Mueller's UraniumOne and RussiaGate conflicts of interest

Mueller's UraniumOne and RussiaGate conflicts of interest:

Two main agents that were used to entrap George Papadopoulos and create part of the RussiaGate also have connections to the UraniumOne sale, along with Robert Mueller: Alexander Downer and Ivan Timofeev (https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/30/us/politics/how-fbi-russia-investigation-began-george-papadopoulos.html).

Alexander Downer is the Australian Minister of Foreign affairs, who worked with Russian Uranium company Rosatom since 2007 (http://www.neimagazine.com/news/newsuranium-cooperation), just before it bought up UraniumOne in 2009. He had been instrumental in offering Australia’s uranium to Putin (https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/australia-russia-sign-uranium-sale-agreement/article1081498/) and before that, a very good friend to the Clinton Foundation (http://www.abc.net.au/pm/content/2006/s1576215.htm)(http://vietnam.embassy.gov.au/hnoi/hiv.html). The Clintons were, at this time, also good friends with Frank Guistra, who orchestrated UraniumOne’s control of US uranium mines in 2007 (https://www.cnsnews.com/news/article/michael-w-chapman/timeline-uranium-exec-gave-313-million-clinton-foundation) before Rosatom bought a controlling share. Guistra helped pour millions of dollars into the Clinton Foundation as he and Bill worked with the Kazakhstan President. Clinton and Downer knew each other in 2006 before Rosatom bought the US uranium mining contracts, so the three men had been friends for years before the UraniumOne scandal began to hit the news. Alexander Downer’s appearance as the random source that Papadopoulos just happened to tell about the email “dirt” he’d been informed of, is a suspicious coincidence in light of his relationship to the Clintons.

Ivan Timofeev is the other player who represents groups involved with Rosatom and appears in RussiaGate. Mr. Timofeev is Program Director of the Valdai Discussion Club and the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) (http://valdaiclub.com/about/experts/3111/) (http://russiancouncil.ru/en/ivan-timofeev/). While Timofeev himself was not director of Valdai or RIAC during the 2007 sales that involved Downer and the Clintons, these organizations still existed and worked with the Russian government and other global elite. Timofeev is high up in these two organizations with direct ties to the Russian government, as their Ministry of Foreign Affairs supports the club (http://valdaiclub.com/about/valdai/), and direct interests in Russian control of uranium (http://valdaiclub.com/events/posts/articles/prospects-and-risks-of-the-development-of-the-nuclear-power-industry-in-the-middle-east/). Timofeev, as the director of RIAC, was described in the FBI’s statement of offense from Papadopoulos as a Russian Foreign Affairs Minister. As such, he would also be representing the interests of State-owned Rosatom through Valdai (http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/opinion/commentary/ct-perspec-putin-russia-humiliation-bershidsky-1023-20171020-story.html).
The Russian government’s company Rosatom has worked closely with Guistra and the Clintons, who have been helping them secure the rights to uranium and mines across multiple countries. With Clinton as the President of the US, Rosatom and the US government would have been able to easily work out deals behind closed doors. As it is, Downer and Timofeev’s roles in the Papadopoulos story make them key players. Timofeev’s main contact with Papadopoulos, professor Joseph Misfud, claimed he had received word of “dirt” in the form of hacked Clinton emails from “high level Russian officials,” though it is not clear if these officials included Timofeev. He was, however, trying to set up a “high level meeting” between Trump and the Russian Federation in email exchanges with Papadopoulos. While Timofeev provides evidence for the claim that the Trump Campaign was trying to contact the Russian government, Downer comes in when Papadopoulos tells him of the Russians’ possession of hacked DNC emails. Downer later told the FBI what Papadopoulos had learned from Misfud about the emails.

While both men have their parts in this operation and both represent interests in the UraniumOne event, the last evidence that is needed to tie together UraniumOne and RussiaGate is that then-FBI-director Robert Mueller was also involved in the sale of US Uranium to Rosatom (https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09STATE85588_a.html). All three points of confluence (Downer, Rosatom, and Mueller) become a conflict of interests between these two cases, and Mueller should step down from the Special Counsel appointment on this case to avoid the appearance of working in conjunction with the Clinton’s aspirations to continue funneling Uranium to Russian companies for their own profit.

conclusion:
Mueller’s longtime friend James Comey was FBI director during the Papadopoulos operation, Andrew McCabe has been in the FBI since 1996, and Rosenstein is a George W Bush and Obama holdover. Perhaps the “insurance policy” in Peter Strzok’s August 2016 text about Andrew McCabe’s office (http://www.businessinsider.com/peter-strzok-lisa-page-text-srelease-doj-lingering-question-2017-12) refers to the manufactured RussiaGate “scandal” that the experienced troop of Comey, Mueller, and Rosenstein, and McCabe were needed to bring about.
Comey and McCabe, long-time friends of the Clintons, started the operation in 2016 as insurance against a Trump presidency. Comey used two officials who were also friends of the Clintons, through their Foundation and Rosatom, to help establish and report ties between the Trump Campaign and the Russian Government. Comey, and now Rosenstein and Mueller, was to “investigate” these ties and build a case for impeachment using these ties as one arm of the case. They also have the Steele dossier and the case against Flynn in the making as other parts of their manufactured grounds for impeachment of a democratically elected “outsider” president.