: Displaced Catholics in Highland Chiapas. Louann Atkins Temple Women & Culture series 9. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005.
  310. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  311. Kovic explains why, since the 1970s, several communities in highland Chiapas witnessed violent expulsions of indigenous people due to their opposition to traditional authorities tied to the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Using fieldwork data among displaced Catholics, Kovic shows how they have created new communities and fought for the defense of human rights, including freedom of religion.
  312. Find this resource:
  313. Lacourse, Daniele, and Yvan Patry, dirs. Alonso’s Dream. VHS. New York: First Run/Icarus Films, 2000.
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  315. This documentary film concerns the local-level impacts of the rebellion, militarization, factionalism, and paramilitary attacks in the highland municipality of San Pedro Chenalhó. It focuses on the life of one man, Alonso, and his aspirations for peace and justice. Produced by Alter-Ciné in association with Télé-Métropole and others.
  316. Find this resource:
  317. Pitarch, Pedro, Shannon Speed, and Xochitl Leyva Solano, eds. Human Rights in the Maya Region: Global Politics, Cultural Contentions and Moral Engagements. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008.
  318. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  319. This volume includes contributions concerning the meaning and practice of human rights in Chiapas and Guatemala. The authors focus on local and national dimensions of indigenous peoples’ struggles to define and defend human rights.
  320. Find this resource:
  321. Speed, Shannon. Rights in Rebellion: Indigenous Struggle and Human Rights in Chiapas. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007.
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  323. Speed bases her analysis on field research in a variety of communities in Chiapas to show how human rights discourse is appropriated and understood in different ways according to local political and cultural contexts. She also argues in favor of closer engagement with the subjects of research and the benefits of activist anthropology.
  324. Find this resource:
  325. Tavanti, Marco. Las Abejas: Pacifist Resistance and Syncretic Cultures in a Globalizing Chiapas. Religion in History, Society, and Culture 1. New York: Routledge, 2002.
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  327. Tavanti begins with an analysis of the formation and early evolution of Las Abejas and documents the events that led to the massacre in Acteal in December 1997. The rest of the book examines in detail the different and contested meanings of Acteal, as well as the multiple dimensions of Las Abejas as a political and religious organization.
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  329. Autonomous Government
  330.  
  331. The main achievement of the Zapatista rebellion has arguably been the creation of more than thirty autonomous municipalities and five regional autonomous governments in Chiapas. In contrast to their national and international presence, which has fluctuated according to different political conjunctures, the persistent effort to build autonomous governments at the local level has produced tangible results. These efforts display great variation in the degree of consolidation, and the question of the economic and political viability of Zapatista government is an emerging area of research and debate. Scholarship on this topic includes more-general analyses of the concept of indigenous autonomy, as well as more ethnographic study of autonomy in practice. The long historical context for evaluating state-indigenous relations and the struggle for autonomy is provided in Nash 2001. Ross 2006 examines the creation of the Zapatistas’ new regional governments in 2003 and the establishment of five centers (caracoles) for interacting with outside supporters. The political importance of granting autonomy rights to indigenous peoples is highlighted by other scholars. Díaz-Polanco 1997 connects the struggle for indigenous autonomy to the wider question of building democracy in Mexico through the clear recognition of the multiethnic nature of its society. Similarly, López y Rivas 2004 calls for the defense of indigenous autonomy in the face of capitalist development and state-led counterinsurgency campaigns. Ethnographic studies of Zapatista autonomy are still relatively few in number but add a good deal to debates over the impacts of the rebellion in different localities. Estrada 2007 has provided a microhistory of a set of Tojolobal communities that have both supported and opposed the Zapatistas at different moments. Locating his study in a longer historical context and incorporating the perspectives of former Zapatistas, Estrada seeks to explain the presence of different factions within and between communities and their implications for the Zapatista movement. Earle and Simonelli 2005 discusses the alternative economic projects of Zapatista communities and the challenges they face in consolidating autonomous systems of production and exchange. Barmeyer 2009 compares the experiences of different Zapatista communities and examines the contradictory roles played by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in efforts to build autonomous governments. The Chiapas Media Project has also produced several short documentaries, ideal for teaching purposes, including Caracoles: New Paths of Resistance. (Chiapas Media Project 2003)
  332.  
  333. Barmeyer, Niels. Developing Zapatista Autonomy: Conflict and NGO Involvement in Rebel Chiapas. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2009.
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  335. One of the first authors to study the microlevel impacts of the Zapatista rebellion in English, Barmeyer explains divergent levels of support for the EZLN following the federal army’s offensive of February 1995 and the Zapatistas’ policy of refusing any social programs from the government. The book contains important lessons for scholars, NGO workers, and solidarity activists.
  336. Find this resource:
  337. Chiapas Media Project. Caracoles: New Paths of Resistance. VHS. Chicago: Chiapas Media Project, 2003.
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  339. One of several documentaries produced in association with members of indigenous communities, this film highlights the shift within the EZLN in 2003 that gave greater leadership authority to the civilian support bases and their elected leaders, separating the armed guerrilla component of the movement from the process of building autonomous communities.
  340. Find this resource:
  341. Díaz-Polanco, Héctor. La rebelión zapatista y la autonomía. Sociología y Política. Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1997.
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  343. The author examines the emergence of autonomy as a key demand of the Zapatistas following the rebellion. His book provides additional analysis of other movements in Mexico with prior histories of mobilizing for specifically indigenous rights. He concludes by calling for the reformulation of Mexico as a multiethnic nation that should recognize indigenous people’s rights to autonomy.
  344. Find this resource:
  345. Earle, Duncan, and Jeanne Simonelli. Uprising of Hope: Sharing the Zapatista Journey to Alternative Development. Crossroads in Qualitative Inquiry. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira, 2005.
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  347. Using methods of participant observation and long-term relationships with indigenous communities, the authors call for a different approach to research, one rooted in mutual recognition of the perspectives and experiences of scholars and community members. The result is a unique ethnographic exploration of the goals, achievements, and obstacles facing Zapatista communities.
  348. Find this resource:
  349. Estrada, Marco. Comunidad armada rebelde y el EZLN: Un estudio histórico y sociológico sobre las bases de apoyo en las cañadas tojolobales de la Selva Lacandona, 1930–2005. Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 2007.
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  351. Estrada examines the support bases of the Zapatistas in the Tojolobal region of Chiapas. He provides a history of land tenure conflicts since 1930 and asks why some community members chose to join the armed rebellion while others did not.
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  353. López y Rivas, Gilberto. Autonomías: Democracia o contrainsurgencia. Biblioteca Era. Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 2004.
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  355. The author has compiled a series of his own essays concerning the struggle for autonomy in Chiapas and the reactions of the Mexican government. He includes analysis of militarization, displacement, and human rights violations.
  356. Find this resource:
  357. Nash, June. Mayan Visions: The Quest for Autonomy in an Age of Globalization. London and New York: Routledge, 2001.
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  359. Nash builds on her substantial anthropological work in Chiapas to place the Zapatista rebellion in a longer historical frame of state-indigenous relations, both locally and nationally, as well as highlighting the responses of communities to economic globalization.
  360. Find this resource:
  361. Ross, John. ¡Zapatistas! Making Another World Possible: Chronicles of Resistance 2000–2006. New York: Nation Books, 2006.
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  363. Ross employs the technique of the chronicle, more than a simple telling of events, to evocatively trace the struggles of the Zapatista movement in the period from 2000 to 2006. These years encompass the Zapatistas’ march to Mexico City in 2001 to win constitutional recognition for the San Andrés Accords and the public differences with all political parties and presidential candidates in 2006.
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  365. Women and the Zapatista Rebellion
  366.  
  367. Early commentary on the Zapatista rebellion noted the large presence of indigenous women, estimated as around one-third of the guerrilla army membership. A contributing factor may have been the Zapatistas’ Revolutionary Women’s Law of 1993, which provided equal rights of participation for women and men in the EZLN. Rovira 2007 provides a detailed account of the many kinds of participation that women have engaged in, within families, communities, support bases, and the general command of the EZLN. Ortiz 2001 shows how women have been affected by economic crisis and militarization, turning to community-based organizing since before the 1994 rebellion. The wide variety of women’s experiences is reflected by the contributors to Eber and Kovic 2003, which include indigenous women leaders, scholars, and solidarity activists. Recognition of the diverse local experiences of women is central to Speed, et al. 2006. The authors also include primary-source documents, such as the Revolutionary Women’s Law and a summary of the Chiapas State Convention of Indigenous Women in 1994. The use of violence against women is documented in Hernández Castillo 2001. Taken together, these studies allow readers to evaluate the aspirations, advances, and limitations of indigenous women’s participation before, during, and after the Zapatista rebellion.
  368.  
  369. Eber, Christine, and Christine Kovic, eds. Women of Chiapas: Making History in Times of Struggle and Hope. London and New York: Routledge, 2003.
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  371. This volume discusses a variety of issues that affect women’s empowerment in Chiapas, focusing principally on structural violence and armed conflict, religion, and community organizing. The book includes songs, poetry, testimonies, and academic analyses produced by scholars, indigenous women, and solidarity activists.
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  373. Hernández Castillo, Rosalva Aída, ed. The Other Word: Women and Violence in Chiapas Before and After Acteal. Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), 2001.
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  375. English translation of an earlier published work in Spanish that examines the gender-specific impacts of violence in Chiapas, with particular attention to the way that women were targeted by paramilitary attackers in the Acteal massacre in 1997.
  376. Find this resource:
  377. Ortiz, Teresa. Never Again a World Without Us: Voices of Mayan Women in Chiapas, Mexico. Washington, DC: Epica Task Force, 2001.
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  379. Very accessible account of women’s participation in the rebellion, with testimonies of women from urban and rural areas. Ortiz provides sufficient background to understand the causes of the rebellion and criticizes the Mexican government’s counterinsurgency actions and paramilitary attacks that culminated with the massacre in Acteal in 1997. Good introduction for undergraduates.
  380. Find this resource:
  381. Rovira, Guiomar. Mujeres de Maíz. Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 2007.
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  383. The author presents testimonies from a wide variety of women as they reflect on how their lives have been altered by the Zapatista rebellion, ranging from family relations to participation in the EZLN itself. Translated by Anna Keene as Women of Maize: Indigenous Women and the Zapatista Rebellion (London: Latin America Bureau, 2000).
  384. Find this resource:
  385. Speed, Shannon, Rosalva Aída Hernández Castillo, and Lynn Stephen, eds. Dissident Women: Gender and Cultural Politics in Chiapas. Louann Atkins Temple Women & Culture series 14. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006.
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  387. This volume consists of anthropological studies of gender relations in Chiapas in the wake of the Zapatista rebellion. It includes analyses of new forms of participation by indigenous women at national, state, and local levels and is accompanied by primary-source materials, some of which are published here in English for the first time.
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  389. Impacts on National Politics
  390.  
  391. The Zapatista rebellion gained much sympathy at the national level in Mexico. Its sudden public appearance on 1 January 1994 represented a stark reminder of the deep poverty and marginalization that affects a large part of the society. It also allowed for the struggles of indigenous peoples to be viewed as central rather than peripheral to the democratization of Mexico, a point emphasized in Jung 2008. The political system was also shaken as the long-ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) lost its ability to control popular dissent and saw its own electoral support decline rapidly throughout the rest of the decade. The uprising also resonated with other indigenous groups in Mexico. Stephen 2002 examines the contested legacy of Emiliano Zapata, a key leader of the peasant-based insurgency during the Mexican revolution of 1910–1917. Postrevolutionary governments in Mexico had used the symbol of Zapata to win legitimacy for their rule, despite the increasingly antipeasant policies that threatened rural livelihoods in the 1980s and 1990s. Stephen compares the use of Zapatismo in Chiapas and neighboring Oaxaca in a way that draws attention to both local and national politics. Weinberg 2000 analyzes the ecological and political causes of the rebellion as well as its resonance in Oaxaca, Guerrero, and the Sierra Tarahumara of Chihuahua. The most recent effort of the EZLN to influence national politics has been the Other Campaign, which is presented in Marcos 2006. This campaign began in 2005 and seeks to unite social movements and community-based organizations in a national network that is independent of all political parties. An illustrative example of the connections between the EZLN and other movements is Chiapas Media Project 2007, a video documentary titled You’re Saying That We Can’t Pass. This film shows how Zapatistas in Chiapas engaged in road blockades to lend their support to the popular movements in Oaxaca during the height of government repression in late 2006. Other scholars have addressed the impact on the government’s use of military force in responding to the rebellion. In this regard, Wager and Schulz 1995 examines the challenges facing Mexico’s armed forces.
  392.  
  393. Chiapas Media Project. You’re Saying That We Can’t Pass: Letters for Our Words: Steps Towards Autonomy. DVD. Chicago: Chiapas Media Project, 2007.
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  395. One of several documentaries produced in collaboration with indigenous people in Chiapas, this film shows the connections made by the Zapatistas to other struggles throughout Mexico. The particular focus concerns the efforts to support the protest movement in the neighboring state of Oaxaca in 2006.
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  397. Jung, Courtney. The Moral Force of Indigenous Politics: Critical Liberalism and the Zapatistas. Contemporary Political Theory. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2008.
  398. DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511551222Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  399. Jung explores the contribution of indigenous politics and Zapatismo to democratic theory and practice in ways that can inform alternative paths of democratization in Mexico. The author proposes a constructivist rather than essentialist approach to identity formation and draws out potential consequences for national politics.
  400. Find this resource:
  401. Marcos, Subcomandante. The Other Campaign/La Otra Campaña. Open Media series. San Francisco: City Lights, 2006.
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  403. In this bilingual collection of writings, Subcomandante Marcos and Zapatista supporters explain the reasons for the Other Campaign, an alternative to traditional party politics in Mexico. The book includes the text of the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandón Forest, which gave rise to the Other Campaign in 2005.
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  405. Stephen, Lynn. Zapata Lives! Histories and Cultural Politics in Southern Mexico. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002.
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  407. The author compares the different uses of the symbolism of Zapata in Chiapas and Oaxaca in different contexts and struggles for community land rights. She shows how Zapata still “lives” in rural Mexico as an important resource for affirming cultural and political aspirations.
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  409. Wager, Stephen, and Donald E. Schulz. “Civil-Military Relations in Mexico: The Zapatista Revolt and Its Implications.” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 37.1 (Spring 1995): 1–42.
  410. DOI: 10.2307/166215Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  411. Rare analysis of the impact of the rebellion, and of the federal government’s response, on the armed forces. The authors describe the details of the rebellion and its causes, as well as the tensions in civil-military relations over the use of force against poorly armed indigenous rebels and the international condemnation of human rights violations directed toward the armed forces.
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  413. Weinberg, Bill. Homage to Chiapas: The New Indigenous Struggle in Mexico. London and New York: Verso, 2000.
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  415. Parts 1 and 2 examine the historical and more-proximate causes of the rebellion, with emphasis on environmental and social impacts of capitalist development. Parts 3 and 4 provide original material on the resonance of the movement beyond Chiapas, particularly the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, the coast of Guerrero, and the Sierra Tarahumara of Chihuahua. The book concludes with a critique of US policies toward Mexico and the border region.
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  417. Impacts on International Politics
  418.  
  419. The Zapatista rebellion of 1994 in Chiapas drew attention from many parts of the world. Left-wing activists were particularly attracted by the movement’s resistance to neoliberal capitalism and the deleterious effects of free trade. Given the recent demise of socialist states and communism, as well as an apparent shift to a postideological consensus in the West, leftist thought was in part reinvigorated by the Zapatistas. Khasnabish 2010 analyzes these connections between local and global dimensions of Zapatismo. Several studies have highlighted contradictions as well as possibilities facing a new transnational network of solidarity activists. Hellman 1999 argued that solidarity through Internet-mediated networks oversimplified both the complex realities of Chiapas as well as the depth of commitment to a politics of radical change. Cleaver 2000 responded by insisting on the significant work carried out by solidarity groups and the novel possibilities for a more decentralized form of political action created by the use of new communication technologies. Scholarship on this topic has similarly highlighted the novel aspects of transnational communication. Olesen 2005 provides a useful theoretical framework for analyzing transnational solidarity and complements this with original material based on interviews with solidarity activists in the United States. The dilemmas of building cross-border alliances are identified in Andrews 2010 and Rovira 2009, while Zugman 2008 provides insight into the impact of recent Zapatista thought and practice in the United States.
  420.  
  421. Andrews, Abigail. “Constructing Mutuality: The Zapatistas’ Transformation of Transnational Activist Power Dynamics.” Latin American Politics and Society 52.1 (March 2010): 89–121.
  422. DOI: 10.1111/j.1548-2456.2010.00075.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  423. The author shows how interactions between the Zapatistas and international activists have evolved in ways that allow for greater leadership from the former, but with the risk that necessary support from nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) may be undermined in the process. Available online to subscribers.
  424. Find this resource:
  425. Cleaver, Harry. “The Virtual and Real Chiapas Support Network: A Review and Critique of J. A. Hellman’s ‘Real and Virtual Chiapas: Magical Realism and the Left.’” 2000.
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  427. Cleaver provides a very detailed critique of each of the points raised in Hellman’s article and argues that participation in Internet-based discussions, connections, and analyses complement and facilitate other forms of solidarity and political activism, rather than constituting a weak form of engagement based on limited knowledge.
  428. Find this resource:
  429. Hellman, Judith Adler. “Real and Virtual Chiapas: Magical Realism and the Left.” In Necessary and Unnecessary Utopias. Socialist Register 2000. Edited by Leo Panitch and Colin Leys, 161–186. Rendlesham, UK: Merlin Press, 1999.
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  431. Hellman examines the ways in which solidarity activists have received information regarding the conflict in Chiapas and critiques their reliance on limited sources that tend to reproduce what she calls a “flattened” image of what is a more complex situation. She links this critique to a tendency by activists to overstate the significance of connections through the Internet in developing political positions regarding the Zapatistas.
  432. Find this resource:
  433. Khasnabish, Alex. Zapatistas: Rebellion from the Grassroots to the Global. Rebels. London: Zed Books, 2010.
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  435. The author provides a succinct account of the origins, philosophy, and national and international dimensions of the Zapatistas, particularly with regard to new forms of political engagement beyond Chiapas.
  436. Find this resource:
  437. Olesen, Thomas. International Zapatismo: The Construction of Solidarity in the Age of Globalization. London: Zed Books, 2005.
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  439. Olesen explains how Zapatismo gained international support for its goals from many groups in Europe and North America. He constructs an analytical framework to explain the networks through which solidarity has been channeled and uses original interview material with a variety of US solidarity activists to evaluate the meaning and impact of international Zapatismo.
  440. Find this resource:
  441. Rovira, Guiomar. Zapatistas sin fronteras: Las redes de solidaridad con Chiapas y el altermundismo. Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 2009.
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  443. The author documents the impact of the Zapatistas across the world and notes the degree to which the Mexican government’s efforts to suppress information about its actions in Chiapas have been overcome by the work of international solidarity groups and their communication networks.
  444. Find this resource:
  445. Zugman, Kara. “The ‘Other Campaign’: The EZLN and New Forms of Politics in Mexico and the United States.” New Political Science 30.3 (September 2008): 347–367.
  446. DOI: 10.1080/07393140802276232Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  447. On the basis of interviews with four immigrant-based social movements in the United States, the author shows how ideas used by the Zapatistas, particularly the practice of autonomy, are useful for developing political strategies in different contexts. Available online to subscribers.
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