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Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP) (Islamic Studies)

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  1. DOI: 10.1093/OBO/9780195390155-0163
  2. Introduction
  3. The Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP), or Justice and Development Party, was founded in August 2001 and has achieved remarkable success in Turkey, winning three elections consecutively, in 2002, 2007, and 2011. There have been many discussions about how far its success represents a break with previous Turkish history and politics, and a profound threat to the official secularism of the country itself. Led by the charismatic Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the party’s period of power has coincided with a time of unprecedented economic progress for Turkey, and its first ten years of government saw a rapid growth in the status and influence of the nation. It has taken an independent line in both domestic and foreign affairs. There have been a variety of reactions to the AKP both from within and outside of Turkey, and the party has energetically set out to maintain a powerful position in Turkish politics.
  4.  
  5. General Overview of Politics in Modern Turkey
  6. The Turkish Republic established by Kemal Ataturk in 1923 took a firmly secular tone, as discussed in Zűrcher 2004, although Göçek 1996 argues that the sources of secularism are to be found even earlier. Ataturk saw modernity and secularism as two sides of the same coin, as Berkes 1998 explains, and Mardin 1995 explores the consequences this had for Islam, the religion of the vast majority of people in the country. Even before the election of more religiously inclined parties, Turkey was reevaluating its strong links with the West and secularism, which were often thought, in Turkey at least, to be linked. The 1973 oil embargo on Israel, and its supporters, seriously harmed the economy and made a new approach to the oil-producing countries tempting, especially since both they and Turkey were predominantly Muslim nations. The 1974 invasion of northern Cyprus led to Turkey’s exclusion from Europe, and the consequent embargo made it turn more toward the Arab and Islamic world, even though, in diplomatic terms, Turkey received no more support from them than from the West. Arab financial institutions, including Islamic banks, became more significant in Turkey, and as Köni 2012 and Muhittin 2009 show, the various governments that came to power sought to emphasize the country’s Islamic roots and links with the Arab world more than previous governments. Öktem 2010 and Kerslake, et al. 2010 describe the ways in which the AKP has linked liberal economic policies with religion.
  7.  
  8. Berkes, Niyazi. The Development of Secularism in Turkey. London: Hurst, 1998.
  9.  
  10. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  11.  
  12. Standard history of the various strategies that were systematically introduced to institutionalize secularism in Turkey. First published in 1964.
  13.  
  14. Find this resource:
  15.  
  16. Göçek, Fatma Müge. Rise of the Bourgeoisie, Demise of Empire: Ottoman Westernization and Social Change. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996.
  17.  
  18. DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195099256.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  19.  
  20. An interesting account of the links between the modern Turkish state and its Ottoman past. Looks at how the economic progress of the late Ottoman Empire was encouraged by the state and started the move to orient Turkey toward the West.
  21.  
  22. Find this resource:
  23.  
  24. Kerslake, Celia J., Kerem Öktem, and Philip Robins, eds. Turkey’s Engagement with Modernity. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
  25.  
  26. DOI: 10.1057/9780230277397Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  27.  
  28. Perceptive account of how a religious party managed to reinvent itself as modern.
  29.  
  30. Find this resource:
  31.  
  32. Köni, Hakan. “Saudi Influence on Islamic Institutions in Turkey Beginning in the 1970s.” Middle Eastern Journal 66.1 (2012): 97–109.
  33.  
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  35.  
  36. Clear account of the growing influence of Saudi Arabia in Turkey.
  37.  
  38. Find this resource:
  39.  
  40. Mardin, Şerif. “Civil Society and Islam.” In Civil Society: Theory, History, Comparison. Edited by John Hall, 278–300. Cambridge, UK: Polity, 1995.
  41.  
  42. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  43.  
  44. Excellent theoretical account of the various models relating secularism and Islam in Turkey.
  45.  
  46. Find this resource:
  47.  
  48. Muhittin, Ataman. “Turkiye-Suudi Arabistan Ilişkileri: Temkinli Ilişkilerden Çok-Taraflı Birlikteliğe.” Ortadoğu Analiz 1.9 (2009): 72–78.
  49.  
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  51.  
  52. Useful history of the growth of Saudi financial institutions in Turkey and the development of Islamic banking. In Turkish.
  53.  
  54. Find this resource:
  55.  
  56. Öktem, Kerem. Turkey since 1989: Angry Nation. London: Zed Books, 2010.
  57.  
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  59.  
  60. Critical view of the AKP for its nationalist, religious, and economically liberal policies.
  61.  
  62. Find this resource:
  63.  
  64. Zürcher, Erik J. Turkey: A Modern History. London: I.B. Tauris, 2004.
  65.  
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  67.  
  68. Detailed analysis of the republican system in Turkey and its history.
  69.  
  70. Find this resource:
  71.  
  72. Precursors of the AKP
  73. According to Demirci 2001, many of the members of the Turkish political right were linked with the Iskenderpaşa community and the Gumushanevi lodge of the Nakshibendi (or Naqshbandi) Sufi order, including Necmettin Erbakan, Turgut and Korkut Özal, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and Ahmet Tekdal. Starting with Erbakan’s National Salvation Party in the 1970s, Islamist parties had done well in local and national elections, and according to Çakmak 2009 were underpinned by the Imam Hatip schools and the widespread Qurʾan courses, plus the ability to link Islamism with nationalism. Previously, nationalism was very much identified with secularism and the politics of the founder of the Turkish republic, Kemal Ataturk, but Atasoy 2009 shows how the AKP and its predecessors managed to shift the debate to link nationalism with religion. Cizre and Çınar 2003 explains how when the Islamist Welfare Party was removed from power in a coup in 1997 it split into two, as so often happens, forming a more radical movement, on the one hand, and what became the AKP, the Justice and Development Party, on the other. The AKP saw itself as center right, and moderately both Islamist and nationalist. Taşkın 2008 discusses the various different factions on the right in Turkish politics, and shows how successful the AKP has been in overcoming the suspicion of religious parties by the secular establishment through acting cautiously and slowly, and by always being careful to gain public support for its actions. Yavuz 2003 argues that religion had always remained a significant issue in Turkish politics, even when apparently suppressed, and Baran 2010 extends this argument to show how the dichotomy between religion and the state in modern Turkey has formed the context for political life both in the past and the present.
  74.  
  75. Atasoy, Yıldız. Turkey, Islamists and Democracy: Transition and Globalization in a Muslim State. London: I. B. Tauris, 2009.
  76.  
  77. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  78.  
  79. Clear account of the political transformation of Turkey and its links with the rest of the world.
  80.  
  81. Find this resource:
  82.  
  83. Baran, Zeyno. Torn Country: Turkey between Secularism and Islamism. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 2010.
  84.  
  85. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  86.  
  87. Extended argument that the religion versus state ideology runs throughout modern Turkish politics and history and forms the backdrop for the success of the AKP.
  88.  
  89. Find this resource:
  90.  
  91. Çakmak, Diren. “Pro-Islamic Public Education in Turkey: The Imam-Hatıp Schools.” Middle Eastern Studies 45.5 (2009): 825–846.
  92.  
  93. DOI: 10.1080/00263200903135596Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  94.  
  95. A sound analysis of the political significance of the Turkish religious school system. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  96.  
  97. Find this resource:
  98.  
  99. Cizre, Ümit, and Menderes Çınar. “Turkey 2002: Kemalism, Islamism and Politics in the Light of the February 28 Process.” South Atlantic Quarterly 102.2–3 (2003): 309–332.
  100.  
  101. DOI: 10.1215/00382876-102-2-3-309Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  102.  
  103. A useful conceptual approach to the initial national electoral success of the party. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  104.  
  105. Find this resource:
  106.  
  107. Demirci, Emin Yaşar. “Tasavvuf Geleneği ve Iskenderpaşa Cemaati.” Eğitim Bilim Dergisi (March 2001).
  108.  
  109. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  110.  
  111. Account of the Sufi connections of some of the major Turkish conservative politicians.
  112.  
  113. Find this resource:
  114.  
  115. Taşkın, Yüksel. “Upsurge of the Extreme Right in Turkey: The Intra-right Struggle to Redefine ‘True Nationalism and Islam.’” Middle Eastern Studies 44.1 (2008): 131–149.
  116.  
  117. DOI: 10.1080/00263200701711895Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  118.  
  119. Explores the creative approach of the AKP to link modern nationalism with religion. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  120.  
  121. Find this resource:
  122.  
  123. Yavuz, M. Hakan. Islamic Political Identity in Turkey. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.
  124.  
  125. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  126.  
  127. Excellent account of the complex links between Islam and political identity in modern Turkey.
  128.  
  129. Find this resource:
  130.  
  131. Elections
  132. Despite the prediction of Howe 2000, the victory of a religious party, the AKP, in the 2002 elections did not cause an immediate huge change in Turkish society. Howe points out that there have been three Islamist parties since the 1970s with a real chance of acquiring power. All three were eventually judicially invalidated—the Milli Selamet Partisi in 1980, the Refah Partisi in 1998, and the Fazilet Partisi in 2001—for the threat they posed to secularism. Çarkoğlu and Kalaycıoğlu 2007 analyzes the 2002 election in detail, although the authors are not very perceptive in dealing with the impact of class. Yavuz 2009 is better on this aspect of Turkish politics. Yavuz argues that with over 30 percent of the popular vote, and a majority of parliamentary seats, the success of the party was often seen as a reaction of traditional Anatolian people to their oppression by the secular elite, in both 2002 and the next election, in 2007. In the election of 2011, the dominance of the party in the popular vote was established, although Gottschlich 2011 says it was disappointed at not achieving the requisite majority of two-thirds of the seats in parliament, which would have allowed for unilateral constitutional changes. Fabbe 2011 is concerned that the AKP will take the Kemalist route of seeking to dominate without compromise, which worked well initially for the Kemalists but ultimately proved to be their undoing. Görmez 2012 shows how the AKP went out of its way to distinguish itself from radical Islamist rhetoric. It learned well from the fate of the Erbakan government, which had tried to transform Turkey more radically in a religious direction than was politically feasible at the time. This lesson was one that many of the Islamist parties in the Middle East took to heart, learning the importance of moving slowly in carrying out their transformative programs. The party’s supporters represent this as the virtue of patience and wishing to bring the majority of the powerful forces in society prudently along with them. Their opponents see it as a cynical attempt at misleading both the public and Turkey’s Western allies, and slowly but gradually acquiring the reins of the state. The Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi website provides the Party’s own account of the elections and its progressive successes.
  133.  
  134. Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi.
  135.  
  136. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  137.  
  138. Website of the AKP, available in both Turkish and English.
  139.  
  140. Find this resource:
  141.  
  142. Çarkoğlu, Ali, and Ersin Kalaycıoğlu. Turkish Democracy Today: Elections, Protest and Stability in an Islamic Society. London: I. B. Tauris, 2007.
  143.  
  144. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  145.  
  146. Emphasis on explaining the election of 2002 and how far it disrupted the Turkish status quo.
  147.  
  148. Find this resource:
  149.  
  150. Fabbe, Kristin. “Doing More with Less: The Justice and Development Party (AKP), Turkish Elections, and the Uncertain Future of Turkish Politics.” Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity 39.5 (2011): 657–666.
  151.  
  152. DOI: 10.1080/00905992.2011.604673Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  153.  
  154. Reflection on the danger that repeated electoral success will encourage the AKP to take the Kemalist route to dominate Turkish political life. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  155.  
  156. Find this resource:
  157.  
  158. Görmez, Mehmet. Religion and Secularism in the Modern World: A Turkish Perspective. Ankara: Economic Policy Research Foundation of Turkey (TEPAV), 2012.
  159.  
  160. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  161.  
  162. Supportive account of how the AKP is seeking to normalize the Turkish approach to religion.
  163.  
  164. Find this resource:
  165.  
  166. Gottschlich, Jürgen. “The AKP’s Disappointing Victory: Erdogan Falls Short of Goal in Turkish Elections.” Spiegel Online International (13 June 2011).
  167.  
  168. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  169.  
  170. An exploration of the consequences of the AKP not receiving a two-thirds parliamentary majority for its proposed constitutional changes.
  171.  
  172. Find this resource:
  173.  
  174. Howe, Marvine. Turkey Today: A Nation Divided over Islam’s Revival. Boulder, CO: Westview, 2000.
  175.  
  176. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  177.  
  178. Explanation of the gradual growth of religious parties in Turkey and their inevitable clash with the forces of secularism.
  179.  
  180. Find this resource:
  181.  
  182. Yavuz, M. Hakan. Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
  183.  
  184. DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511815089Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  185.  
  186. Balanced account of the rise and influence of the AKP and its electoral successes; really the standard work of its time on the issue.
  187.  
  188. Find this resource:
  189.  
  190. Experience in Government
  191. While in government, the AKP has moved Turkey gradually in a more religious direction while adhering to the formal framework of a secular state, as explained in Çınar 2006 and Çağliyan-İçiner 2009. There were legal difficulties in the way of the party’s leader, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, entering parliament, so the first prime minister under the party’s rule was Abdullah Gül. Erdoğan had been convicted and even briefly imprisoned in 1999 on the charge of reading a poem with some religiously incendiary verses, and this made him ineligible for election for a period. Erdoğan had enjoyed a very successful period as mayor of Istanbul (1994–1998), and his period in power coincided by a rapid expansion of the city, especially due to large-scale immigration from Anatolia, as well as the dynamic growth of the Turkish economy as a whole. The solid improvements in the Istanbul infrastructure was to be very helpful to the AKP because, as Şen 2010 points out, its period of government took place during a time of growing prosperity and economic success for the country as a whole. According to Tibi 2006, Turks overseas joined in the trend at home for a greater religiosity, and support for the AKP increased as a result. Akyol 2011 sets out to reassure those outside of Turkey of the nation’s moderate direction under the AKP. Akyol presents the party not as Islamist at all, but merely as opposing the autocracy of secularism in Turkey, and he notes that the party is in favor of EU entry and private enterprise, just like other conservative political parties. Those suspicious of the AKP (see Tibi 2006) and those who support it point out that these are not policies in any way opposed to Islam; on the contrary, they can quite easily be taken up by a wide range of parties regardless of their religious views. Daği 2008 wonders how protracted government will affect the nature of the AKP. The policies of the party are to favor economic liberalism, a point that is made and also lamented in Coşar and Yücesan-Özdemir 2012. Tuğal 2009 explores the different kinds of economic policies of governments in the modern Middle East, as well as their links with religion, while Çağliyan-İçiner 2009 wonders how novel the policies of the AKP governments have been when compared with other conservative Turkish governments of the past.
  192.  
  193. Akyol, Mustafa. Islam without Extremes: A Muslim Case for Liberty. New York: W. W. Norton, 2011.
  194.  
  195. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  196.  
  197. Apologetic defense of the AKP as merely concerned with countering aggressive secularism.
  198.  
  199. Find this resource:
  200.  
  201. Çağliyan-İçiner, Zeyneb. “The Justice and Development Party’s Conception of ‘Conservative Democracy’: Invention or Re-interpretation?” Turkish Studies 10.4 (2009): 595–612.
  202.  
  203. DOI: 10.1080/14683840903384851Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  204.  
  205. Interesting discussion of how new (or otherwise) the policies of the AKP are. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  206.  
  207. Find this resource:
  208.  
  209. Çınar, Menderes. “Turkey’s Transformation under the AKP Rule.” The Muslim World 96.3 (2006): 469–486.
  210.  
  211. DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-1913.2006.00138.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  212.  
  213. Argues that the early period of AKP power has radically changed Turkey. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  214.  
  215. Find this resource:
  216.  
  217. Coşar, Simten, and Gamze Yücesan-Özdemir, eds. Silent Violence: Neoliberalism, Islamist Politics and the AKP Years in Turkey. Ottawa, Canada: Red Quill, 2012.
  218.  
  219. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  220.  
  221. Useful critical series of discussions on the AKP’s economic policies.
  222.  
  223. Find this resource:
  224.  
  225. Daği, Ihsan. “Turkey’s AKP in Power.” Journal of Democracy 19.3 (July 2008): 25–30.
  226.  
  227. DOI: 10.1353/jod.0.0015Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  228.  
  229. Concise and interesting account of the early years in government for the Justice and Development Party. Available online by subscription.
  230.  
  231. Find this resource:
  232.  
  233. Şen, Mustafa. “Transformation of Turkish Islamism and the Rise of the Justice and Development Party.” Turkish Studies 11.1 (2010): 59–84.
  234.  
  235. DOI: 10.1080/14683841003747047Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  236.  
  237. Sound account of some of the ways in which the party has managed to change the ways Islamism is presented politically. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  238.  
  239. Find this resource:
  240.  
  241. Tibi, Bassam. “Europeanizing Islam or the Islamization of Europe: Political Democracy vs. Cultural Difference.” In Religion in an Expanding Europe. Edited by Timothy Byrnes and Peter J. Katzenstein, 204–224. Cambridge, UK, and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
  242.  
  243. DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511491917Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  244.  
  245. Skeptical approach to the role of the AKP and its sympathizers in Europe.
  246.  
  247. Find this resource:
  248.  
  249. Tuğal, Cihan. Passive Revolution: Absorbing the Islamic Challenge to Capitalism. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2009.
  250.  
  251. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  252.  
  253. Interesting comparative study of the economic policies of the AKP and other majority Islamic states, such as Iran and Egypt.
  254.  
  255. Find this resource:
  256.  
  257. Relations with the European Union
  258. In many ways the European Union represents secularism on a transnational dimension, but the growing integration of Muslims, and especially Turkish Muslims, in Europe reduces this as a problem for Islamist parties such as the Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi. Casanova 2006 and Delanty 2008 point to the unusually convoluted negotiations over EU membership. On the other hand, joining the EU has required a transformation of the legal structure in Turkey, and it still may not be ultimately successful, but the AKP is following on from its predecessors with the policy of seeking EU membership, although the Turkey 2006 Progress Report (Commission of the European Communities 2006) claims that some of the changes it has made are more cosmetic than anything else. Drorian 2005 points to the long-term security implications of Turkish membership or nonmembership. The AKP is not likely to be electorally punished if the EU finally declines to accept Turkey, although Doğan 2005 and Şen 2010 argue it has become a firm policy of the party. Many members of the Turkish business community are in favor of membership and support the policy, and they are important supporters of the party itself, both financially and ideologically, so this policy is likely to continue. Özel 2008 acknowledges Turkish enthusiasm for membership, but Schumacher 2011 suggests that were the EU’s economic woes to make it less desirable as a partner, the policy could quite easily change. EU accession has fitted in nicely with the party’s growing power, in that the EU insisted on some of the more undemocratic constitutional requirements being altered in Turkey, in particular those that gave a veto to secular institutions such as the military and the courts.
  259.  
  260. Casanova, José. “The Long, Difficult, and Tortuous Journey of Turkey into Europe and the Dilemmas of European Civilization.” Constellations 13.2 (2006): 234–247.
  261.  
  262. DOI: 10.1111/j.1351-0487.2006.00453.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  263.  
  264. Account of the protracted negotiations over EU membership and its wider implications. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  265.  
  266. Find this resource:
  267.  
  268. Commission of the European Communities. Turkey 2006 Progress Report. Commission Staff Working Document. Geneva, Switzerland: European Commission, 2006.
  269.  
  270. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  271.  
  272. Discussion of how far the AKP governments managed in its early years to coordinate policies with the EU (pp. 25–28).
  273.  
  274. Find this resource:
  275.  
  276. Delanty, Gerard. “Fear of Others: Social Exclusion and the European Crisis of Solidarity.” Social Policy and Administration 42.6 (2008): 676–690.
  277.  
  278. DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9515.2008.00631.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  279.  
  280. Account of the tortuous history of Turkey’s negotiations with the EU, and what is shows about Europe’s self-definition. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  281.  
  282. Find this resource:
  283.  
  284. Doğan, Erhan. “The Historical and Discursive Roots of the Justice and Development Party’s EU Stance.” Turkish Studies 6.3 (2005): 421–437.
  285.  
  286. DOI: 10.1080/14683840500235498Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  287.  
  288. Interesting characterization of the AKP’s policy of reconciliation of conservative and nationalist ideology with European ideals. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  289.  
  290. Find this resource:
  291.  
  292. Drorian, Sevgi. “Rethinking European Security: The Inter-regional Dimension and the Turkish Nexus.” European Security 14.4 (2005): 421–441.
  293.  
  294. DOI: 10.1080/09662830500528203Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  295.  
  296. The role of Turkey in European security and the implications this has for its EU membership. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  297.  
  298. Find this resource:
  299.  
  300. Özel, Soli. “A Passionate Story with Europe.” European Security 17.1 (2008): 47–60.
  301.  
  302. DOI: 10.1080/09662830802503706Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  303.  
  304. Account of the travails of Turkey in dealing with changing European membership criteria. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  305.  
  306. Find this resource:
  307.  
  308. Schumacher, Tobias. “The EU and the Arab Spring: Between Spectatorship and Actorness.” Insight Turkey 13.3 (2011): 107–119.
  309.  
  310. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  311.  
  312. Analysis of the different approaches to the Arab Spring taken by the EU and Turkey.
  313.  
  314. Find this resource:
  315.  
  316. Şen, Mustafa. “Transformation of Turkish Islamism and the Rise of the Justice and Development Party.” Turkish Studies 11.1 (2010): 59–84.
  317.  
  318. DOI: 10.1080/14683841003747047Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  319.  
  320. Treatment of how the AKP in power came to develop a particularly Turkish form of national political Islamism. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  321.  
  322. Find this resource:
  323.  
  324. Foreign Policy
  325. In foreign policy the Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi has come closer to the Islamic world, and after the Mavi Marmara incident in 2010 it became very critical of Israel, even threatening military action against the Jewish state. This is a policy that Baruh and Popescu 2011 suggests resonates well with its Islamist constituency, but not with the secular establishment in Turkey, which has often seen the link with Israel as distinguishing Turkey from the rest of the Islamic Middle East. Cagaptay 2009 denies that the AKP is seeking an Ottoman-type role for Turkey over its former territories. The break with Israel also saw a pronounced cooling of relations with other Middle Eastern governments, such as those in Iran, Iraq, and Syria. The growing revolts in the Arab world against their governments clearly unsettled a policy of growing amity with all of Turkey’s neighbors. In many ways this reflects a desire to stand with Sunni nations against those with leading Shiʿi governments, something that becomes significant with a ruling party that is religiously inclined to a particular school of Islam, in this case Sunnism. It is clear from works such as Aras 2009 and Davutoğlu 2001, the latter written by a future Minister for Foreign Affairs, that the policy was to project a new sense of self-assurance and power across the region—and far further afield as well. This policy has alarmed some of Turkey’s neighbors, concerned at the praise for the Ottoman Empire, and that a more assertive Turkey may come to dominate the region. Bilgin 2011 argues that this is not really a new direction in foreign policy, while Çandar 2009 looks at the government’s use of soft power in its relations with other countries. Hale 2009 discusses some of the implications of the new direction the AKP government has taken, while Davutoğlu 2012 presents an account of what the nation’s foreign policy should be and what it hopes to achieve.
  326.  
  327. Aras, Bülent. The Davutoğlu Era in Turkish Foreign Policy. SETA Policy Brief 32. Washington, DC: SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research, 2009.
  328.  
  329. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  330.  
  331. Sympathetic account of the AKP’s foreign policy.
  332.  
  333. Find this resource:
  334.  
  335. Baruh, Lemi, and Mihaela Popescu. “Communicating Turkish-Islamic Identity in the Aftermath of the Gaza Flotilla Raid: Who Is the ‘Us’ in ‘Us’ versus ‘Them’?.” New Perspectives on Turkey 45 (Fall 2011): 75–99.
  336.  
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  338.  
  339. Lively approach to the controversy in Turkey over the Gaza flotilla and its violent end.
  340.  
  341. Find this resource:
  342.  
  343. Bilgin, Mustafa. “The Historical Direction of Turkey’s Foreign Policy towards the Middle East.” ADAM Akademi 1 (2011): 66–83.
  344.  
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  346.  
  347. Argument for the existence of a good deal of consistency in Turkish foreign policy toward the Middle East, whatever the governing party.
  348.  
  349. Find this resource:
  350.  
  351. Cagaptay, Soner. “The AKP’s Foreign Policy: The Misnomer of “Neo-Ottomanism.” Turkey Analyst 2.8 (24 April 2009).
  352.  
  353. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  354.  
  355. A detailed argument against the thesis that the AKP is intent on a policy of gaining influence over the old Ottoman territories. The Turkey Analyst is a publication of the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program Joint Center. Article also available from the Washington Institute.
  356.  
  357. Find this resource:
  358.  
  359. Çandar, Cengiz. Turkey’s ‘Soft Power’ Strategy: A New Vision for a Multi-Polar World. SETA Policy Brief 38. Washington, DC: SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research, 2009.
  360.  
  361. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  362.  
  363. Explanation of Turkey’s attempt at using culture and the media to its neighbors in order to project a more positive and powerful image of its role in the world.
  364.  
  365. Find this resource:
  366.  
  367. Davutoğlu, Ahmet. Stratejik Derinlik: Türkiye’nin uluslararası konumu. Istanbul: Küre Yayınları, 2001.
  368.  
  369. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  370.  
  371. An analysis of foreign policy that seeks to establish a more distinctive role for Turkey by a future minister for foreign affairs.
  372.  
  373. Find this resource:
  374.  
  375. Davutoğlu, Ahmet. Principles of Turkish Foreign Policy and Regional Political Structuring. TEPAV Policy Brief 3. Ankara: Economic Policy Research Foundation of Turkey (TEPAV), 2012.
  376.  
  377. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  378.  
  379. A reflection on AKP foreign policy experience and its aims and objectives.
  380.  
  381. Find this resource:
  382.  
  383. Hale, William. “Turkey and the Middle East in the ‘New Era’.” Insight Turkey 11.3 (2009): 143–159.
  384.  
  385. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  386.  
  387. Perceptive account of the AKP’s policy toward the Middle East during its early period.
  388.  
  389. Find this resource:
  390.  
  391. Minorities
  392. The AKP’s policy toward minorities has been less assured. Yavuz and Ozcan 2006 shows that there was initially an opening toward the longstanding Kurdish problem in Turkey, as well as some significant support among the Kurdish population for the party. This was followed by an approach based on the idea that the Kurds are not a separate community, as described in International Crisis Group 2011, and should not be treated as such. According to Hess 2012, however, hostility by Kurds toward the government reasserted itself before very long. The AKP government has undertaken a series of steps to respond to Alevi identity-based claims. The “Alevi opening” (Alevi açılımı) was designed to be a turning point in terms of the Turkish governments’ approach to problems of Alevi citizens in Turkey. Remarks by the prime minister in 2012 emphasizing the Alevi affiliation of Kemal Kılıcdaroğlu, the leader of the main opposition party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), have put this policy in question, and linking the Alevis with the Syrian Alawites, the leading political group in Syria, is designed to question the Turkishness of this group in Turkey. Cornell 2001 explains that the links between the CHP and the Alevis go back a long way. Uyanik 2012 suggests that Alevis at home and abroad are distinctly unimpressed with the AKP government’s lack of action on their behalf, and Tepe 2005 criticizes the idea of democracy when the rights of minorities are breached. Gardner and Dombey 2012 suggests that the third election victory of the AKP may lead to a deterioration in the rights of the minorities. Policy on the Armenian issue has not altered during the AKP period of government, and the party persists in denying the facts of genocide, just as its Kemalist predecessors did. Minority Rights Group International 2011 is very critical of what the group takes to be the AKP’s refusal to acknowledge the significance of the minority issue, and it describes what it takes to be the problems of all the various minorities in the country.
  393.  
  394. Cornell, Eric. Turkey in the 21st Century: Opportunities, Challenges, Threats. Richmond, UK: Curzon, 2001.
  395.  
  396. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  397.  
  398. Clear appraisal of Turkey and its future, with the emphasis on its relations with its minorities.
  399.  
  400. Find this resource:
  401.  
  402. Gardner, David, and Daniel Dombey. “Erdogan’s Turkey: A Rule More Ruthless.” Financial Times, 28 March 2012.
  403.  
  404. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  405.  
  406. Presents argument that the third victory of the AKP will lead to a crackdown on minorities in Turkey. Available online by subscription.
  407.  
  408. Find this resource:
  409.  
  410. Hess, Jake. “The AKP’s ‘New Kurdish Strategy’ Is Nothing of the Sort: An Interview with Selahattin Demirtas.” Middle East Report Online, 2 May 2012.
  411.  
  412. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  413.  
  414. Skeptical account of the AKP’s Kurdish policy.
  415.  
  416. Find this resource:
  417.  
  418. International Crisis Group. Turkey: Ending the PKK Insurgency. Europe Report 213. Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2011.
  419.  
  420. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  421.  
  422. Broadly critical account of the AKP government policies toward the Kurds.
  423.  
  424. Find this resource:
  425.  
  426. Minority Rights Group International. World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples: Turkey Overview. London: Minority Rights Group International, 2011.
  427.  
  428. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  429.  
  430. Highly critical report on the AKP’s policy toward the minorities and how the rhetoric compares with the reality. Also available from UNHCR.
  431.  
  432. Find this resource:
  433.  
  434. Tepe, Sultan. “Turkey’s AKP: A Model ‘Muslim-Democratic’ Party?” Journal of Democracy 16.3 (2005): 69–82.
  435.  
  436. DOI: 10.1353/jod.2005.0053Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  437.  
  438. Interesting discussion of the attempted reconciliation of democracy with the rights of minorities. Available online by subscription.
  439.  
  440. Find this resource:
  441.  
  442. Uyanik, Ali. Turks Protest Erdoğan’s Re-Islamification Program. New York: Gatestone Institute, 2 May 2012.
  443.  
  444. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  445.  
  446. Critical view of the AKP line on orthodoxy in Islam and its implications for Islamic minorities. Also available from Center for Islamic Pluralism.
  447.  
  448. Find this resource:
  449.  
  450. Yavuz, M. Hakan, and Nihat Ali Özcan. “The Kurdish Question and Turkey’s Justice and Development Party.” Middle East Policy 13.1 (2006): 102–119.
  451.  
  452. DOI: 10.1111/j.1475-4967.2006.00241.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  453.  
  454. A balanced history of the party’s approach to the Kurdish issue in its first few years of government. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  455.  
  456. Find this resource:
  457.  
  458. The AK Party and the “Turkish Model”
  459. The economic and political success of Turkey in the 21st century has led to discussions of the “Turkish model” and its connection with the AKP. The model is supposed to show how a majority Muslim country could be at the same time democratic, capitalist, and economically dynamic while being run by a religiously orientated government. It has sometimes been argued that Islam is incompatible with economic progress, something that European Stability Initiative 2005 counters by showing that religiosity and business success have gone hand in hand in the Anatolian provinces of Turkey. In the Arab Spring there is enthusiasm for more religious government, and perhaps Turkey could serve as a model here. Capagtay 2011 and Gumuscu 2012 suggest caution on this issue, while Balci 2012 is more enthusiastic. Onar 2012 and Yavuz 2004 discuss the structural implications of the Turkish model, given the ways in which the AKP has gradually changed the nature of the Turkish polity. Atacan 2005 and Tatari 2007 urge greater sophistication in identifying the different ways in which Islamist movements operate in specific environments.
  460.  
  461. Atacan, Fulya. “Explaining Religious Politics at the Crossroad: AKP-SP.” Turkish Studies 6.2 (2005): 187–199.
  462.  
  463. DOI: 10.1080/14683840500119510Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  464.  
  465. Useful account of the ways that the AKP confronted changes in the context within which it operated in its early years. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  466.  
  467. Find this resource:
  468.  
  469. Balcı, Ercan. “Turkey and the Arab Spring.” Global-e: A Global Studies Journal (8 February 2012).
  470.  
  471. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  472.  
  473. Skeptical view of the use of Turkey as a model for the Arabs to emulate.
  474.  
  475. Find this resource:
  476.  
  477. Cagaptay, Soner. “Beware the ‘Turkish Model.’” Wall Street Journal, 28 March 2011.
  478.  
  479. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  480.  
  481. Argues that Turkey is not as attractive a model to copy as is often thought.
  482.  
  483. Find this resource:
  484.  
  485. European Stability Initiative. Islamic Calvinists: Change and Conservatism in Central Anatolia. Berlin and Istanbul: European Stability Initiative, 2005.
  486.  
  487. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  488.  
  489. Report of a research project on the close links between religion and politics in the Turkish countryside.
  490.  
  491. Find this resource:
  492.  
  493. Gumuscu, Sebnem. “Egypt Can’t Replicate the Turkish Model: But It Can Learn from It.” Sada: Analysis on Arab Reform (12 January 2012).
  494.  
  495. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  496.  
  497. Clear description of the differences between Turkey and the Arab world.
  498.  
  499. Find this resource:
  500.  
  501. Onar, Nora Fisher. “Turkey Inc.: Rethinking the Model’s Regional Role.” Sada: Analysis on Arab Reform (29 March 2012).
  502.  
  503. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  504.  
  505. Useful description of some of the issues arising from Turkey’s search for a new sense of identity.
  506.  
  507. Find this resource:
  508.  
  509. Tatari, Eren. “Islamic Social and Political Movements in Turkey.” American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 24.2 (2007): 94–106.
  510.  
  511. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  512.  
  513. Balanced account of the various Islamic institutions and their organizations in Turkey.
  514.  
  515. Find this resource:
  516.  
  517. Yavuz, Hakan. “Is There a Turkish Islam? The Emergence of Convergence and Consensus.” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 24.2 (October 2004): 213–232.
  518.  
  519. DOI: 10.1080/1360200042000296627Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  520.  
  521. A skillful analysis of the theoretical issues that arise over the issue of a national and specifically Turkish form of Islam.
  522.  
  523. Find this resource:
  524.  
  525. Enemies
  526. The secular establishment has always been identified as a major enemy of the AKP, and Jenkins 2008 argues that secularists have done their best to reduce the party’s influence. The Egenekon scandal, during which several retired high-ranking military officers were accused of plotting to overturn the AKP government, has resulted in reducing the power and influence of the army. The longstanding ban in Turkey on the headscarf for women on government property and universities has been seriously undermined, as one might expect, by the AKP, which moved very slowly on changing the policy, but it has been changed. The attempt to argue that the ban violated European law failed, as seen in European Court of Human Rights 2005, but as Keyman 2010 shows how the ridiculous policy of not allowing women to wear headscarves in Turkey, when few in Europe and the United States would ever consider banning such attire, finally had an impact on Turkish practice. It is clear that the sort of secularism that arose within Turkey is no longer politically viable, as Kuru 2009 conclusively argues. There has been protracted discussion in the United States about what attitude they should take to the AKP in government, with some early suspicion, as evidenced in a 2004 WikiLeaks Cable, and as Rabasa and Larabee 2008 and Migdalovitz 2010 show. According to Pradel 2012, by the beginning of 2012, 105 journalists, 44 lawyers, at least 16 members of human rights organizations, and 41 trade unionists were in jail, mostly under terrorism charges. The AKP continues to identify many enemies in Turkey.
  527.  
  528. European Court of Human Rights. “‘Case of Leyla Şahin vs. Turkey,’ Application No. 44774/98, Nov. 10, 2004; ‘Grand Chamber Judgment: Leyla Şahin v. Turkey.’” Press release. Strasbourg, France: European Court of Human Rights, 10 November 2005.
  529.  
  530. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  531.  
  532. The court explains its judgment that restricting the use of the headscarf is not a contravention of human rights. Text of judgment available online.
  533.  
  534. Find this resource:
  535.  
  536. Jenkins, Gareth. Political Islam in Turkey: Running West, Heading East? New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
  537.  
  538. DOI: 10.1057/9780230612457Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  539.  
  540. Interesting account of how paradoxical AKP foreign policy often is, and suggesting it runs the danger of annoying both Eastern and Western countries.
  541.  
  542. Find this resource:
  543.  
  544. Keyman, E. Fuat. “Assertive Secularism in Crisis: Modernity, Democracy, and Islam in Turkey.” In Comparative Secularism in a Global Age. Edited by Linell E. Cady and Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, 143–158. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
  545.  
  546. DOI: 10.1057/9780230106703Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  547.  
  548. Critical account of the impact of Turkish secularism, and the need for a new approach is defended.
  549.  
  550. Find this resource:
  551.  
  552. Kuru, Ahmet. Secularism and State Policies toward Religion: The United States, France, and Turkey. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
  553.  
  554. DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511815096Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  555.  
  556. Comparison of secularism in different countries.
  557.  
  558. Find this resource:
  559.  
  560. Migdalovitz, Carol. Turkey: Politics of Identity and Power. R41386. Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2010.
  561.  
  562. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  563.  
  564. Balanced account of the AKP in government, outlining concerns that the United States has with their policies.
  565.  
  566. Find this resource:
  567.  
  568. Pradel, Martin. Turkey: Human Rights Defenders, Guilty until Found Innocent. Paris: International Federation for Human Rights, 2012.
  569.  
  570. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  571.  
  572. Very critical on the state of freedom in Turkey and its apparent persecution of opposition voices. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders is a joint project of the World Organisation Against Torture and the International Federation for Human Rights.
  573.  
  574. Find this resource:
  575.  
  576. Rabasa, Angel, and F. Stephen Larabee. The Rise of Political Islam in Turkey. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2008.
  577.  
  578. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  579.  
  580. A skeptical view of the allegiance of the AKP to liberal democratic values.
  581.  
  582. Find this resource:
  583.  
  584. Allies
  585. The allies of the AKP have created a number of research groups designed to reflect its views and give it advice from a sympathetic background. This was necessary because the established civil service and its research institutions were predominantly committed to secularism and perhaps could not have been relied upon for objective advice and information. The SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research, is a good example. There is a lot of suspicion, evidenced in a 2004 WikiLeaks Cable and Altiparmak and Berlinski 2011, regarding the links between the AKP and the Gülen movement. The latter is an Islamic organization centered on the writings and organizational skills of Fethullah Gülen, who for many years has been living in the United States, and who enjoys solid support from large numbers of Turkish Muslims. Bilefsky and Sebnem 2012 points out the many points of agreement between the Gülen movement, its media outlets, and the AKP, and reports on accusations in Turkey that those who oppose the movement have suffered at the hands of the state. Cagaptay 2009 argues that the new foreign policy of the AKP will involve selecting different allies in future in the region, while Nakhoul 2011 suggests that these will include the new Islamist parties who seek to come to power through the ballot box. Tibi 2008 tries to show that the Islamist parties in the Middle East are all linked with each other, an unwelcome development as far as Tibi is concerned.
  586.  
  587. Altiparmak, Okan, and Claire Berlinski. “The Wikileaks Cables on Turkey: 20/20 Tunnel Vision.” Middle East Review of International Affairs 15.1 (2011): 1–27.
  588.  
  589. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  590.  
  591. Account of the changing and inconsistent approaches of the Americans to the AKP in government.
  592.  
  593. Find this resource:
  594.  
  595. Bilefsky, Dan, and Sebnem Arsu. “Turkey Feels Sway of Reclusive Cleric in U.S.” New York Times, 24 April 2012.
  596.  
  597. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  598.  
  599. Critical view of the Gűlen movement and its links with the AKP governments.
  600.  
  601. Find this resource:
  602.  
  603. Cagaptay, Soner. “Is Turkey Leaving the West? An Islamist Foreign Policy Puts Ankara at Odds With Its Former Allies.” Foreign Affairs (26 October 2009).
  604.  
  605. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  606.  
  607. Recent changes in AKP foreign policy requires a realignment of allies for Turkey. Available online by subscription.
  608.  
  609. Find this resource:
  610.  
  611. Nakhoul, Samia. “Turkey Acts as Mentor for Emerging Islamists in Region.” Al-Arabiyya News (9 December 2011).
  612.  
  613. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  614.  
  615. Argues that Turkey is now increasingly allied to the new reformist Islamist regimes in the Arab world.
  616.  
  617. Find this resource:
  618.  
  619. SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research.
  620.  
  621. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  622.  
  623. Generally supportive of the AKP research unit.
  624.  
  625. Find this resource:
  626.  
  627. Tibi, Bassam. “Islamist Parties: Why They Can’t Be Democratic.” Journal of Democracy 19.3 (July 2008): 43–48.
  628.  
  629. DOI: 10.1353/jod.0.0002Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  630.  
  631. A critical view of the AKP and similar parties in the Middle East. Available online by subscription.
  632.  
  633. Find this resource:
  634.  
  635. The AKP in the Second Decade of the 21st Century
  636. The political domination of Turkey by the AKP, along with the party’s third victory in the 2011 general election, has led to some speculation on how the future is going to look for the party and the country in the future. An increasingly authoritarian trend is noted in Kayaoğlu 2012, Meral 2010, and Ulagay 2012. Continued economic success is predicted in Spiro Sovereign Strategy 2011, and increasing foreign policy difficulties are predicted in Oğuzlu 2012 and Verheugen 2012, as the party will need to reconcile its European and Islamic ambitions. The negotiations with the EU seem set on continuing to be slow, but Onar 2011 suggests that both parties need each other, while Meral 2010 and the various essays in OpenDemocracy.net speculate on the effects that likely issues that turn up in the future will have on the party. A general criticism seems to be that now that it is established in government, the AKP tends to react rather than act, and commentators wonder how successful this is likely to be as a strategy in leading Turkey in the future. The personality of its leader, Recep Erdoğan, has dominated the party, and there has been some speculation of how it would fare with alternative leadership.
  637.  
  638. The Future of Turkey. OpenDemocracy.net.
  639.  
  640. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  641.  
  642. Series of essays at different dates reflecting on the future of Turkey and the role that the AKP will play.
  643.  
  644. Find this resource:
  645.  
  646. Kayaoğlu, Barin. AKP ve Türk Usulü “Geleceğe Dönüş”. Barinkayaoğlu.com, 29 January 2012.
  647.  
  648. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  649.  
  650. Call for a radical change in policy in the future, especially toward ending the enthusiasm for repression that the author thinks is characteristic of Turkish governments. Critical account of how the AKP deals with hostile journalism, and a subtle approach of the role of the Party in Turkish political strategy.
  651.  
  652. Find this resource:
  653.  
  654. Meral, Ziya. Prospects for Turkey. London: Legatum Institute, 2010.
  655.  
  656. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  657.  
  658. Clear analysis of the problems and possibilities that lie in the future, and the AKP’s likely attempt at pushing the country in a more religious direction.
  659.  
  660. Find this resource:
  661.  
  662. Oğuzlu, Tarık. The “Arab Spring” and the Rise of the 2.0 Version of Turkey’s “Zero Problems with Neighbors” Policy. SAM Papers. Ankara: Center for Strategic Research of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Turkey (SAM), 2012.
  663.  
  664. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  665.  
  666. Critical view of AKP foreign policy and its reactive character.
  667.  
  668. Find this resource:
  669.  
  670. Onar, Nora Fisher. “Europe’s Tipping-Point, Turkey’s Solution.” OpenDemocracy.net, 4 April 2011.
  671.  
  672. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  673.  
  674. Argument that despite the vagaries of local politics, Europe and Turkey increasingly need each other.
  675.  
  676. Find this resource:
  677.  
  678. Spiro Sovereign Strategy. Turkey: Back to the Future. London: Spiro Sovereign Strategy, 2011.
  679.  
  680. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  681.  
  682. Positive analysis of Turkish economic prospects in the future.
  683.  
  684. Find this resource:
  685.  
  686. Ulagay, Osman. “Is the AKP Creating the Conditions for a Counter-Force to Emerge?.” Turkey Analyst 5.11 (28 May 2012).
  687.  
  688. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  689.  
  690. Presents the familiar argument that the hegemony of the AKP is setting itself up for sustained resistance.
  691.  
  692. Find this resource:
  693.  
  694. Verheugen, Günter. Meeting the Geopolitical Challenges of the Arab Spring: A Call for a Joint EU-Turkish Agenda. TEPAV Policy Brief 1. Ankara: Economic Policy Research Foundation of Turkey (TEPAV), 2012.
  695.  
  696. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  697.  
  698. Argument for coordination between Turkey and the EU on policy toward the Arab world.
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