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Pope Innocent III (Medieval Studies)

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  1. Introduction
  2. Pope Innocent III (b. 1160 or 1161––d. 1216) is widely regarded as the most powerful pope of the Middle Ages. Serving as pope from 1198 to 1216, he was the man who realized the implications of Pope Gregory VII’s vision of papal power, who vindicated the papal claim to arbitrate in the succession to the Holy Roman Empire, who forced the king of France to bow to his will, and who received the submission of the king of England as a vassal of the Holy See. He was the pope who founded the papal states; realized, albeit temporarily, the unification of the Latin and Greek churches; who brought to completion the reforms of the previous two centuries; and who instituted such long-standing practices as annual confession at Easter. In reality, Innocent was not as powerful as his rhetoric would suggest, and his interest for modern scholars does not lie in his political program as much as in his pastoral concern, formed in the schools of Paris and fitting perfectly with a new generation of evangelical enthusiasts. Note that there are two resources that are particularly useful for students of the papacy in general and of Innocent in particular. The first is the series of bibliographies, arranged by theme and by pope, published annually in Archivum Historiae Pontificiae. The second is International Medieval Bibliography, published by Brepols and available electronically in institutions that subscribe.
  3. Introductory Works
  4. The pontificate of Pope Innocent III was relatively long; for eighteen years, he occupied the most venerable office in the Western world, which placed him at the forefront of political as well as religious developments. In order to gain a rapid appreciation of the importance of the man and his policies, it is advisable to begin with a short overview by an expert in the field, such as Maleczek 2000 or, for a more succinct evaluation, Guyotjeannin 2002. Ullmann 2003 summarizes an earlier historiography of Innocent that portrays him as a politically powerful pope. Morris 1989 gives a broad survey of the pope’s pontificate and heralds a wider appreciation among English-speaking scholars of Innocent’s important innovations in pastoral policies. Paravicini Bagliani 1996 provides a detailed account of the papal court in Innocent’s period and explains the localized world of the papal curia and its significance in international politics. The year 1998 marked the eighth centenary of Innocent’s election, which was recognized by a number of international conferences. Out of these conferences arose two collections of essays, Moore, et al. 1999 and Sommerlechner 2003, which demonstrate the enduring significance of Innocent and his pontificate and the wide array of scholars who have been enticed to study them in detail. A further volume should be added to these studies, published to honor the sixty-fifth birthday of Brenda M. Bolton, Andrews, et al. 2004, which contains many articles of interest to scholars who work on Pope Innocent III, the papacy, and the city of Rome, as well as a full bibliography of Bolton’s contributions to the study of the pope.
  5. Andrews, Frances, Christoph Egger, and Constance M. Rousseau, eds. Pope, Church, and City: Essays in Honour of Brenda M. Bolton. Medieval Mediterranean 56. Leiden, The Netherlands, and Boston: Brill, 2004.
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  7. Contains useful articles as well as a bibliography of the works of Brenda M. Bolton (pp. xxxi–xxxvii) to 2005. Invaluable to anybody embarking on a study of Pope Innocent III, and an indication of Bolton’s contribution in attracting young minds to her favorite pope. (See Sommerlechner 2004, cited under Gesta Innocentii Papae III; Egger 2004, cited under Sermons; and Doran 2004, cited under De quadripartita specie nuptiarum.)
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  9. Guyotjeannin, Olivier. “Innocent III.” In The Papacy: An Encyclopedia. Vol. 2. Edited by Philippe Levillain, 785–790. Translated by Deborah Blaz. New York and London: Routledge, 2002.
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  11. A useful overview and a good introductory bibliography.
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  13. Maleczek, Werner. “Innocenzo III.” In Enciclopedia dei papi. Vol. 2. Edited by Massimo Bray and Girolamo Arnaldi, 326–350. Rome: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, 2000.
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  15. A comprehensive summary of the pontificate and its main developments, from a leading scholar in the field.
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  17. Moore, John C., Brenda M. Bolton, James M. Powell, and Constance M. Rousseau, eds. Pope Innocent III and His World. Papers presented at a conference held at Hofstra University in May 1997. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999.
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  19. A collection of essays addressing the following themes: Pope Innocent III and his milieu, shepherding the flock, defining and using papal power, and encountering the Muslim world. (See Bolton 1999, cited under Gesta Innocentii Papae III; Egger 1999, cited under De missarum mysteriis; Kay 1999, cited under De quadripartita specie nuptiarum; Peters 1999, cited under Election; Clarke 1999, cited under England; Bird 1999 and Maier 1999, cited under Crusades; Andrews 1999b, cited under Popular Religion; and Goodich 1999, cited under Canonization Policy.)
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  21. Morris, Colin. “The Pontificate of Innocent III (1198–1216).” In The Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1050 to 1250. By Colin Morris, 417–451. Oxford History of the Christian Church. Oxford: Clarendon, 1989.
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  23. An excellent introduction to the pontificate, signaling a change in how the pontificate was viewed and placing greater emphasis on the pastoral importance of Innocent’s activities.
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  25. Paravicini Bagliani, Agostino. La vita quotidiana alla corte dei papi nel Duecento. Translated by Agostino Paravicini Bagliani and Lorenzo Paravicini Bagliani. Rome and Bari, Italy: Laterza, 1996.
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  27. A thorough and accessible introduction to the functioning of the papal court in the 13th century. An essential introduction to the pontificate of Innocent.
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  29. Sommerlechner, Andrea, ed. Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale: Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. 2 vols. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  31. A large collection of essays covering a wide variety of factors related to the papacy of Innocent, including reappraisals of some of the pope’s writings; his understanding of himself and his role; crusading, especially the Fourth Crusade; the Fourth Lateran Council; legal judgments; relations with states; art; architecture; patronage; and even papal clothing. (See Zutshi 2003, cited under The Registers of Pope Innocent III; Engammare 2003, cited under De quadripartita specie nuptiarum; Gatto 2003, cited under Family and Education; Landau 2003, cited under Election; Baldwin 2003, cited under France; Fryde 2003, cited under England; Bird 2003, cited under Crusades; Andrea and Moore 2003, cited under the Fourth Crusade; Graham-Leigh 2003, cited under Heresy and the Albigensian Crusade; Allegrezza 2003 and Montaubin 2003, cited under Papal-Episcopal Reform; Cariboni 2003, cited under Monastic Reform; and Vauchez 2003, cited under Canonization Policy.)
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  33. Ullmann, Walter. A Short History of the Papacy in the Middle Ages. 2d ed. London and New York: Routledge, 2003.
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  35. Reprinted with an introduction by George Garnett. See especially chapter 9, “The Zenith of the Medieval Papacy” (pp. 131–147). A brief, controversial, and stimulating overview of the history of the papacy in the Middle Ages. Ullmann was a champion of the hierocratic theory of papal authority and did much to cement the idea of Pope Innocent III’s pontificate as the apogee of papal power.
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  37. Biographies
  38. It is an enduring sadness that Michele Maccarrone, the greatest scholar of Pope Innocent III, did not write a biography of the pope. His numerous studies, nevertheless, give a hint of what could have been expected if he had. A full bibliography of Maccarrone’s works, many of which are fundamental contributions to an understanding of Innocent, is published in Maccarrone 1991. A serious graduate student setting out on a study of the medieval papacy could not do better than to work through Luchaire 1904–1908, a set of volumes on Innocent. More recent biographies have been provided with abundant notes and bibliographies and will help with filling in the gaps in Luchaire’s work. Tillmann 1980 is a thorough study of Innocent’s pontificate and also attempts to give some assessment of the character of the pope. Moore 2003 is a rich and intriguing biography of Innocent, which will repay deep and repeated reading. The chronological approach to the pontificate enables Moore to show a variety of problems that reached Innocent’s court simultaneously, giving some idea of the political landscape with which he was confronted. Sayers 1994 provides a sure guide to the overarching themes of the pontificate. Powell 1994 is an excellent historiographical survey of Innocent, updated in the second edition to include the writings of more recent experts on the pope. A recent study of great interest is Smith 2004, titled Innocent III and the Crown of Aragon: The Limits of Papal Authority, which investigates the relations between Pope Innocent III and the Crown of Aragon (a union of various positions and states under the king of Aragon), and whose subtitle is amply demonstrated in the volume.
  39. Luchaire, Achille. Innocent III. 3d ed. 6 vols. Paris: Hachette et Cie, 1904–1908.
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  41. The exhaustive work of Achille Luchaire, published in six volumes early in the 20th century, remains an invaluable study of the pontificate. Its erudition is sometimes hidden by the absence of footnotes, a deliberate ploy of the author, who was determined that he was writing for the general reader.
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  43. Maccarrone, Michele. Romana Ecclesia, Cathedra Petri: Studi e Documenti di Storia Ecclesiastica. Edited by Piero Zerbi, Raffaello Volpini, and Alessandro Galuzzi. Italia Sacra, 47–48. Rome: Herder Editrice, 1991.
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  45. A collection of essays, many of which are useful for the study of Innocent. Contains a particularly useful bibliography of Maccarrone’s complete works, and, in the introduction, “Michele Maccarrone: Il cammino di uno storico” (Vol. 1, pp. 23–59), Piero Zerbi gives an overview of his career.
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  47. Moore, John C. Pope Innocent III (1160/61–1216): To Root Up and To Plant. Medieval Mediterranean 47. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2003.
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  49. Very good for showing that reports of violence against clerics, often resulting in the murder of prelates, regularly reached Innocent’s ears. However, the book’s constant change of emphasis means that it is less successful as a thematic investigation of the pontificate. Nevertheless, it is a stimulating and rewarding study, full of useful information and challenging judgments. Republished in 2009 (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press).
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  51. Powell, James, ed. Innocent III: Vicar of Christ or Lord of the World? 2d ed. Problems in European Civilization. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1994.
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  53. This is an expansion of the first edition of 1963 (Boston: D. C. Heath). Probably the best introduction to the historiography of the pontificate, with relevant passages translated where necessary and with an informative commentary by the editor.
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  55. Sayers, Jane E. Innocent III: Leader of Europe, 1198–1216. The Medieval World. London and New York: Longman, 1994.
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  57. Sayers’s expertise is in diplomatics, and there is a tendency for the book to lose its focus, as when a discussion of heresy in the former French province of Languedoc falls into a description of the later inquisitorial trials popularized by the historian Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie. Nevertheless, it provides a basic guide to the major events of the pontificate.
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  59. Smith, Damian J. Innocent III and the Crown of Aragon: The Limits of Papal Authority. Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West. Aldershot, UK, and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004.
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  61. Smith deftly shows that Pope Innocent III, and indeed any medieval pope, saw events only through a glass darkly and had to battle against distance, misinformation, lies and deceit, corruption, and, worst of all, unforeseen events. In the light of this, the theories of Innocent as an all-powerful autocrat establishing his theocratic hegemony over the Christian world start to seem plainly ridiculous.
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  63. Tillmann, Helene. Pope Innocent III. Europe in the Middle Ages 12. Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1980.
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  65. English translation of Papst Innocenz III (Bonn, West Germany: L. Röhrscheid, 1954). Not without flaws, such as the lack of detail on the Fourth Lateran Council, but the volume provides a thorough and reliable guide to the man and his pontificate. Probably the best single-volume work on Innocent.
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  67. Gesta Innocentii Papae III
  68. A detailed and important biography, the Gesta Innocentii Papae III (Deeds of Pope Innocent III) was written by a contemporary of the pope, perhaps a papal relative and probably a curial official who had access to the official records of the pontificate. The biography ends in 1209, possibly indicating the death of the author. The importance of the work is noted in Lefèvre 1949, in which the author establishes the authenticity of the work in response to the skepticism of earlier scholars. The Gesta, the text of which was established in an annotated scholarly edition for the first time in Gress-Wright 1981, is an intimate and sympathetic description of Innocent’s first decade as pope and deals with all the major events of the first half of his pontificate. It is an unrivaled source whose worth has been demonstrated repeatedly by historians in their works, such as in Maccarrone 1943 (cited under Family and Education), Bolton 1991, Bolton 1999, and Powell 2004. Recent work on the Gesta has concentrated on this biography as an important source that deals with the Roman policy of the pope, with Barone 2001 suggesting Cardinal John of the Roman cardinalatial church Santa Maria in Cosmedin as the author, Andrews 2007 and Sommerlechner 2004 stressing the value of this source for its descriptions of the monuments of ancient Rome, and Thumser 2006 focusing on the supposed will of the Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI, the only source of which is the Gesta, and speculating on the reasons for the composition of this forgery.
  69. Andrews, Frances. “Umkämpfter Raum im Rom Innocenz’ III: Die Gesta Innocentii papae III.” In Außen und Innen: Räume und ihre Symbolik im Mittelalter. Edited by Nikolaus Staubach and Vera Johanterwage, 133–150. Tradition-Reform-Innovation: Studien zur Modernität des Mittelalters 14. Frankfurt am Main and Berlin: Peter Lang, 2007.
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  71. A similar argument to that of Sommerlechner 2004, using Gesta to illustrate the renewed interest in Antiquity and its relics in the city around the year 1200.
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  73. Barone, Giulia. “I Gesta Innocentii III: Politica e cultura a Roma all’inizio del Duecento.” In Studi sul Medioevo per Girolamo Arnaldi. Edited by Giulia Barone, Lidia Capo, and Stefano Gasparri, 1–23. Rome: Viella, 2001.
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  75. Assesses the source as a chronicle of political events in Rome and suggests that the author was Cardinal John of the Roman cardinalatial church Santa Maria in Cosmedin, a relative of Innocent.
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  77. Bolton, Brenda M. “Too Important to Neglect: The Gesta Innocentii PP. III.” In Church and Chronicle in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to John Taylor. Edited by Ian W. Wood and Graham A. Loud, 87–99. London and Rio Grande, OH: Hambledon, 1991.
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  79. Attempts to set the Gesta into its proper context and accordingly explains its value as an unparalleled source for the pontificate. Reprinted in Bolton 1995 (cited under Popular Religion).
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  81. Bolton, Brenda M. “Qui fidelis est in minimo: The Importance of Innocent III’s Gift List.” Paper presented at a conference held at Hofstra University in May 1997. In Pope Innocent III and His World. Edited by John C. Moore, Brenda M. Bolton, James M. Powell, and Constance M. Rousseau, 113–140. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999.
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  83. The author attempts to correct the emphasis on Innocent as being a powerful political figure, by showing how his actions in Rome reveal, rather, that his priorities were pastoral and spiritual.
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  85. Gress-Wright, David Richard. “The Gesta Innocentii III: Text, Introduction and Commentary.” PhD diss., Bryn Mawr College, 1981.
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  87. The first scholarly edition of the Gesta, comparing the five extant manuscripts and correcting the most commonly consulted edition, included as an introduction to the registers of Innocent in Migne 1849–1855 (cited under The Registers of Pope Innocent III).
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  89. Lefèvre, Yves. “Innocent III et son temps vus de Rome: Étude sur la biographie anonyme de ce pape.” Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’École Française de Rome 61 (1949): 242–245.
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  91. The author stresses the authenticity and accuracy of the source, first called into question by Hugo Elkan in his 1876 doctoral thesis from Heidelberg, Die Gesta Innocentii III: Im Verhältniss zu den Regesten desselben Papstes (Heidelberg, Germany: J. Hörning, 1876), which compares the Gesta to the registers of Innocent III for the first time.
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  93. Powell, James M., ed. and trans. The Deeds of Pope Innocent III. Medieval Texts in Translation. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2004.
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  95. The first translation of the entire text of the Gesta into English, with emendations to Gress-Wright 1981 based on the critical edition of the registers. A useful introduction to the biography is included along with strong arguments for Cardinal Peter of Benevento’s authorship of the text.
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  97. Sommerlechner, Andrea. “Mirabilia, munitiones fragmenta: Rome’s Ancient Monuments in Medieval Historiography.” In Pope, Church, and City: Essays in Honour of Brenda M. Bolton. Edited by Frances Andrews, Christoph Egger, and Constance M. Rousseau, 223–244. Medieval Mediterranean 56. Leiden, The Netherlands, and Boston: Brill, 2004.
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  99. Argues that the lengthy descriptions of unrest within the city of Rome during Innocent’s pontificate are a valuable source for the ancient monuments that survived into the Middle Ages as well as the significance ascribed to them by Romans and curialists alike.
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  101. Thumser, Matthias. “Letzter Wille? Das höchste Angebot Kaiser Heinrichs VI. und die römische Kirche.” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 62 (2006): 85–133.
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  103. Thumser (expanding on Volkert Pfaff, “Die Gesta Innocenz’ III. und das Testament Heinrichs VI,” Zeitschrift der Savigny Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 50 [1964]: 78–126) reviews the treatment of Markward of Annweiler in the Gesta, and the inclusion of the suppressed or forged will of the Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI, speculating that what remains is evidence of protracted negotiations between the emperor and Pope Celestine III and of the attempt to salvage something after the emperor’s death.
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  105. The Registers of Pope Innocent III
  106. The papal curia, or court, was an international center of government in the Middle Ages. In it, the popes had a writing office known as the chancery, which kept copies of some, but by no means all, of their diplomatic correspondence. The registers of earlier popes are largely lost, but from the time of Pope Innocent III onward, the extant registers of nearly all popes have been preserved. This means that Innocent’s pontificate, in spite of the loss of one volume of his registers, may be judged from surviving diplomatic records, which can be found either in the unsatisfactory but convenient Migne 1849–1855, or in the modern, scholarly Hageneder, et al. 1964–2007. Boyle 1967, a review of the Austrian edition of the registers, provides a very useful introduction, which can be profitably complemented with Maleczek 2000, an overview of the project. However, scholars and students need to be wary, because the registers must be used with caution. Their composition rests on centuries of learning in the art of rhetoric that was then the scholarly standard, and their contents must be sifted through in order to separate the real business, often mundane, from the high-sounding and florid language. In addition, not all letters were entered in the registers, and often it is not possible to prove that letters entered there had, in fact, been sent. Potthast 1874–1875 is a compilation of thousands of Innocent’s letters that do not appear in the registers. Furthermore, letters were dictated to professional scribes, who would finish the letters by embellishing them with rhetorical flourishes, often taken from a stock of ready-made texts for a variety of occasions. Thus, it is wise not to read too much into the introductory paragraphs (arengae) of papal letters, and instead to search for other sources that can complement the entries in the register. An excellent introduction to chancery practices under Innocent is given in Cheney and Cheney 1967, while a further volume by one of the same authors, Cheney and Semple 1953, provides a series of interesting and significant letters translated into English. Further insight into Innocent’s revision of chancery practices is offered in Zutshi 2003, which has a useful bibliography on this specialist area.
  107. Boyle, Leonard E. “Review of the First Volume of Die Register Innocenz’ III.” Speculum 42.1 (1967): 153–162.
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  109. A critical review, important for an appreciation of the qualities required of a scholarly edition of such a text. Many of Boyle’s suggestions were incorporated into the later volumes of the registers.
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  111. Cheney, Christopher Robert, and Mary G. Cheney, eds. The Letters of Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) concerning England and Wales: A Calendar with an Appendix of Texts. Oxford: Clarendon, 1967.
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  113. A calendar of all papal letters sent to England and Wales during Innocent’s pontificate. An excellent introductory section describing the letters and their production is included.
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  115. Cheney, Christopher Robert, and Walter H. Semple, eds. and trans. Selected Letters of Pope Innocent III concerning England: 1198–1216. London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1953.
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  117. Eighty-seven of Innocent’s letters are presented in Latin, with an English translation on facing pages. The selection gives a good idea of the breadth of papal correspondence and of the diplomatic of the papal curia. Furthermore, an excellent introduction provides an overview of the pontificate and a detailed description of how the letters were created.
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  119. Hageneder, Othmar, Anton Haidacher, and Alfred A. Strnad, eds. Die Register Innocenz’ III. 10 vols. Publikationen der Abteilung für Historische Studien des Österreichischen Kulturinstituts in Rome. Graz, Austria: Verlag Hermann Böhlaus Nachf, 1964–2007.
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  121. An exhaustive scholarly edition of the extant manuscripts of Innocent’s registers. Records for half of the pontificate have been completed (those up to 1208), but some years of the registers are missing, so the project is 75 percent complete. The texts of the letters are given as they appear in the manuscripts: in Latin, with notes in German.
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  123. Maleczek, Werner. “L’édition autrichienne des registres d’Innocent III.” Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome: Moyen-Age, Temps modernes 112 (2000): 259–272.
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  125. An introduction to the critical edition of the registers, by one of the scholars involved in the project. Includes some interesting information about the prospects of recreating the pontifical registers that have not survived.
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  127. Migne, J.-P., ed. “Innocentii III Romani Pontificis Regestorum sive Epistolarum.” In Patrologiae cursus completus. Edited by J.-P. Migne. Patrologia Latina 214–217. Paris: J.-P. Migne Editorem, 1849–1855.
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  129. The most accessible edition of Innocent’s registers but superseded by the definitive scholarly edition Hageneder, et al. 1964–2007. The entire Patrologia Latina was published between 1844 and 1865.
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  131. Potthast, August. Regesta pontificum Romanorum inde ab a. post Christum natum MCXCVIII ad a. MCCCIV. 2 vols. Berlin: Rudolf de Decker, 1874–1875.
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  133. A calendar in Latin of letters sent by the popes, based on extant examples or copies, and much more comprehensive than the entries in the registers.
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  135. Zutshi, Patrick. “Innocent III and the Reform of the Papal Chancery.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale: Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 1. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 84–101. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  137. Zutshi looks afresh at the evidence for Innocent’s reform of the papal chancery and concludes that significant reforms can indeed be ascribed to Innocent, vindicating earlier historians whose conclusions have been challenged by W. Stelzer, “Die Anfänge der Petentenvertretung an der päpstlichen Kurie unter Innocenz III,” in Atti del III Congresso Internazionale di diplomatica (Annali della Scuola Speciale per Archivisti e Bibliotecari dell Università di Roma 12.II; Turin, Italy: Bottega d’Erasmo, 1972), pp. 130–139; and J. Sayers, Papal Government and England during the Pontificate of Honorius III (1216–1227) (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1984), p. 49.
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  139. Literary Works
  140. As well as the letters generated during his pontificate, Pope Innocent III also produced a body of sermons and a number of theological treatises, all of which are published in Volume 217 of the Patrologia Latina (see Migne 1855, cited under Sermons). These more personal endeavors perhaps present the best opportunity for seeing Innocent as he really was and of discovering what he thought.
  141. Sermons
  142. The best approach to the study of Pope Innocent III’s sermons is given in Moore 1994; Moore is one of the leading experts on Innocent and provides sound judgments on the sermons and interesting suggestions as to their value and potential. A new scholarly edition of the text of the sermons is given in Fioramonti 2006, which also includes an introduction by a noted scholar of the period. Furthermore, an interesting translation of six of Innocent’s sermons into English, Vause and Gardiner 2004, provides the evidence for a judicious assessment of Innocent’s approach throughout his pontificate. Interest in Innocent as a theologian is particularly cogent in Egger 2004, but it applies more generally to all the recent works on the pope’s sermons. Innocent’s sermons were published in Migne 1855; whereas Migne’s edition of Innocent’s registers (Migne 1849–1855, cited under The Registers of Pope Innocent III) has been surpassed by more recent editions, the sermons await a modern scholarly edition.
  143. Egger, Christoph. “The Growling of the Lion and the Humming of the Fly: Innocent III and Gregory the Great.” In Pope, Church, and City: Essays in Honour of Brenda M. Bolton. Edited by Frances Andrews, Christoph Egger, and Constance M. Rousseau, 13–46. Medieval Mediterranean 56. Leiden, The Netherlands, and Boston: Brill, 2004.
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  145. Traces the close links between Gregory the Great, who ruled from 590 to 604, and Pope Innocent III. Shows that Innocent consciously followed Gregory as a model, cared for his tomb, and studied his writings. An attempt to show Innocent as a “man of faith and spirituality” (p. 38). Also includes a newly discovered sermon of Innocent on Pope Gregory the Great.
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  147. Fioramonti, Stanislao, ed. Innocenzo III, Sermoni = Sermones. Monumenta Studia Instrumenta Liturgica 44. Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2006.
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  149. Latin text of Innocent’s seventy-nine sermons, with Italian translation on facing pages. Includes a good introduction by Ottorino Pasquato, placing the sermons in the wider context of Innocent’s Italy and the reforms of the Fourth Lateran Council.
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  151. Migne, J.-P., ed. “Innocentii III Romani Pontificis Sermones.” In Patrologiae cursus completus. Edited by J.-P. Migne, 309–688. Patrologia Latina 217. Paris: J.-P. Migne Editorem, 1855.
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  153. The texts in Latin of Innocent’s surviving corpus of sermons. The entire Patrologia Latina was published between 1844 and 1865.
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  155. Moore, John Clare. “The Sermons of Pope Innocent III.” Römische Historiche Mitteilungen 36 (1994): 81–142.
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  157. An excellent introduction to the sermons of Pope Innocent III, with one translated into English to serve as an example. Moore shows how the sermons reflect Innocent’s education at the University of Paris and the pastoral concerns of his mentors.
  158. Find this resource:
  159. Vause, Corinne J., and Frank C. Gardiner, eds. and trans. Between God and Man: Six Sermons on the Priestly Office. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2004.
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  161. An interesting and well-annotated selection of Innocent’s sermons, showing the keen pastoral eye of the pope and a useful corrective to the overemphasis on his power and authority in the earlier historiography of the pope.
  162. Find this resource:
  163. De missarum mysteriis
  164. Until recently, the standard text of this treatise was available only in “Mysteriorum evangelicae legis et sacramenti Eucharistiae libri sex” (Migne 1855), but a new edition of the text, provided with an Italian translation, is the edited version Il sacrosanto Mistero dell’Altare (Fioramonti 2002), which includes an introduction to the work. However, the fullest treatment of Innocent as a theologian of the Eucharist is still Maccarrone 1972. Imkamp 1983 gives a very comprehensive treatment of Innocent’s Eucharistic theology as it related to his conception of the church, while Egger 1992 and Egger 1999 continue to shed further light on Innocent as a practical academic theologian.
  165. Egger, Christoph. “Papst Innocenz III: Als Theologe: Beiträge zur Kenntnis seines Denkens im Rahmen der Frühscholastik.” Archivium Historiae Pontificiae 30 (1992): 56–123.
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  167. Egger offers an important reassessment of Innocent as a theologian, placing him in the context of the theological thought of his time, a useful corrective to the anachronistic interpretations of earlier historians.
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  169. Egger, Christoph. “A Theologian at Work: Some Remarks on Methods and Sources in Innocent III’s Writings.” In Pope Innocent III and His World. Paper presented at a conference held at Hofstra University in May 1997. In Pope Innocent III and His World. Edited by John C. Moore, Brenda M. Bolton, James M. Powell, and Constance M. Rousseau, 25–33. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999.
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  171. Egger uses a number of examples to show that Innocent kept abreast of theological developments long after he was a student in the Paris schools; furthermore, the authors suggest that as pope, he reinterpreted the narrow and technical theology of the schoolmen in order to make it accessible to the wider audience who followed his preachings. Egger thus shows that Innocent was, first and foremost, a pastor.
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  173. Fioramonti, Stanislao, ed. and trans. Il sacrosanto Mistero dell’Altare. Monumenta Studia Instrumenta Liturgica 15. Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2002.
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  175. Latin text with facing Italian translation. There is also an introduction that sets out the scope of the work and relates it to the wider aims of Innocent’s pontificate.
  176. Find this resource:
  177. Imkamp, Wilhelm. Das Kirchenbild Innocenz’ III, 1198–1216. Päpste und Papsttum 22. Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1983.
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  179. Although a section of this book deals specifically with De missarum misteriis (pp. 46–53), its wider implications are covered in a chapter on the Eucharistic ecclesiology of Innocent. Imkamp demonstrates that the emphasis in Maccarrone 1972 on Innocent as a theologian was fully justified. Christoph Egger has also contributed to the resuscitation of Innocent’s reputation as a theologian (Egger 1992 and Egger 1999).
  180. Find this resource:
  181. Maccarrone, Michele. “Innocenzo III Teologo dell’Eucarestia.” In Studi su Innocenzo III. By Michele Maccarrone, 341–431. Padua, Italy: Editrice Antenore, 1972.
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  183. Originally published in Divinitas 10 (1966): 362–412, this article drew attention to the wide dispersal of Innocent’s treatise on the Eucharist in the later Middle Ages and Innocent’s great reputation as a theologian, which had been replaced by his reputation as a lawyer in modern historiography. Numerous examples illustrate the centrality of the Eucharist in the thought of the pope.
  184. Find this resource:
  185. Migne, J.-P., ed. “Mysteriorum evangelicae legis et sacramenti eucharistiae libri sex.” In Patrologiae cursus completus. Edited by J.-P. Migne, 763–916. Patrologia Latina 217. Paris: J.-P. Migne Editorem, 1855.
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  187. This work was begun when Innocent was a cardinal and was completed after he became pope. In it, Innocent takes a pontifical mass as his subject and provides a commentary on each action of the mass and on the significance of the vestments, the vessels, and so forth, producing a lucid theological explanation of the central sacrament of the Christian Church. The entire Patrologia Latina was published between 1844 and 1865.
  188. Find this resource:
  189. De quadripartita specie nuptiarum
  190. Pope Innocent III was elected to the papacy at a young age, at least partly because of his ability as a theologian. He had studied theology at the Paris schools and was profoundly influenced by the pastoral approach to moral issues that many of the masters there had adopted. Innocent’s treatise on marriage also locates him squarely in the intellectual tradition of early scholasticism. In it, he examines marriage in all its ceremonial and allegorical details in order to arrive at the true meaning of the sacrament, which, of course, does not apply simply to laymen, since bishops were also “married” to their churches, as Christ was married to the church. The most easily accessible version of the treatise Innocentii III Romani Pontificis de quadripartite specie nuptiarum appears in Migne 1855, and an English translation, Crook 1982, is also available. Engammare 2003 provides the most recent guide to Innocent’s treatise, showing that it was an innovative attempt by an active pastoral scholar to understand the wider significance of the sacrament of marriage. Kay 1999 demonstrates how Innocent’s approach to matrimony at the beginning of his pontificate was essentially theological, in contrast to the common idea that the young pope was oriented in legal thought. Doran 2004 shows how Innocent cleverly used canonistic precedent in order to introduce what was, in reality, an innovation in the relationship between popes and bishops, much to the benefit of the former. D’Avray 2005 is useful for placing Innocent’s work into the wider context of pastoral and scholarly concerns about marriage as exemplified by the schoolmen and the friars of the day.
  191. Crook, Eugene Joseph. “Lothario dei Segni (Pope Innocent III), On the Four Kinds of Marriage: De quadripartita specie nuptiarum.” In Spiritualität heute und gestern: Internationaler Kongreß vom 4. bis 7. August 1982. Vol. 1. Edited and translated by Eugene J. Crook, 1–95. Salzburg, Austria: Institut für Anglistik und Amerikanistik, Universität Salzburg, 1982.
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  193. The only English translation of this important work of Innocent, written before he became pope.
  194. Find this resource:
  195. D’Avray, David L. Medieval Marriage: Symbolism and Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.
  196. DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208211.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  197. Interesting for its discussion of the wider context of marriage in the 12th century, allowing the reader to locate Innocent among a range of scholars and thinkers; also useful on Innocent’s ideas of mystical marriage.
  198. Find this resource:
  199. Doran, John. “Innocent III and the Uses of Spiritual Marriage.” In Pope, Church and City: Essays in Honour of Brenda M. Bolton. Edited by Frances Andrews, Christoph Egger, and Constance M. Rousseau, 101–114. Medieval Mediterranean 56. Leiden, The Netherlands, and Boston: Brill, 2004.
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  201. Uses the same sources as Kay 1999, to show that Innocent used the model of the indissolubility of marriage in order to emphasize his unique pontifical authority.
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  203. Engammare, Isabelle. “Il trattato De quadripartita specie nuptiarum e la parentela spirituale del Christo con la Chiesa.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale: Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 1. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 340–351. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  205. Engammare addresses Innocent’s treatise on marriage and shows that he did not follow the allegory, common in monastic circles, of the marriage between Christ and the church, but he provided a novel explanation for how a son can marry his mother, explaining that this was possible in the spiritual realm and relying on legal explanations, rather than on his more usual theological leanings.
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  207. Kay, Richard. “Innocent III as Canonist and Theologian.” Paper presented at a conference held at Hofstra University in May 1997. In Pope Innocent III and His World. Edited by John C. Moore, Brenda M. Bolton, James M. Powell, and Constance M. Rousseau, 35–49. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999.
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  209. Kay uses Innocent’s De quadripartita specie nuptiarum and his first sermon on the anniversary of his consecration to show that as a cardinal and a newly elected pope, Innocent showed little evidence of a mastery of canon law but was rather an accomplished theologian.
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  211. Migne, J.-P., ed. “Innocentii III Romani Pontificis de quadripartita specie nuptiarum.” In Patrologiae cursus completus. Edited by J.-P. Migne, 921–968. Patrologia Latina 217. Paris: J.-P. Migne Editorem, 1855.
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  213. The Latin text of Innocent’s treatise on marriage. The entire Patrologia Latina was published between 1844 and 1865.
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  215. De miseria humanae conditionis
  216. In 1194 or 1195, the young cardinal Lotario (Lothar) dei Conti di Segni, later Pope Innocent III, composed a short treatise on the misery of the human condition (Maccarrone 1955, Lewis 1978, Howard 1969), a theme that could be traced to classical thinkers but that was developing as part of a genre of treatises showing contempt for the world, which emanated from the more ascetic religious houses of the Benedictine tradition (Engelhardt 1960, Bultot 1961). Innocent’s anonymous contemporary biographer reported that the cardinal had intended to write a companion treatise on the dignity of the human condition, but it is perhaps indicative of the cultural milieu in which he lived that the corrective never appeared after the publication of the first. This treatise on the misery of the human condition has intrigued scholars, with its contents being seen as a cryptic commentary on the papal curia (see Moore 1981), as a key to exploring Innocent’s view of himself (see Egger 1997), and as the pope’s reflection of concerns with the mortality and decay of the body, themes that were finding expression in the rituals of death and burial in the papal curia in the 12th and 13th centuries (Kehnel 2005).
  217. Bultot, Robert. “Mépris du monde, misère et dignité de l’homme dans la pensée d’Innocent III.” Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 4 (1961): 441–456.
  218. DOI: 10.3406/ccmed.1961.1205Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  219. Bultot traces the origins of the theme of contempt for the world and sets out a chronology of its development, including an assessment of Innocent’s treatise.
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  221. Egger, Christoph. “Dignitas und Miseria: Überlegungen zu Menschenbild und Selbstverständnis Papst Innocenz’ III.” Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 105 (1997): 330–345.
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  223. Egger uses the treatise on human misery as a means of exploring the personality of the cardinal who would become Innocent, and of his understanding of his own place and function in the world; a sort of unwitting testimony of his own preoccupations and concerns.
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  225. Engelhardt, George J. “The De contemptu mundi of Bernardus Morvalensis—Book 2, a Study in Commonplace.” Mediaeval Studies 22 (1960): 108–135.
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  227. Relates Innocent’s treatise to the earlier writings of Bernard of Morval, a (perhaps English) monk in Cluny, France, during the abbacy of Peter the Venerable (1122–1156). Bernard’s treatise on contempt for the world, De Contemptu Mundi: A Bitter Satirical Poem of 3000 Lines upon the Morals of the XIIth Century, edited by H. C. Hoskier (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1929), enjoyed great celebrity in the later Middle Ages (on which, see Ronald E. Pepin, Scorn for the World: Bernard of Cluny’s “De Contemptu Mundi” [Medieval Texts and Studies 8; East Lansing, MI: Colleagues Press, 1991], which is continued in Mediaeval Studies 26 [1964]: 109–142, and Mediaeval Studies 29 [1967]: 243–272).
  228. Find this resource:
  229. Howard, Donald Roy, ed. On the Misery of the Human Condition: De miseria humanae conditionis: Translated by Margaret Mary Dietz. Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1969.
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  231. A widely available translation used in many US universities, with an authoritative introduction by Howard.
  232. Find this resource:
  233. Kehnel, Annette. “Päpstliche Kurie und menschlicher Körper: Zur historischen Kontextualisierung der Schrift De miseria humanae conditionis des Lothar von Segni (1194).” Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 87 (2005): 27–52.
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  235. Influenced by recent works (e.g., Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, The Pope’s Body [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000]), the author attempts to interpret Cardinal Lothar’s treatise on human misery in the context of the interest in bodily decay and death, which was current in the papal curia in the 1190s.
  236. Find this resource:
  237. Lewis, Robert E., ed. De miseria condicionis humanae. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1978.
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  239. A critical Latin text of the treatise, although compiled with the intention of providing the version that would have been used by Geoffrey Chaucer. Chapters missing from most manuscripts that were in the original are provided in the appendix, and the introduction is an eloquent testimony to the treatise’s influence on Chaucer.
  240. Find this resource:
  241. Maccarrone, Michele, ed. Lotharii cardinalis (Innocentii III): De miseria humanae conditionis. Lucano, Italy: In Aedibus Thesauri Mundi, 1955.
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  243. The edition of the Latin text that most closely reflects the original. Maccarrone, the leading scholar of Innocent’s life, provides a very useful introduction. For criticism of Maccarrone’s edition, see Lewis 1978, pp. 65–66. The most widely available version of the text appears in Migne’s Patrologiae cursus completes (Patrologia Latina 217; Paris: J.-P. Migne Editorem, 1855), pp. 701–746.
  244. Find this resource:
  245. Moore, John C. “Innocent III’s De miseria humanae conditionis: A Speculum curiae?” Catholic Historical Review 67.4 (1981): 553–564.
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  247. An attempt to show that the disgruntled Cardinal Lothar, who would become Innocent, vented his spleen against the decrepit Pope Celestine III and his aged advisers. A stimulating article, although it is based on a perception of Lothar’s marginalization under Celestine III that is perhaps exaggerated. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  248. Find this resource:
  249. De elemosyna
  250. The treatise on alms (Migne 1855, Fioramonti 2001), which Pope Innocent III wrote after he had become pope, appears to be linked to the annual solemn celebration of the founding of the Hospital of the Holy Spirit in Rome. This hospital was founded by Innocent and entrusted to Guy of Montpellier, himself the founder of the Hospital of the Holy Spirit in Montpellier, France (Fliche 1951). Innocent was a great admirer of the apostolic zeal of Guy and his followers, and his endowment was intended to set an example to other bishops and to be a model establishment for the order, whose rule was provided by Innocent himself. The hospital was a living embodiment of the vita vere apostolica (“true apostolic life”), which was so dear to Innocent (Bolton 1994a and Bolton 1994b).
  251. Bolton, Brenda M. “Hearts Not Purses? Pope Innocent III’s Attitude to Social Welfare.” In Through the Eye of a Needle: Judeo-Christian Roots of Social Welfare. Edited by Emily Albu Hanawalt, and Carter Lindberg, 123–145. Kirksville, MO: Thomas Jefferson University Press, 1994a.
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  253. An investigation of Innocent’s works of charity, showing that he took his duties as a bishop and pastor seriously, feeding the poor by preaching doctrine to them as well as with material food. Good for its discussion of the foundation of the Hospital of the Holy Spirit and the link between charity and penance. Reprinted in Bolton 1995 (cited under Popular Religion).
  254. Find this resource:
  255. Bolton, Brenda M. “Received in His Name: Rome’s Busy Baby Box.” In The Church and Childhood: Papers Read at the 1993 Summer Meeting and the 1994 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society. Edited by Diana Wood, 153–167. Studies in Church History 31. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994b.
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  257. Shows that one of the reasons for the foundation of the Hospital of the Holy Spirit in Rome was a desire for better care for babies born to poor parents or to women who could not look after them. Reprinted in Bolton 1995 (cited under Popular Religion).
  258. Find this resource:
  259. Fioramonti, Stanislao, ed. and trans. Elogio della carità: Libellus de elemosyna, Encomium charitatis. Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2001.
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  261. This edition provides Latin texts with adjoining Italian translation; includes a number of prayers and hymns attributed to Innocent, along with the treatise on alms.
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  263. Fliche, Augustin. “La vie réligieuse à Montpellier sous le pontificat d’Innocent III (1198–1216).” In Mélanges d’histoire du moyen âge dédiés à la mémoire de Louis Halphen. Edited by Charles-Edmond Perrin, 217–224. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1951.
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  265. Traces the initiatives taken by Guy and others at Montpellier, France, in imitation of the primitive church detailed in the Acts of the Apostles, initiatives that impressed the pope and that he attempted to foster.
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  267. Migne, J.-P., ed. “Innocentii III romani pontificis libellus de eleemosyna.” In Patrologiae cursus completus. Edited by J.-P. Migne, 745–762. Patrologia Latina 217. Paris: J.-P. Migne Editorem, 1855.
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  269. The Latin text of the treatise on alms. The entire Patrologia Latina was published between 1844 and 1865.
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  271. Family and Education
  272. Lotario dei Conti di Segni, the future Pope Innocent III, was born to a noble family, possibly of German descent, which held lands to the south of Rome in the papal patrimony. There were numerous families of this sort, and the future success of the Conti family is an indication of the benefits of having a member of the family elected to the papacy (Dykmans 1975, Gatto 2003). The maternal family of the future pope was the Scotti, an established family within the city, a factor that undoubtedly enabled Innocent to understand the politics of the city but that could also be detrimental to his position, because the city was factious and this automatically identified him with one group (Maccarrone 1943, Carocci 1993). However, while it is clear that Innocent made use of his family on occasion and was instrumental in winning titles and advantageous marriages for them, there is no direct evidence that his family interests affected his decisions or policy. He certainly provided ecclesiastical preferment to clerical members of the family, but familial laymen are absent from the records. The young Lotario was educated in the Monastery of Sant’Andrea al Celio (now San Gregorio Magno) in Rome (Maccarrone 1943) and pursued higher studies in theology at the schools of Paris and legal studies at the schools of Bologna. He thus attended the two elite educational institutions of 12th-century Europe. The precise nature of the future pope’s legal education is examined by Kenneth Pennington (Pennington 1974, Pennington 1986), who assumed that there would not have been sufficient time for his completion of a full legal education, but Moore 1991 argues that there was more time available for Lotario’s studies at Bologna than Pennington assumed, although there is no proof that this time was used for that purpose. Imkamp 1983 challenges Pennington’s assertion that Innocent’s early decretals and letters do not display the legal learning that would be expected of an expert educated in the law in Bologna, prompting further observations in Pennington 1986 in defense of his thesis. What is clear is that Lotario studied the law in some capacity and that, together with his theological studies, he was very well qualified for his role as a cardinal and, ultimately, as pope. His election to the papacy at the age of thirty-seven is testimony to the prestige of his education as well as to the appreciation of his abilities.
  273. Carocci, Sandro. Baroni di Roma: Dominazioni signorili e lignaggi aristocratici nel Duecento e nel primo Trecento. Collection de l’École Française de Rome 181. Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo and Ecole Française de Rome, 1993.
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  275. Provides a wider context and orientation of the family within a group of five baronial families.
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  277. Dykmans, Marc. “D’Innocent III à Boniface VIII: Histoire des Conti et des Annibaldi.” Bulletin de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome 44 (1975): 19–211.
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  279. An exhaustive study of Innocent’s family, its establishment during his pontificate, and its progress in the century after his accession. A guide to how the family became one of the most successful noble families of the papal states.
  280. Find this resource:
  281. Gatto, Ludovico. “Innocenzo III, la famiglia, la giovinezza.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 1. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 613–641. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  283. A survey of the pope’s early years and the political conditions in which he grew up.
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  285. Imkamp, Wilhelm. Das Kirchenbild Innocenz’ III: (1198–1216). Päpste und Papsttum 22. Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1983.
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  287. Imkamp challenges Pennington’s doubts about Innocent’s legal education (see pp. 32–46), providing examples from the pope’s treatises and letters that demonstrate his legal expertise. Pennington replies to the challenge, in Pennington 1986. Kay 1999, cited under De quadripartita specie nuptiarum, also questions Innocent’s legal expertise.
  288. Find this resource:
  289. Maccarrone, Michele. “Innocenzo III prima del pontificato.” Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria 66 (1943): 59–134.
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  291. A thorough investigation of the sources discussing Innocent’s early life and upbringing, the influences on the young cleric, and the origins of his devotion to the cause of ecclesiastical liberty.
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  293. Moore, John C. “Lotario dei Conti di Segni (Pope Innocent III) in the 1180s.” Archivum Historiae Pontificiae 29 (1991): 255–258.
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  295. Moore shows that a further year was available to Innocent for his studies in Bologna; this would have given him three years, but, as Moore recognizes, there is no way of knowing whether he spent this further time in Bologna.
  296. Find this resource:
  297. Pennington, Kenneth. “The Legal Education of Pope Innocent III.” Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law 4 (1974): 70–77.
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  299. Suggests that while Innocent spent five or six years studying theology at Paris, it is likely that he studied at Bologna for only two years, not enough time to master Roman and canon law. Pennington sought further evidence that Innocent was not an expert canonist in the legal sources. Reprinted in Kenneth Pennington, Popes, Canonists, and Texts, 1150–1550 (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1993). Kay 1999, cited under De quadripartita specie nuptiarum, also questions Innocent’s legal expertise.
  300. Find this resource:
  301. Pennington, Kenneth. “Further Thoughts on Pope Innocent III’s Knowledge of Law.” Zeitschrift der Savigny Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 72 (1986): 417–428.
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  303. This is Pennington’s response to the assertion in Imkamp 1983 of Innocent’s legal expertise, citing examples of the pope’s errors and uncritical language applied to legal cases, which would not be expected from an author trained in the learned law. Reprinted in Kenneth Pennington, Popes, Canonists, and Texts, 1150–1550 (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1993).
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  305. Election
  306. Pope Innocent III was elected to the papacy at the extraordinarily young age of thirty-seven. While there had been younger popes in the 10th century, they had been appointed for political and dynastic reasons. Since the introduction of the exclusive election by the cardinals in the 11th century (which was perhaps not standardized until the 12th), Innocent remains the youngest pope ever elected. Karl Wenck (Wenck 1926) is convinced, based on Roger of Howden’s report, that Innocent’s predecessor, Celestine III (1191–1198), attempted to secure the election of Cardinal John of St. Paul by offering to resign in his favor, but the case is not convincing. Wenck 1926 also posits the idea of a division within the curia between political realists, consisting of cardinals drawn largely from Roman families, and a more spiritual group, made up of an older group of cardinals still clinging to the ideals of the former popes Alexander III and Lucius III. The idea is attractive but the evidence to prove it again does not withstand scrutiny. Nevertheless, Wenck’s ideas still appear with remarkable regularity. Although the sources discussing Innocent’s election are sparse, the attempt in Taylor 1991 to show that Roger of Howden, the contemporary English chronicler, reported accurately on the attempted abdication of Celestine III and on the candidates who rivaled Innocent is not convincing. Roger certainly visited Rome in the 1190s, but his account is sufficiently vague that it can be dismissed as hearsay or, at best, an informed account that had become garbled in transmission. Peters 1999 shows that Innocent was certainly worthy of election to the papacy in 1198 and that his elevation does not need to be explained in terms of accidents or factions at loggerheads. Indeed, Luchaire 1994 proves to be a sure guide to the character of the pope. Pfaff 1974 asserts that Innocent’s election was a reaction against the policies of his predecessor, Celestine III, a claim that Landau 2003 counters by showing the continuity between the policies pursued during the two pontificates. The argument turns on whether the papal curia reflected the will of the pope or was a more corporate body, reflecting the influence of the cardinals.
  307. Landau, Peter. “Innocenz III. und die Dekretalen seiner Vorgänger.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del songresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 1. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 175–199. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  309. A response to the argument in Pfaff 1974 that Innocent pursued radically different policies from his predecessor and even reversed many of his decisions with which he did not agree. Landau shows that there is far more continuity between the two pontificates and that the differences in their approaches have been exaggerated.
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  311. Luchaire, Achille. “A Realist Ascends the Papal Throne.” In Innocent III: Vicar of Christ or Lord of the World? 2d exp. ed. Edited by James Powell, 19–33. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1994.
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  313. This section of Luchaire’s biography, translated into English, describes the context of the election and the challenges and opportunities that awaited the young pope.
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  315. Peters, Edward. “Lotario dei Conti Becomes Pope Innocent III: The Man and the Pope.” Paper presented at a conference held at Hofstra University in May 1997. In Pope Innocent III and His World. Edited by John C. Moore, Brenda M. Bolton, James M. Powell, and Constance M. Rousseau, 3–24. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999.
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  317. A thorough but brief overview of the early life, education, and accomplishments of the young Lotario dei Conti di Segni.
  318. Find this resource:
  319. Pfaff, Volkert. “Der Vorgänger: Das Wirken Coelestins III. aus der Sicht von Innocenz III.” Zeitschrift der Savigny Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 60 (1974): 121–167.
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  321. An influential article, among others, that posits the idea that Celestine represented an older, more conservative theological and juridical approach, as opposed to his young successor. This view is challenged in Landau 2003.
  322. Find this resource:
  323. Taylor, Maria L. “The Election of Innocent III.” In The Church and Sovereignty c. 590–1918: Essays in Honour of Michael Wilks. Edited by Diana Wood, 97–112. Studies in Church History Subsidia 9. Oxford: Blackwell, 1991.
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  325. A plea for taking seriously the evidence for Innocent’s election put forth by Roger of Howden, usually dismissed as hearsay, based on being the informed observations of a well-connected chronicler who had made contacts at Rome.
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  327. Wenck, Karl. “Die römischen Päpste zwischen Alexander III. und Innocenz III. und der Designationsversuch Weihnachten 1197.” In Papsttum und Kaisertum: Forschungen zur politischen Geschichte und Geisteskultur des Mittelalters Paul Kehr zum 65, Geburtstag dargebracht. Edited by Albert Brackmann, 415–474. Munich: Verlag der Münchner Drucke, 1926.
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  329. An influential article, though not always convincing, that posits a dispute in 1197 between a political group of cardinals and a more spiritual group; the latter made an attempt, which was ultimately rejected as an affront to tradition, to have their candidate nominated by Pope Celestine III, perhaps envisioning the pope’s resignation in his favor.
  330. Find this resource:
  331. The Romano-German Empire
  332. The Roman Empire cast a long shadow over medieval Europe. Rome remained a potent symbol of empire, and the kings of the Franks, who were protectors of the popes in the 8th century, were eventually granted the imperial title in 800, yet their power over the city itself was never acknowledged by the popes, who retained their authority over Rome and its environs. The reforms introduced in the Roman church after 1046, ironically by a series of German popes, led to a struggle between the papacy and the empire for dominance in northern Italy. Frederick I Barbarossa, the Holy Roman Emperor and king of Germany, appears to have secured for his son through marriage what he had not achieved himself through conquest: the unification of northern and southern Italy under the Hohenstaufen dynasty. When he was a cardinal, Pope Innocent III had written to Henry VI, the son of Barbarossa, setting out his own conception of the duties of the emperor in the suppression of heresy (Maleczek 1982). The sudden death of Henry VI in 1196 gave an opportunity to the papacy to reverse that dynastic succession by reclaiming papal territorial interests in central Italy and asserting the right of the pope to choose between rival candidates for the imperial throne (see Bolton 2004). A separate register, Regestum domini Innocentii tertii papae super negotio Romani imperii (RNI), was begun, in which letters relating to the empire were entered; the text is reproduced in Kempf 1947, and a thorough analysis is in Kempf 1985. Recently, Laufs 1980 attempted to show that Innocent adopted a new policy with respect to the papal states, abandoning reliance on Carolingian and Ottonian imperial privileges and basing the pope’s claim to lands in central Italy on Roman law, thus claiming those lands in full sovereignty. It was Otto IV’s refusal to respect those rights that led Innocent to depose him and accept Frederick II, who signaled his respect for the new relationship between church and empire in the Golden Bull of Eger, by which he promised to respect the integrity of the papal state, to allow the free election of bishops, and to persecute heresy. Prieto Prieto 1982 provides a succinct and well-balanced overview of the papal-imperial conflict, while Abulafia 1992 places it into its wider context in the Italian peninsula and shows how Innocent attempted to avert a problem that would haunt his successors. For English readers, particularly undergraduates, a number of chapters in the Cambridge History of Medieval Thought (Burns 1988) should be consulted before tackling the more specialist literature on the period.
  333. Abulafia, David. Frederick II: A Medieval Emperor. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992.
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  335. Chapter 3, “The Child King, 1194–1220” (pp. 89–131), is an informative discussion of Innocent’s guardianship of the young Frederick after the death of his father, the Emperor Henry VI, in 1197 and of the decision to support his candidacy for emperor of the empire. The first two chapters trace the history of the Norman kingdom of Sicily and the Holy Roman Empire, in order to assess their impact on Frederick II. Reprinted with a new introduction and additional bibliography (London: Pimlico, 2002).
  336. Find this resource:
  337. Bolton, Brenda M. “Papal Italy.” In Italy in the Central Middle Ages. Edited by David Abulafia, 82–103. Short Oxford History of Italy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.
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  339. A good, short introduction to the papal states, their peculiarities, and the means employed by the popes in the attempt to govern them.
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  341. Burns, J. H., ed. The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c. 350–1450.Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1988.
  342. DOI: 10.1017/CHOL9780521243247Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  343. See, in particular, Janet Nelson’s “Kingship and Empire” (pp. 211–251); I. S. Robinson’s “Church and Papacy” (pp. 252–305); J. P. Canning’s “Introduction: Politics, Institutions and Ideas” (pp. 341–366); and J. A. Watt’s “Spiritual and Temporal Powers” (pp. 367–423).
  344. Find this resource:
  345. Kempf, Friedrich. Regestum domini Innocentii tertii papae super negotio Romani imperii. Miscellanea Historiae Pontificiae 12. Rome: Pontificia Università Gregoriana, 1947.
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  347. A critical edition of the Latin text of the RNI, the edition of the register that Innocent began in order to detail the negotiations over the succession struggle between Philip of Swabia and Otto of Brunswick for the imperial throne, covering the period 1199 to 1209.
  348. Find this resource:
  349. Kempf, Friedrich. “Innocenz III. und der deutsche Thronstreit.” Archivum Historiae Pontificiae 23 (1985): 64–91.
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  351. Kempf’s analysis of the contents of the RNI, following his own critical edition of the text, which remains a valuable assessment of Innocent’s policy.
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  353. Laufs, Manfred. Politik und Recht bei Innocenz III: Kaiserpriviligien, Thronstreitregister und Egerer Goldbulle in der Reichs—und Rekuperationspolitik Papst Innocenz’ III. Kölner historische Abhandlungen 26. Cologne and Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 1980.
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  355. Laufs’s thesis is based on meticulous study of the sources but has not been generally accepted by historians.
  356. Find this resource:
  357. Maleczek, Werner. “Ein Brief des Kardinals Lothar von SS. Sergius und Bacchus (Innocenz III.) an Kaiser Heinrich VI.” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 38 (1982): 564–576.
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  359. Maleczek reproduces the text of a unique letter of Cardinal Lothar, who would become Innocent, to the Emperor Henry VI, which shows that the problem of heresy was worrying some in the papal curia. A useful reminder that Innocent understood and accepted the competence and functions of lay rulers.
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  361. Prieto Prieto, Alfonso. Inocencio III y el Sacro-Romano Imperio. León, Spain: Colegio Universitario de León, 1982.
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  363. One of the most balanced and full accounts of the papal-imperial conflict.
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  365. The Byzantine Empire
  366. The Byzantine Empire was essentially the surviving portion of the Roman Empire, and it thus loomed large in papal concerns. All popes were keen to establish good relations with Byzantine emperors, not only because of their prestige but also because the emperor was the person who could be relied on to restore the Byzantine church to that unity that had been broken by the mutual excommunications of 1054. Spiteris 1979 discusses the relations between the two churches in the 12th century, and Maccarrone 1964 suggests the early promise of Pope Innocent III’s pontificate. A less optimistic assessment of relations between the churches is provided in Papadakis and Talbot 1972, based on the early correspondence between Innocent and the patriarch of Constantinople. The crusading movement has been interpreted as an attempt, initially, to restore harmony between the Greek and Latin churches, while the Byzantine emperors were potentially useful allies against the Hohenstaufen emperors in the West. Thus, Innocent’s pontificate opened, as Powell 2003 shows, with a traditional attempt to win the alliance of the Byzantine Emperor Alexius III. Innocent was reluctant to involve himself in the struggle of the young Alexius (who would later become Emperor Alexius IV) to regain the throne for his father, because he did not believe it would happen. In this respect, Brand 1992 is of interest for its interpretation of the sack of Constantinople in 1204, or the Fourth Crusade, as an inevitable consequence of the strained relations between the Byzantine capital and various Western interests from the 1180s; in Brand’s analysis, Innocent was in favor of the subjugation of the empire, even if he did not admit this to himself. Prinzing 2002 takes a similar view, in that the author sees the anti-Latin riots of the 1180s and the suspicion of the Byzantine role during the Third Crusade (1189–1192) as having provided the rationale for Innocent’s response to the events of 1204. The sack of Constantinople was something that the pope had not desired but that he was prepared to accept as a benefit to the church. He was quickly disabused of such ideas, as Gill 2009 shows, but his greatest failure was perhaps to deny the citizens of Constantinople their request to elect an Orthodox patriarch in 1208. Events were to show that unity could not be restored by force, and Innocent was perhaps too slow to realize that. Nicol 1976 shows how the sack of Constantinople was added to the list of supposed papal crimes against the Orthodox church, with the result that Orthodox attitudes toward the papacy were poisoned for the future. In this sense, Innocent’s early promise had resulted in perhaps his greatest failure.
  367. Brand, Charles M. Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Aldershot, UK: Gregg Revivals, 1992.
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  369. A work that interprets the sack of Constantinople in 1204 as the culmination of long-held hostility between the Latin West and the Byzantine Empire. Brand sees the attack on the city as an inevitable consequence of the hostility of the protagonists for Byzantium from the 1180s. A balanced view of Innocent’s actions should not be expected here. Originally published in 1968 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press).
  370. Find this resource:
  371. Gill, Joseph, ed. “Innocent III and the Greeks: Aggressor or Apostle?” In Relations between East and West in the Middle Ages. Edited by Derek Baker, 95–108. New Brunswick, NJ: Aldine Transaction, 2009.
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  373. Gill asserts that from the beginning of his pontificate, Innocent’s policy with respect to the Orthodox churches was pragmatic and respectful, and that this approach was maintained even in the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade. Originally published in 1977 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press).
  374. Find this resource:
  375. Maccarrone, Michele. “La ricerca dell’unione con la Chiesa greca sotto Innocenzo III.” Unitas 19 (1964): 251–267.
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  377. A similar approach to that of Gill 2009.
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  379. Nicol, Donald M. “The Papal Scandal.” In The Orthodox Churches and the West: Papers Read at the Fourteenth Summer Meeting and the Fifteenth Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society. Edited by Derek Baker, 141–168. Studies in Church History 13. London: Blackwell, 1976.
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  381. Argues that the Fourth Crusade came at a time of growing anti-Latin sentiment among the Orthodox because of the claims to supremacy that were becoming a more prominent feature of papal diplomacy. The Crusade confirmed in Greek minds that the pope’s claims were the major obstacle to ecclesiastical unity.
  382. Find this resource:
  383. Papadakis, Aristeides, and Alice M. Talbot. “John X Camaterus Confronts Innocent III: An Unpublished Correspondence.” Byzantinoslavica 33 (1972): 26–41.
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  385. Offers a less favorable view of Innocent’s role in this correspondence.
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  387. Powell, James M. “Innocent III and Alexius III: A Crusade Plan That Failed.” In The Experience of Crusading I: Western Approaches. Edited by Marcus Graham Bull and Norman Housley, 96–102. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2003.
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  389. Sees Innocent as essentially pragmatic and willing to cooperate with Emperor Alexius III (in an anti-Staufer alliance) if he would join the Crusade. This explains the marked difference between the accounts of Villehardouin, who did not know of the pope’s antipathy to Alexius IV, and the author (perhaps a relative of the pope) of the Gesta (see The Gesta Innocentii Papae III).
  390. Find this resource:
  391. Prinzing, Günter. “Das Papsttum und der orthodox geprägte Südosten Europas 1180–1216.” In Das Papsttum in der Welt des 12. Jahrhunderts. Edited by Ernst-Dieter Hehl, Hubertus Seibert, and Ingrid Heike Rinkel, 137–184. Mittelalter-Forschungen 6. Stuttgart: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 2002.
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  393. Contains a review of the background and responses to the events of the Fourth Crusade, and a list of the correspondence between the popes and the Byzantines early in the pontificate of Innocent.
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  395. Spiteris, Yannis. La critica bizantina del primato romano nel secolo XII. Orientalia Christiana Analecta 208. Rome: Pontificium Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 1979.
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  397. An excellent study that places Innocent’s correspondence with John X Kamateros, Patriarch of Constantinople, into the wider context of the ongoing disputes between the Latin and Greek churches. The unpublished Greek text of the patriarch’s letter of spring 1200 is given as an appendix.
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  399. France
  400. France was a repeated haven for the popes during the 12th century, and a close relationship developed between the papacy and the Capetian dynasty, which dramatically increased Rome’s power during the 12th century. Pope Innocent III was unfortunate in that his relations with France were hampered by a lingering quarrel over the divorce of Queen Ingebourg, who had appealed to Rome against her husband Philip II. Innocent was also at odds with Philip concerning his imperial policy; the pope supported the Holy Roman Emperor Otto IV, a relative and ally of Richard and John, the successive kings of England and rulers of much of western France. In these circumstances, Innocent repeatedly showed pragmatism in his relations with the French king, but on matters of principle, he was nevertheless prepared to be unbending. Maccarrone 1982 shows that Innocent was prepared to intervene in the affairs of the kings of France and England, citing “matters of sin,” because a war between the French and the English would ruin attempts to regain Jerusalem for Christendom in a projected Crusade. The pope’s decretal Novit ille was to survive and be incorporated into the 1917 code of canon law and was thus one of Innocent’s most tenacious contributions to the papal armory (Die Register Innocenz’ III. 7: 7. Pontifikatsjahr, 1204/1205: Texte und Indices, edited by Othmar Hageneder and Andrea Sommerlechner, with Christoph Egger and Rainer Murauer [Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1997], pp. 72–76). The best starting point for a study of relations between Innocent and France is Foreville 1992, which provides the context in which Innocent and his legates had to work; France was by no means a uniform and unified country, but rather a series of principalities and city-states over which the French king had varying levels of authority and influence. Baldwin 2003 demonstrates that Innocent always held the king of France, Philip II, in high regard, although his faith was not repaid with a Crusade to the East or even with much commitment to the Albigensian Crusade. Bolton 1991 also shows Innocent’s difficulties in dealing with the French and English kings, who were mortal enemies, while Burguière 1979 tackles the single issue that poisoned relations between Rome and Paris during Innocent’s pontificate, that of King Philip II’s marriage to Ingeborg, which Philip attempted to repudiate, upon which his wife appealed to the pope.
  401. Baldwin, John W. “‘Tibi et regno tuo specialiter nos teneri fatemur’: Innocent III, Philip Augustus and France.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 2. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 985–1007. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  403. Baldwin shows the significance of Innocent’s use of the term specialiter to describe his devotion to the French kingdom. In spite of his special love for King Philip II of France, Innocent was rarely successful in gaining the king’s support for his initiatives. The author shows that the French chancery kept a list of cardinals who could frustrate papal policies that were not in the king’s interests.
  404. Find this resource:
  405. Bolton, Brenda M. “Philip Augustus and John: Two Sons in Innocent III’s Vineyard?” In The Church and Sovereignty c. 590–1918: Essays in Honour of Michael Wilks. Edited by Diana Wood, 113–134. Studies in Church History Subsidia 9. Oxford and Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1991.
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  407. A neat juxtaposition of Innocent’s problems in dealing with two kings who should have been natural papal allies but who were deadly enemies to one another. The important factor for Innocent was that no Crusade had a hope of success while the kingdoms of France and England were at war. Reprinted in Bolton 1995 (cited under Popular Religion).
  408. Find this resource:
  409. Burguière, M. B. “Le marriage de Philippe Auguste et d’Isambour de Danemark: Aspects canoniques et politiques.” In Mélanges offerts à Jean Dauvillier. Edited by Paul Orliac, 133–156. Toulouse, France: Université des Sciences Sociales, Centre d’Histoire Juridique Méridionale, 1979.
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  411. A thorough coverage of the celebrated marriage between Ingebourg of Denmark and King Philip II of France and the king’s almost immediate decision to seek a divorce. This case colored relations between the papacy and France for almost the entire pontificate of Innocent.
  412. Find this resource:
  413. Foreville, Raymonde. Le pape Innocent III et la France. Päpste und Papsttum 26. Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1992.
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  415. A thorough coverage of relations between France and the papacy during the pontificate, by a respected scholar and expert on Innocent.
  416. Find this resource:
  417. Maccarrone, Michele. “La papauté et Philippe Auguste: La décrétale Novit ille.” In La France de Philippe Auguste: Le temps des mutations; Actes du Colloque international organisée par le C.N.R.S. (Paris, 29 septembre–4 octobre 1980). Edited by Robert-Henri Bautier, 385–409. Colloques Internationaux du Centre national de la recerche scientifique 602. Paris: Éditions du CNRS, 1982.
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  419. This interesting article discusses the pope’s celebrated decretal Novit ille, in which Innocent justifies his right to intervene in the affairs of the kings of France and England on the basis that in matters of sin he would have to answer on the kings’ behalf at the Last Judgment. Reprinted in Michele Maccarrone, Nuovi Studi su Innocenzo III (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1995), pp. 111–136.
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  421. England
  422. England provides a unique opportunity for an analysis of the ideal and reality of papal power (Brooke 1968, Duggan 1999). A number of disputed elections, including the famous case of St. Davids, to which Gerald of Wales claimed to have been elected, and appeals from major monastic houses allowed Pope Innocent III to intervene with all of his authority in the English church. The pope’s high-sounding rhetoric and the prejudicial accounts of the English monks involved created the impression that England had been completely subservient to papal directives and would serve as a model for the future development of the so-called papal monarchy. The impression was given further credence by the celebrated intervention of Innocent in the election of the see of Canterbury, in which he induced the monks to elect his own nominee, Stephen Langton, as primate of England. Langton had been known to Innocent since his student days in Paris but was unknown to King John of England, who promptly refused to accept him. The resulting stalemate resulted in an interdict being imposed on the English church; although unpopular, there is little evidence that the interdict swayed the king (Cheney 1948, Cheney 1966, Clarke 1999). Only when forced to compromise by political difficulties in 1213 did John submit to Innocent, accepting England to be a papal fief and assuming the cross as a crusader. From that point on, Innocent was an enthusiastic defender of the king, even annulling the Magna Carta, which had been crafted by Langton himself. Fryde 2003 argues that Innocent’s intervention in England was not, as is usually supposed, exploited by John to his own advantage but, rather, heralded the success of the pope in crafting a series of alliances that would increasingly lead to further similar interventions to the benefit of the papacy. In reality, however, Innocent was much more accommodating to King John and to the English bishops than the superficial picture suggests. As is shown so well in Cheney 1976, papal authority in England was a matter of pragmatism and negotiation, which just as often reflected local initiatives as it did interventions from Rome. The conclusion of the book (pp. 401–408), although short, should be read by anybody setting out to study Innocent, in that it will help prevent exaggeration and anachronistic judgments.
  423. Brooke, Zachary N. The English Church & the Papacy: From the Conquest to the Reign of John. 3d ed. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1968.
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  425. The classic exposition of the rise of the influence of the papacy in England. Although Brooke’s work needs to be read in conjunction with later research, his main argument and conclusion have proved to be remarkably prescient and durable.
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  427. Cheney, Christopher R. “King John and the Papal Interdict.” Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 31 (1948): 31–48.
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  429. An investigation of what the pope’s interdict on England actually entailed, how it adversely affected the clergy and laity, and how King John remained utterly unmoved until political circumstances forced him to submit. A useful summary on what the interdict achieved.
  430. Find this resource:
  431. Cheney, Christopher R. “A Recent View of the General Interdict on England, 1208–1214.” In Studies in Church History. Vol. 3, Papers Read at the Third Winter and Summer Meetings of the Ecclesiastical History Society. Edited by Geoffrey J. Cuming, 159–168. Leiden, The Netherlands: E. J. Brill, 1966.
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  433. Cheney reviews and criticizes the treatment of the interdict by Henry Gerald Richardson and George Osborne Sayles in The Governance of Medieval England from the Conquest to Magna Carta (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1963). The article is useful because it highlights precisely the sort of generalizations that are particularly likely to appear when a subject that has a long and detailed historiography is being addressed.
  434. Find this resource:
  435. Cheney, Christopher R. “England and the Roman Curia under Innocent III.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 18.2 (1967): 173–186.
  436. DOI: 10.1017/S0022046900070986Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  437. Includes Cheney’s observations on the working of papal government in England, based on Innocent’s surviving letters. He shows that what survives “tells us . . . not so much about the pope’s personal concerns . . . as about the way in which an impersonal bureaucracy worked and how the curial system was used, flouted, and circumvented by Englishmen, according to the needs of the local churches and private interests” (p. 173). Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  438. Find this resource:
  439. Cheney, Christopher Robert. Pope Innocent III and England. Päpste und Papsttum 9. Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1976.
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  441. This work arose out of Cheney’s expertise in the letters of Pope Innocent III concerning England; the result is a model book, which devotes individual chapters to such matters as episcopal elections, relations with English monasteries, and the payment of pensions to Italian curialists using English benefices. It also investigates the involvement of the papacy in the politics of 12th-century Europe, as it affected England.
  442. Find this resource:
  443. Clarke, Peter D. “Innocent III, Canon Law and the Punishment of the Guiltless.” Paper presented at a conference held at Hofstra University in May 1997. In Pope Innocent III and His World. Edited by John C. Moore, Brenda M. Bolton, James M. Powell, and Constance M. Rousseau, 271–287. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999.
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  445. While not specifically discussing the interdict on England, Clarke shows how Pope Innocent III reshaped traditional ideas and practices in order to make the interdict a more potent weapon in the hands of the church. The punishment of the guiltless was justified in order to extirpate heresy or, as in the case of England, to defend ecclesiastical liberty.
  446. Find this resource:
  447. Duggan, Charles. “From the Conquest to the Death of John.” In The English Church and the Papacy. 2d rev. ed. Edited by C. H. Lawrence, 62–116. Stroud, UK: Sutton, 1999.
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  449. A thorough and sensible overview of the relations between the papacy and England at a crucial period in the development both of papal and royal power and authority. Duggan emphasizes the sources and is a much-needed antidote to those authors who have an exaggerated view of papal authority and its successes.
  450. Find this resource:
  451. Fryde, Natalie M. “Innocent III, England and the Modernization of European International Politics.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del songresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 2. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 971–984. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  453. Fryde investigates the role of Pope Innocent III in the modernization of European politics, showing that the alliances and contacts that needed to be maintained in pursuit of his international policies, such as intervening in the imperial election, led to a situation in which European powers developed sophisticated methods of communication across the wider political world, rather than being confined to their own narrow spheres of interest.
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  455. Eastern Europe and the Balkans
  456. Pope Innocent III began his pontificate as papal influence was reaching its height, and he inherited the grand international strategies of restoring the unity of Christendom and recapturing Jerusalem. The Balkans and eastern Europe were of immense strategic importance for both objectives, because they occupied the frontier between Latin Catholicism and Greek Orthodoxy and provided the overland route to the Holy Land (Fine 1987, Sweeney 1981). The papacy also considered it important to counter the expansion of the Romano-German Empire into these areas (Iwańczak 2003) and to ensure internal peace within such emerging states as Poland and Hungary (Borkowska 2003, Sweeney 1973, Sweeney 1999). In addition, Innocent was concerned with nurturing the developing churches in these nations, negotiating a fine line between ecclesiastical liberty and the traditional prerogatives of the rulers (Schiavetto 2003, Iwańczak 2003). Moreover, in the delicate political balance of these sensitive areas, especially after the Latin conquest of Constantinople, Innocent had to tread very carefully in order not to antagonize some rulers through the exercise of papal influence (Sweeney 1973). Finally, it should be remembered that, as in so many episodes of Innocent’s pontificate, the shadow of heresy was present, prompting the pope to attempt conversion and reconciliation and to threaten retribution (Šanjek 2003).
  457. Borkowska, Urszula. “Innocent III and the Countries of the ‘New Christianity’—Poland and Hungary.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 2. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 1169–1191. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  459. A survey of Innocent’s dealings with Poland and Hungary, showing the importance of the visit to the curia of Archbishop Henry Kietlich of Gniezno, Poland, exiled during his dispute with the duke of Poland, Wladislav Spindleshanks.
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  461. Fine, John V. A., Jr. “The Balkans in the Late Twelfth Century.” In The Late Medieval Balkans: A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest. By John V. A. Fine, 1–59. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1987.
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  463. An overview of the strategic importance of the Balkans and how the instability of the region affected papal policy, especially in regard to the Crusades.
  464. Find this resource:
  465. Iwańczak, Wojciech. “Innocent III and Bohemia.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 2. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 1200–1212. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  467. Discusses Innocent’s use of the disputed succession in the empire as an opportunity to interfere in Bohemian affairs. In doing so, the pope persuaded the king to support the Holy Roman Emperor Otto IV and confirmed the king’s appointment of Daniel Milik as bishop of Prague. In spite of such concessions and his tacit acknowledgment of the king’s divorce, the Bohemian church emerged as a stronger and more independent force as a result of Innocent’s interventions.
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  469. Šanjek, Franjo. “Le pape Innocent III et les ‘chrétiens’ de Bosnie et de Hum.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 2. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 1213–1225. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  471. An interesting article that provides another perspective on Innocent’s involvement in Balkan affairs. Šanjek shows that Innocent attempted in vain to reconcile the Christians of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Roman church. Events were to prove that they were, in fact, moderate dualists of the Slavonic school, and the area persisted in heresy, which it exported to northern Italy into the 15th century.
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  473. Schiavetto, Franco-Lucio. “Innocenzo III e l’Ungheria.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 2. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 1192–1199. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  475. An examination of the close ties between the papacy and Hungary. The strategic importance of the territory for papal policy led to Pope Innocent III adopting a pragmatic approach to ecclesiastical appointments and Roman intervention in the country. Innocent had to tread carefully because the Hungarian church was divided, just as the country was divided between Imre and Andre, the sons of King Béla III.
  476. Find this resource:
  477. Sweeney, James Ross. “Innocent III, Hungary and the Bulgarian Coronation: A Study in Medieval Papal Diplomacy.” Church History 42 (1973): 320–334.
  478. DOI: 10.2307/3164389Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  479. While the coronation of Kalojan of Bulgaria has generally been perceived as a diplomatic triumph for Pope Innocent III, Sweeney argues that in fact, it demonstrated the limitations of papal diplomacy and resulted in a largely symbolic gesture performed at the expense of alienating the king of Hungary, while its wider implications proved to be ephemeral. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  480. Find this resource:
  481. Sweeney, James Ross. “Hungary in the Crusades, 1169–1218.” International History Review 3.4 (1981): 467–481.
  482. DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1981.9640258Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  483. An analysis of the role of Hungary in papal crusading plans before and during Innocent’s pontificate. Papal diplomatic influence increased in Hungary during this period, often to the benefit of the king of Hungary, but the ultimate aim of papal policy, the full involvement of Hungary in the Crusade movement, was largely unsuccessful. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  484. Find this resource:
  485. Sweeney, James Ross. “Summa Potestas Post Deum—Papal Dilectio and Hungarian Devotio in the Reign of Innocent III.” In . . . The Man of Many Devices Who Wandered Full Many Ways . . .: Festschrift in Honour of János M. Bak. Edited by Balázs Nagy and Marcell Sebök, 492–498. Budapest: Central European Press, 1999.
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  487. A collection of essays investigating Pope Celestine III’s and Pope Innocent III’s relations with Hungary, stressing the papal concern for the fulfilling of crusading vows and the role of the curia in attempting to secure peace among the sons of Hungarian King Béla III.
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  489. Crusades
  490. The Crusade was one of the defining factors of Pope Innocent III’s pontificate. Riley-Smith 2005 characterizes Innocent as the “second founder” of the movement after Pope Urban II, in that he defined the plenary indulgence available to crusaders in a way that encouraged volunteers, introduced the commutation of vows so that a person who was unable to crusade personally could pay for a soldier to crusade and thus benefit from the Crusade indulgence, and introduced clerical taxation to finance the Crusade (Bird 2003). Innocent was ultimately disappointed in the outcome of the Fourth Crusade, which involved the sack of Constantinople, but he did not lose his faith in the institution of crusading (Bolton 2000). He went on to launch the Albigensian Crusade against heretics and was wholeheartedly promoting the Fifth Crusade when he died. As his introductory sermon to the Fourth Lateran Council shows (see Baldwin 1970), the restoration of Jerusalem to Christian control was considered the responsibility of all Christians and a spur to the reform, which would be rewarded with success. Maier 1999 shows this conviction in the microcosm of Rome, with Innocent leading the people of his own city in penance and the imprecatory processions in 1212 in support of crusaders in Spain. Bird 1999 shows that the pope was often a lone voice in such initiatives; nevertheless, as Maccarrone 1972 and Powell 1986 show, Innocent continued to be a fervent advocate of the Crusade, devoting the final months of his life to preaching a new expedition to the East, which he even thought of leading himself.
  491. Baldwin, Marshal Whithed. “Opening Sermon at the Lateran Council.” In Christianity through the Thirteenth Century. Edited by Marshal Whithed Baldwin, 295–299. Documentary History of Western Civilization, Ancient and Mediaeval History of the West. London and Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1970.
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  493. An English translation of Innocent’s opening sermon of the Fourth Lateran Council, calling for a Crusade and linking its prospects of success directly to the success of reform in the church.
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  495. Bird, Jessalynn. “Reform or Crusade? Anti-Usury and Crusade Preaching during the Pontificate of Innocent III.” Paper presented at a conference held at Hofstra University in May 1997. In Pope Innocent III and His World. Edited by John C. Moore, Brenda M. Bolton, James M. Powell, and Constance M. Rousseau, 165–185. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999.
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  497. Taking anti-usury legislation and its enforcement as a barometer of reforming fervor, the author shows the link between reform and the Crusade, and how success depended on cooperation among curia, legates, and local bishops, which was infrequently attained.
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  499. Bird, Jessalynn. “Innocent III, Peter the Chanter’s Circle, and the Crusade Indulgence: Theory, Implementation and Aftermath.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 1. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 503–524. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  501. The popularity of the new indulgence that Innocent granted for the Crusade rested on new ideas of penance and satisfaction. However, Bird cautions against seeing any developed Crusade policy in his actions, which she suggests were an attempt to balance numerous views of the expedition and its purpose, including those of the influential Paris masters that he shared.
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  503. Bolton, Brenda M. “Serpent in the Dust, Sparrow on the Housetop: Attitudes to Jerusalem and the Holy Land in the Circle of Pope Innocent III.” In The Holy Land, Holy Lands, and Christian History. Edited by Robert N. Swanson, 154–180. Studies in Church History 36. Woodbridge, UK: Boydell and Brewer, 2000.
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  505. An examination of the provocative and prophetic language used by Innocent to spur the laity to take up the cross on behalf of the Holy Land. Innocent used competent and trusted lieutenants in his crusading policy, and Bolton ascribes its failure to difficulties apparent from the outset.
  506. Find this resource:
  507. Maccarrone, Michele. “Orvieto e la predicazione della crociata.” In Studi su Innocenzo III. By Michele Maccarrone, 3–166. Padua, Italy: Editrice Antenore, 1972.
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  509. An investigation of the energy expended by Pope Innocent III in the preaching of the new Crusade after the Fourth Lateran Council.
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  511. Maier, Christoph. “Mass, the Eucharist and the Cross: Innocent III and the Relocation of the Crusade.” Paper presented at a conference held at Hofstra University in May 1997. In Pope Innocent III and His World. Edited by John C. Moore, Brenda M. Bolton, James M. Powell, and Constance M. Rousseau, 351–360. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999.
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  513. Maier shows an extraordinary initiative of Pope Innocent III in support of the crusaders in Spain, who were to win a victory in the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa against the Almohad army in 1212: Innocent organized penitential processions within the city of Rome in an effort to send spiritual aid to the crusaders. The author uses all these occurrences as testimony to Innocent’s trust in divine providence and belief in the sacred character of the city of Rome.
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  515. Powell, James M. Anatomy of a Crusade, 1213–1221. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1986.
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  517. A detailed study of the Fifth Crusade, summoned by Innocent during the Fourth Lateran Council in November 1215. Investigates the pope’s attempts to put the movement on a new footing in order to harness popular energy for crusading and ensure a successful outcome after so many disappointed hopes in the attempts to reverse the loss of the Kingdom of Jerusalem to the army of Sultan Saladin of Egypt and Syria in 1187.
  518. Find this resource:
  519. Riley-Smith, Jonathan S. C. The Crusades: A History. 2d ed. New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press, 2005.
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  521. A brief account of Innocent’s Crusades (in the chapter “Crusading Comes of Age, 1187–1229,” pp. 146–176), but fully aware of his importance in the development of the movement.
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  523. The Fourth Crusade
  524. The loss of Jerusalem to the army of Sultan Saladin of Egypt and Syria in 1187 was greeted with dismay in the West and resulted, in response, in a great surge of crusading enthusiasm. The various forces that contributed to the Third Crusade were successful in establishing a viable Christian polity along the coast and in giving hope that Jerusalem might be regained with sufficient forces and capable leadership. The launching of a renewed Crusade was the focus of Pope Innocent III’s pontificate from the outset, and the Fourth Crusade was intended to be a new kind of Crusade, funded partly by the church and under the direction of papal legates (Phillips 2004). The reality of the Crusade was very different, as shown especially in the wide spectrum of translated documents in Andrea 2008. An agreement over the transportation of the crusaders, in itself a good idea, resulted in a large deficit, as the number of crusaders who arrived in Venice in preparation was much smaller than the leaders had expected (Queller and Madden 1997). From the outset, then, the Fourth Crusade was burdened by this type of debt, and the price Venice demanded for continuing with the Crusade was an attack on the Italian city of Zadar, which repudiated Venetian rule and allied itself with the king of Hungary, himself a crusader. The role of Innocent has been much debated, but it seems clear that the pope was unhappy with the attack on a Christian city but was forced to accept the advice of those legates who had not been excluded by the Venetians, warning him not to act in reponse because the Fourth Crusade would disintegrate if sanctions were taken against it (Andrea and Moore 2003). The crusaders became entangled in Byzantine dynastic politics, and the denouement of the Crusade is well known. The former Byzantine Emperor Alexius III was restored to the throne along with his son, Alexius IV, but the new emperor was unable to honor his promises to the crusaders and was deposed by his own people, leading to an attack on Constantinople by the crusader army and the partition of the Byzantine Empire among Venetians and crusaders (Angold 2003). This would ultimately not be a benefit to the Christian communities in the Holy Land or to the reunion of the Greek and Latin churches, and the historiography of the Crusade is taken up largely in an attempt to identify the villain responsible for it (Queller and Stratton 1969). Andrea and Moore 2003 brings out the frustrations and flawed hopes that the Fourth Crusade engendered, and it traces the growing awareness of its failure as more details became known to the papal curia. Riley-Smith 2005 provides a new assessment of the sources for the Fourth Crusade and presents a compelling explanation for the problems that beset the Crusade from the outset.
  525. Andrea, Alfred J. Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade. Rev. ed. The Medieval Mediterranean 29. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2008.
  526. DOI: 10.1163/ej.9789004169432.i-346Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  527. Andrea’s volume is an important collection of source materials essential to an understanding of the complex series of events that led to the attack on Constantinople by the armies of the Fourth Crusade. Furthermore, the editor’s notes provide a sure guide to the tortuous historiography of this most controversial of Crusades and an indication of how it was interpreted in the West.
  528. Find this resource:
  529. Andrea, Alfred J., and John C. Moore. “A Question of Character: Two Views on Innocent III and the Fourth Crusade.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del songresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 1. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 528–585. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  531. Written by two leading scholars, one a long-standing critic of Pope Innocent III’s actions in the Fourth Crusade and the other convinced that he acted in good faith but lost control of the Crusade. Useful as an introduction and for the detailed criticism of some sources that have done most to damage Innocent’s reputation.
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  533. Angold, Michael. The Fourth Crusade: Event and Context. Medieval World. New York: Longman, 2003.
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  535. This distinguished Byzantinist sets the Fourth Crusade in the perspective of the Byzantine Empire and the Near East. Innocent is portrayed as acting in continuity with traditional papal policy toward Byzantium but losing communication with the crusaders. Among the unexpected results of the expedition was an Orthodox revival.
  536. Find this resource:
  537. Phillips, Jonathan. The Fourth Crusade and the Sack of Constantinople. London: Jonathan Cape, 2004.
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  539. A thorough and readable narrative account of the Crusade, useful as an introduction to the events that occurred.
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  541. Queller, Donald, and Thomas F. Madden. The Fourth Crusade: The Conquest of Constantinople. 2d ed. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997.
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  543. Queller was one of the foremost defenders of the Venetians in the Fourth Crusade. This book is a useful starting point for the Crusade and contains details of the many articles in specialist journals in which Queller developed his ideas.
  544. Find this resource:
  545. Queller, Donald E., and Susan J. Stratton. “A Century of Controversy on the Fourth Crusade.” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 6 (1969): 235–277.
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  547. Traces the ongoing debate, sometimes based on blind prejudice, about the Fourth Crusade, often motivated by the desire to apportion blame. For an updated bibliography, see also Charles M. Brand, “The Fourth Crusade: Some Recent Interpretations,” Medievalia et Humanistica 12 (1984): 33–45.
  548. Find this resource:
  549. Riley-Smith, Ј. “Toward an Understanding of the Fourth Crusade as an Institution.” In Urbs Capta: The Fourth Crusade and Its Consequences. Edited by Angeliki Laiou, 71–87. Réalités byzantines 10. Paris: Éditions P. Lethielleux, 2005.
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  551. Riley-Smith reassesses the sources for the Fourth Crusade and shows that its planning was hopelessly optimistic, a fault of the young Pope Innocent III, and that its objective was indeed to capture Alexandria, as the messages back to the West repeatedly insisted.
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  553. Heresy and the Albigensian Crusade
  554. Heresy had become a problem for the Western church in the 12th century, after many centuries when it was barely detectable (Barber 1998). The origins of the various heresies that appeared have not been successfully traced, but it is apparent that the ferment for reform was not simply a movement from above and that early heretical groups may simply have been pious idealists led astray by charismatic preachers (Lambert 2002). Dualist beliefs may have come to western Europe from the East, perhaps aided by the greater familiarity with the Byzantine world occasioned by the Crusades. Some of the ideas behind the heresy were so commonplace that there is no need to look hard for their origins. By the mid-12th century, it was apparent that there were two types of heresy present in the more economically developed areas of western Europe, northern Italy, southern France, and the Rhineland (Hamilton 1981). One type was that of evangelical groups who wished to live a simple life based on imitation of the Acts of the Apostles; the other was a thoroughgoing dualism, reminiscent of the gnostic groups of earlier centuries and known as Catharism. These dualist groups were doctrinally heterodox and would have been subject to persecution in any age of the ancient or medieval church. Lucius III (pope from 1181 to 1185) issued a blanket condemnation of heretics in the 1184 decree Ad abolendam (Corpus Iuris Canonici, Vol. 2, edited by E. Friedberg [Leipzig: Tauchnitz, 1881], pp. 780–782). The growing numbers of heretics and resistance to attempts at conversion alarmed the papal curia, and Pope Innocent III sent Cistercian monks on preaching tours in an attempt to convert them. In response to Innocent’s attempts to force the local nobility to prosecute heretics, his legate, Peter de Castelnau, was murdered on the road from Toulouse in January 1208. The Albigensian Crusade was launched as a result (Smith 2010b). Pegg 2008 attempts to show that the historiography of the Albigensian Crusade has been misled in its acceptance of vindications written by the victors. The author seeks to demonstrate that the Cathar heresy, against which the Crusade was launched, was a myth and that the Albigensian Crusade was, in fact, a campaign against small groups of simple Christians cast as heretics in order for the northern French nobility to confiscate the areas in which they lived (see Smith 2010a for a refutation of this assertion). For the pope’s critics, this was an economic war, and Innocent, frustrated at his lack of military power in contrast to his doctrinal power, had more blood on his hands than most rulers (Graham-Leigh 2003). Oliver 1957 provides a review of the consistency of Innocent’s policy toward heresy throughout his pontificate.
  555. Barber, Malcolm. The Cathars: Dualist Heretics in Languedoc in the High Middle Ages. Oxford: Blackwell, 1998.
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  557. An excellent study of the origins and development of Catharism, by a leading scholar, with a chapter devoted to Pope Innocent III (“Innocent III, Heresy and Reform,” pp. 92–111), which brings out the connections made by the pope among heresy in its various forms, reform, and the Crusade.
  558. Find this resource:
  559. Graham-Leigh, Elaine. “‘Evil and the Appearance of Evil’: Innocent III, Arnald Amaury and the Albigensian Crusade.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 2. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 1031–1048. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  561. Attempts to counter the view of Tillmann 1980 (cited under Biographies) and others (e.g., J. Sumption, The Albigensian Crusade [London: Faber and Faber, 1978], p. 179; W. L. Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100–1250 [London: Allen & Unwin, 1974], p. 104) that the more disreputable decisions of the legates regarding the Albigensian Crusade were taken in order to subvert the pope. Graham-Leigh asserts that Innocent was fully in control of the Crusade and approved of its actions. The attempt is not convincing.
  562. Find this resource:
  563. Hamilton, Bernard. The Medieval Inquisition. Foundations of Medieval History. London: Edward Arnold, 1981.
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  565. The first two short chapters are a deft introduction to the difficult subject of heresy and the reasons why medieval people and authorities did not like it.
  566. Find this resource:
  567. Lambert, Malcolm D. Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation. 3d ed. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2002.
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  569. A thorough investigation into the phenomenon of heresy in western Europe that gives useful insights into the challenges that confronted Pope Innocent III and his responses.
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  571. Oliver, Antonio. Tactica de propaganda y motivos literarios en las cartas antiheréticas de Inocencio III. Rome: Regnum Dei, 1957.
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  573. An immensely useful study of the arengae, the introductory sections of papal antiheresy letters, which greatly helps in understanding the thought of the papacy regarding how to combat heresy.
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  575. Pegg, Mark Gregory. A Most Holy War: The Albigensian Crusade and the Battle for Christendom. Pivotal Moments in World History. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.
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  577. Given the quality and quantity of scholarship on the heretic religious group, the Cathars, Pegg’s book is unconvincing. His judgment of Pope Innocent III is also unconvincing since it is clear from the pope’s reactions to popular reformers and evangelical groups (see Boyle 1985, cited under Popular Religion) that he was not the reactionary envisaged by Pegg.
  578. Find this resource:
  579. Smith, Damian J. “Religious Minorities Viewed from Rome: The Papacy and the Heretics.” In Minorités et régulations sociales en Méditerranée médiévale: Actes du colloque réuni du 7 au 9 juin 2007 en l’Abbaye royale de Fontevraud, Maine-et-Loire. Edited by Stéphane Boissellier, John Tolan, and François Clément, 317–330. Rennes, France: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2010a.
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  581. Offers a brief but thorough refutation of the idea that the papacy invented heresy in order to persecute the supposed heretics.
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  583. Smith, Damian J. Crusade, Heresy and Inquisition in the Lands of the Crown of Aragon (c. 1167–1276). The Medieval and Early Modern Iberian World 39. Leiden, The Netherlands, and Boston: Brill, 2010b.
  584. DOI: 10.1163/ej.9789004182899.i-249Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  585. An excellent and wide-ranging study with a chapter on Innocent and the crusader King Peter II of Aragon (chapter 1, “The Defeat of the Crown of Aragon,” pp. 13–39) and another (chapter 3, “Heretics in the Lands of the Crown and Beyond,” pp. 73–136) that explains clearly why Peter II committed his forces to battle against the pope’s Crusade.
  586. Find this resource:
  587. Reform
  588. This section covers Papal-Episcopal Reform, Monastic Reform, Clerical Reform, and the Fourth Lateran Council.
  589. Papal-Episcopal Reform
  590. It is widely acknowledged that popes after the 1050s were concerned with reform of the church. From the outset, the vehicle for reform was the synod or council, and later it was the ecumenical councils of the Lateran. This is because for reform to be successful, it had to appeal to bishops, who were the only figures who could pursue reform in the localities. In his respect for bishops, Pope Innocent III was no different from his predecessors. However, his respect for the episcopal office was tempered by his conviction of the superior authority held by the pope (Imkamp 1983, Pennington 1984). Nevertheless, he knew that it was dangerous to be a bishop, and Innocent regularly received reports of the murders of prelates and of assaults on the clergy. He was also well aware of the shortcomings of many prelates. He was enough of a realist to accept the world as it was, but he was also optimistic that the church could be restored through intervention and by example, especially beginning in his own territories in central Italy (Allegrezza 2003, Montaubin 2003). Wilks 1962 traces the development of the idea of papal sovereignty from the fathers of the church and the early popes to Gratian’s Decretum, or Treatise on Laws (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1993), and Wilks goes on to look at Innocent. The author suggests that Innocent knew precisely what he meant when he referred to his powers as pope; what made his suggestion unique was that he claimed to be the apostolicus, or the bearer of the powers, which had been given similarly to Peter by Christ. In and of himself, the pope was the whole apostolate, which gave him juridical power over all churches and which protected him from interference even by the Roman church itself. Pennington 1984 discusses the role of the canonists of the 12th and 13th centuries in the creation of the so-called papal monarchy and assesses Innocent’s contribution through his interventions in cases involving bishops, such as in the translation from one see to another, deposition, and exemption. What emerges is a convincing portrait of Innocent as a pope who sought the assistance of bishops but who had no doubt about his superiority over them (Nielsen 2000, Graham-Leigh 2001).
  591. Allegrezza, Franca. “I rapporti di Innocenzo III con gli episcopati dello Stato Pontificio, tra esigenze politiche e legami personali.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 2. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 749–777. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  593. An investigation of the care that had to be exercised by the pope in his relations with bishops, even in his own territory.
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  595. Graham-Leigh, Elaine. “Hirelings and Shepherds: Archbishop Berenguer of Narbonne (1191–1211) and the Ideal Bishop.” English Historical Review 116.469 (2001): 1083–1102.
  596. DOI: 10.1093/ehr/116.469.1083Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  597. An examination of the career of Archbishop Berenguer and his fateful entanglement with Pope Innocent III. Argues that Innocent made a scapegoat of Berenguer, who was hampered by the political anarchy of the county of Toulouse in France and could not act as Innocent had instructed him to. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  598. Find this resource:
  599. Imkamp, Wilhelm. “Pastor et sponsus: Elemente einer Theologie des bischöflichen Amtes bei Innocenz III.” In Aus Kirche und Reich: Studien zu Theologie, Politik und Recht im Mittelalter; Festschrift für Friedrich Kempf zu seinem fünfundsiebzigsten Geburtstag und fünfzigjährigen Doktorjubiläum. Edited by Fredriech Kempf and Hubert Mordek, 285–294. Sigmaringen, West Germany: J. Thorbecke, 1983.
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  601. An investigation of the theology of the episcopate and its implications for the role of the bishop, according to Pope Innocent III.
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  603. Montaubin, Pascal. “Innocent III et les nominations épiscopales en Italie.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 2. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 778–811. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  605. Montaubin reviews Innocent’s interventions in the nomination of bishops, which he shows were normally in defense of the traditional practice of bishops being elected by the appropriate electoral college. Suggests that the pope pursued reform by ensuring canonical propriety and libertas ecclesiae, or freedom of the church, which led to the election of reform-minded bishops.
  606. Find this resource:
  607. Nielsen, Torben Kjersgaard. “Archbishop Anders Sunesen and Pope Innocent III: Papal Privileges and Episcopal Virtues.” In Archbishop Absalon of Lund and His World. Edited by Karsten Friis-Jensen and Inge Skovgaard-Petersen, 113–132. Roskilde, Denmark: Roskilde Museums Forlag, 2000.
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  609. Looks at Innocent’s relationship with a fellow student at Paris, later the primate of Denmark.
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  611. Pennington, Kenneth. Pope and Bishops: The Papal Monarchy in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984.
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  613. See especially chapter 2, “Innocent III and the Divine Authority of the Pope” (pp. 13–42). Pope Innocent III looms large in the book because of his use of the term plenitudo potestatis, which means “fullness of power,” in explaining the difference in authority between the pope and the bishops of the church, who were called to assume pars sollicitudinis, or a part of the care.
  614. Find this resource:
  615. Wilks, Michael. “The Apostolicus and the Bishop of Rome, I.” Journal of Theological Studies 13.2 (1962): 290–317.
  616. DOI: 10.1093/jts/XIII.2.290Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  617. Wilks cites Innocent’s writings repeatedly and presents a compelling portrait of the pope and his conception of his office. Article continues in Journal of Theological Studies 14.2 (1963): 311–354. First and second parts of this article available online for purchase or by subscription.
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  619. Monastic Reform
  620. Pope Innocent III was a pastoral and reforming bishop. As such, he was uneasy with those religious houses that claimed exemption through papal privilege from the control exercised by local bishops (Maccarrone 1962). While he was unable to ignore such privileges, which were perhaps relics of an age when bishops had been less conscientious, Innocent nevertheless urged religious orders to ensure that they were in alignment with their rules and traditions through recommending the practices of the Cistercians, his favorite order (Bolton 1990), which involved families of religious houses holding regular general chapters (Berlière 1920). In spite of his high estimation of papal authority, Innocent recognized the authority of local bishops over monastic houses, and, even where such houses enjoyed papal protection, he interpreted this in a way that was not antagonistic to the sensibilities of the bishops involved (Cariboni 2003). The Dominicans, an order dedicated to the extirpation of heresy through preaching and instructing by example, followed an ideal close to Innocent’s heart; indeed, St. Dominic of Osma and Bishop Diego had Innocent’s blessing on their initial enterprise (Tugwell 1995, Lawrence 1994). The Franciscans have always maintained that Innocent gave his approval verbally to St. Francis of Assisi, which allowed the friars minor to follow the Rule of Holy Poverty despite the prohibition of new orders by the bishops at the Fourth Lateran Council (Lawrence 1994, Cacciotti and Melli 2008).
  621. Berlière, Ursmer. “Innocent III et la réorganisation des monastères bénédictins.” Révue Bénédictine 32 (1920): 22–42, 145–159.
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  623. A review of the measures taken by Pope Innocent III to revivify the Benedictine ideal, chiefly the reestablishment of monastic discipline and the subjection of Benedictine houses to a regular general chapter, following the Cistercian model.
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  625. Bolton, Brenda M. “For the See of Simon Peter: The Cistercians at Innocent III’s Nearest Frontier.” In Monastic Studies: The Continuity of Tradition. Edited by Judith Loades, 1–20. Bangor, UK: Headstart History, 1990.
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  627. A very useful article for introducing undergraduate students to the pope’s admiration for the Cistercians and the uses to which the order could be put. This article is also useful for the influence of Rainier of Ponza, a Cistercian mystic, on Innocent. The mystic’s death robbed the pope of a much-needed counselor and friend. Reprinted in Bolton 1995 (cited under Popular Religion).
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  629. Cacciotti, Alvaro, and Maria Melli, eds. Francesco a Roma dal signor Papa: Atti del VI Convegno Storico di Greccio, Greccio, 9–10 Maggio 2008, in occasione dell’VIII centenario dell’approvazione della prima regola. Biblioteca di Frate Francesco 7. Milan: Biblioteca Francescana, 2008.
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  631. An important series of essays by Stefano Brufani, Nicolangelo D’Acunto, Maria Pia Alberzoni, Werner Maleczek, Carlo Paolazzi, Pietro Maranesi, Grado Merlo, and Chiara Frugoni to celebrate the eighth centenary of Pope Innocent III’s approval of St. Francis of Assisi’s Regula Prima in 1209.
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  633. Cariboni, Guido. “Innocenzo III e l’esenzione limitata dei monasteri cistercensi: Alcuni casi in Italia settentrionale.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del congresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 1. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 233–256. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  635. An interesting examination of two privileges granted to two Cistercian houses in northern Italy by Innocent in 1198 and 1207. Rather than immunity from episcopal control, which monasteries normally sought, each house received only limited exemption from Innocent, which proves to be entirely consistent with Innocent’s actions elsewhere.
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  637. Lawrence, Clifford Hugh. The Friars: The Impact of the Early Mendicant Movement on Western Society. Medieval World. London and New York: Longman, 1994.
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  639. An account of the origin and development of the orders of friars, written for undergraduates. Sets out very well the crisis in the Western church at the time of Innocent, the responses of St. Francis of Assisi and St. Dominic of Osma, and the pope’s wisdom in recognizing the contribution they could make.
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  641. Maccarrone, Michele. “Riforme e sviluppo della vita religiosa con Innocenzo III.” Rivista della Storia della Chiesa in Italia 16 (1962): 29–72.
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  643. A wide-ranging article, based on new editions of several of Innocent’s letters, that displays the pope’s ideas on the better management of religious orders, such as the adoption of a single habit (religious dress) for members active in mission territories. Some of these ideas presaged the reforms of the Fourth Lateran Council.
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  645. Tugwell, Simon. “Notes of the Life of St. Dominic.” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 5 (1995): 5–169.
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  647. A very useful investigation of source materials that throw light on the relationship between Pope Innocent III and St. Dominic of Osma. Tugwell shows that the sources do not militate against Innocent’s approval of the initial project of Bishop Diego and St. Dominic to form a religious order dedicated to preaching. Corrects some misinterpretations of the sources in recent historiography.
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  649. Clerical Reform
  650. Pope Innocent III was under no illusions about the problems that faced the church in the early 13th century. He spent his entire pontificate attempting to reform the church, and his starting point was the secular clergy. Innocent was not averse to nepotism, either within his own family or in the wider society, since he considered the establishment of clerical dynasties a fact of life and not necessarily harmful to the interests of the church (Rousseau 1993). Innocent emphasized the importance of the parish priest as the leader and shepherd of his flock and encouraged a greater professionalism among priests, which should be expressed in education, the ability to preach, a concern for the decorous celebration of the liturgy, and the upkeep of the parish church (Maccarrone 1984). Much attention has been given to Innocent’s encouragement of the Franciscans and the Dominicans, but his primary concern was to ignite the zeal of the parish clergy for the greater good of their parishioners and the wider church.
  651. Maccarrone, Michele. “Cura animarum e parochialis sacerdos nelle costituzioni del IV concilio Lateranense (1215): Applicazioni in Italia nel secolo XIII.” In Pievi e parrocchie in Italia nel basso Medioevo: Secoli XIII–XV; Atti del VI Convegno di storia della Chiesa in Italia (Firenze, 21–25 settembre 1981). Vol. 1. Edited by Convegno di storia della Chiesa in Italia, 81–197. Italia Sacra. Rome: Herder, 1984.
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  653. A stimulating discussion of the canons of the council governing the parish clergy, showing how the clergy were to become a “professional class,” set apart by appearance and mores from the rest of society and acting as spiritual leaders to their parishioners.
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  655. Rousseau, Constance M. “Pope Innocent III and the Familial Relationships of Clergy and Religious.” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 14 (September 1993): 105–148.
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  657. An investigation of some sixty-five letters that show the pope was prepared to be flexible with canon law in dealing with the children of clerics and with the strategies of clerical families. In all the cases investigated, Innocent was guided by good pastoral sense and the concern for promoting the good of the church and of clerical families.
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  659. The Fourth Lateran Council
  660. Reform and the Crusade were the two preoccupations of Pope Innocent III’s pontificate, so it was fitting that the summoning of the Fourth Lateran Council in 1213 drew attention to both elements when inviting the bishops and prelates of the world to Rome for the renewal of the church. Councils had been held at the Lateran since the 11th century in the drive for reform of the church, and after 1123 they had been considered ecumenical; that is, representing and legislating for the whole church. However, whereas the First Lateran Council had been called in order to ratify the Concordat of Worms of 1122, a settlement that put an end to the investiture contest, the Second and Third Lateran Councils of 1139 and 1179, respectively, had been convened to reinvigorate the church after periods of schism. The Fourth Lateran Council, which Innocent was responsible for, was summoned well in advance and was not a response to a particular crisis (see Bolton 1991). From the pope’s opening sermon to the council (see Baldwin 1970), in which he seemed figuratively to predict his own death (which came nine months later), this was a council that thoroughly reflected Innocent’s influence (Bolton 1991, Kuttner and García y García 1964). It set the seal on his pontificate and introduced widespread reforms reflecting the ideas that Innocent had imbibed when he studied in the Paris schools (later the University of Paris). (For a full translation of the canons of the council, see Rothwell 1975.) The council reformulated the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed in order to sharpen the lines between orthodoxy and heterodoxy; emphasized the primacy of the Eucharist among the church’s sacraments; envisioned a professional, well-educated, and chaste clergy; and prescribed that all parishioners should confess their sins to their parish priests at least once a year (see Baldwin 1997). Moreover, the council provided a lasting legacy, reinvigorating the local churches in which the archbishops and bishops adopted its reforms and preventing a religious crisis that could have led to a medieval reformation (García y García 2005 provides the most comprehensive overview of the council and its legacy). The canons of the council are available in English translation with facing Latin text in Tanner 1990.
  661. Baldwin, John W. “Paris et Rome en 1215: Les réformes du IVe concile de Latran.” Journal des Savants 1.1 (1997): 99–124.
  662. DOI: 10.3406/jds.1997.1605Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  663. Baldwin presents the Fourth Lateran Council as the epitome of Innocent’s pontificate, in which the pastoral ideals that he learned as a student at Paris were recommended for the whole church. Far from being a failure, as some contemporaries believed at his death, Innocent left a lasting impression on the Latin church.
  664. Find this resource:
  665. Baldwin, Marshal Whithed, ed. Christianity through the Thirteenth Century. The Documentary History of Western Civilization. London and Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1970.
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  667. Provides the text of Innocent’s opening sermon (pp. 295–299) and a selection of the canons in translation (pp. 299–333).
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  669. Bolton, Brenda M. “A Show with a Meaning: Innocent III’s Approach to the Fourth Lateran Council, 1215.” Medieval History 1 (1991): 53–67.
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  671. Assesses the meticulous advance planning of the Fourth Lateran Council, the tasks set for the bishops who were to attend, and, not least, the lavish displays adorned for the entertainment and edification of the participants. Further insight into this event can be gained in Kuttner and García y García 1964. Republished in Bolton 1995 (cited under Popular Religion).
  672. Find this resource:
  673. García y García, Antonio. Historia del Concilio IV Lateranense de 1215. Salamanca, Spain: Centro de Estudios Orientales y Ecuménicos “Juan XXIII,” 2005.
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  675. Brings together all of the author’s major studies on the history of the council, twelve in all, including the council’s prehistory and celebration, its constitutions, their reception throughout the West, the monastic life, Oriental churches, and the impact and iconography of the Bible.
  676. Find this resource:
  677. Kuttner, Stephan, and Antonio García y García. “A New Eyewitness Account of the Fourth Lateran Council.” Traditio 20 (1964): 115–178.
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  679. A remarkable account by an anonymous German cleric, published only in 1964. The account should be read in conjunction with Bolton 1991. An English translation is given in Medieval Europe, edited by Julius Kirschner and Karl F. Morrison (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 369–376. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  680. Find this resource:
  681. Maccarrone, Michele. “Cura animarum e parochialis sacerdos nelle costituzioni del IV concilio Lateranense (1215): Applicazioni in Italia nel secolo XIII.” In Pievi e parrocchie in Italia nel basso Medioevo: Secoli XIII–XV; Atti del VI Convegno di storia della Chiesa in Italia (Firenze, 21–25 settembre 1981). Vol. 1. Edited by Convegno di storia della Chiesa in Italia, 81–197. Italia Sacra. Rome: Herder, 1984.
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  683. A stimulating discussion of the canons of the council governing the parish clergy, showing how the clergy were to become a “professional class,” set apart by appearance and mores from the rest of society and acting as spiritual leaders to their parishioners.
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  685. Rothwell, Harry. “Canons of the Council.” In English Historical Documents. Vol. 3, 1189–1327. Edited by Harry Rothwell and David C. Douglas, 643–676. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1975.
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  687. A translation of all the canons of the Fourth Lateran Council, and a useful overview of the council from the perspective of England in the 13th century.
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  689. Tanner, Norman, ed. The Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils. 2 vols. London: Sheed and Ward, 1990.
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  691. Tanner provides an English translation of the critical Latin text and a brief introduction to the council and its significance. His work can also be used to compare the Fourth Lateran Council with other ecumenical councils.
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  693. Women, Gender, Marriage, and Family Life
  694. This section covers works related to Women, Gender, Family Life and Fatherhood, and Marriage.
  695. Women
  696. Pope Innocent III was no misogynist; one of his favorite allusions was to the biblical sisters Martha and Mary and the struggle they represented between the active and contemplative lives. As Bolton 1990 relates, the pope’s devotion to the vita apostolica, or apostolic life, and to the example of such figures as Mary of Oignies, led him to attempt to place all the nuns of Rome in a single convent. This was not because he mistrusted women or believed that they should be under male domination, but because he saw them as having particular gifts to offer. Indeed, throughout his pontificate, Innocent showed an understanding of and sensitivity to the position of women, and his approach was pastoral and empathetic. This was not based solely on his appreciation of the merits and virtues of the Virgin Mary (see Rousseau 2004) or the miraculous aged mothers of the Old Testament (see Rousseau 1998, cited under Gender), but on his own knowledge of women and the difficult cases involving them that came to his court (see Rousseau 1994, cited under Family Life and Fatherhood, and Rousseau and Bolton 2002, cited under Marriage).
  697. Bolton, Brenda. “Daughters of Rome: All One in Christ Jesus!” In Women in the Church. Edited by W. J. Sheils and Diana Wood, 101–115. Studies in Church History 27. Oxford: Blackwell, 1990.
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  699. Pope Innocent III had a long-standing interest in the spirituality of religious females. This article details his plan, which came to fruition only after his death, to place all the nuns and holy women of Rome into one monastic house, sharing one rule and one habit.
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  701. Rousseau, Constance M. “Produced in Sin: Innocent III’s Rejection of the Immaculate Conception.” In Pope, Church, and City: Essays in Honor of Brenda M. Bolton. Edited by Frances Andrews, Christoph Egger, and Constance M. Rousseau, 47–58. Medieval Mediterranean 56. Leiden, The Netherlands, and Boston: Brill, 2004.
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  703. Refutes the claim that Innocent ordered the feast of the Immaculate Conception to be celebrated in France. Confirms that the pope was among the mainstream of medieval theologians in the viewpoint that Mary’s cleansing from original sin took place after her conception. Rousseau suggests that Innocent would have seen a normal conception for the Virgin Mary as essential for the passing on of full humanity to Jesus Christ.
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  705. Gender
  706. In addition to a positive view of women (see Women), Pope Innocent III also appreciated what women could offer to the crusade movement, both through prayerful support from home and physical participation (Rousseau 2002).
  707. Rousseau, Constance M. “Gender Difference and Indifference in the Writings of Pope Innocent III.” Studies in Church History 34 (1998): 105–117.
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  709. Refutes the assertion, based on De miseria humanae conditionis, that Innocent was a misogynist. Using the pope’s letters, decretals, and sermons, Rousseau shows that he was often “gender indifferent” in his dealings with women, and sometimes, such as in the rule of life that he wrote for the Hospital of the Holy Spirit, an advocate of equality between the sexes. Innocent shared the prejudices of his age without overemphasizing them.
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  711. Rousseau, Constance M. “Pregnant with Meaning: Pope Innocent III’s Construction of Motherhood.” Paper presented at a conference held at Hofstra University in May 1997. In Pope Innocent III and His World. Edited by John C. Moore, Brenda M. Bolton, James M. Powell, and Constance M. Rousseau, 101–112. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999.
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  713. Rousseau uses Innocent’s references to the church as a mother in order to investigate his ideas of earthly motherhood. While he tended to concentrate on miraculous motherhood, he did not, as was the case with some theologians, simply ignore human, biological motherhood.
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  715. Rousseau, Constance M. “Home Front and Battlefield: The Gendering of Papal Crusading Policy (1095–1221).” In Gendering the Crusades. Edited by Susan B. Edgington and Sarah Lambert, 31–44. New York: Columbia University Press, 2002.
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  717. Argues that Pope Innocent III, working partly on the initiatives of his immediate predecessors, increased the scope of women’s roles in the crusade movement, by involving them as participators in penitential activities at home in support of the Crusade, by allowing them to pay for others to undertake the Crusade, and even by enabling them to take personal command of troops on the campaign.
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  719. Family Life and Fatherhood
  720. Pope Innocent III was sympathetic to the needs of children conceived out of wedlock, whether born to clerical fathers or not (Rousseau 1994 and Rousseau 1998), and attempted to extend Pope Alexander III’s refinements of marriage legislation to make them intelligible and better known. Innocent was also aware of the value of marriage in spreading peace across Christendom, especially through the marriages of princes (see Rousseau 1998, cited under Marriage), while he saw ties among fathers, sons, and brothers as also important in this context (Rousseau 1998, Rousseau 1999).
  721. Rousseau, Constance M. “Innocent III, Defender of the Innocents and the Law: Children and Papal Policy (1198–1216).” Archivum Historiae Pontificiae 32 (1994): 31–42.
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  723. Examines Innocent’s use of canon law in cases involving children “of questionable birth status.” Innocent granted dispensations for those proceeding to holy orders and was prepared to legitimize children by papal rescript in cases, such as with the children of King Philip II of France, where there was no earthly superior to appeal to. Innocent’s policy was to remove ambiguities over what constituted legitimacy in order to calm the anxieties of the wider community.
  724. Find this resource:
  725. Rousseau, Constance M. “Kinship Ties, Behavioral Norms, and Family Counseling in the Pontificate of Innocent III.” In Women, Marriage and Family in Medieval Christendom: Essays in Memory of Michael M. Sheehan, C.S.B. Edited by Constance M. Rousseau and Joel T. Rosenthal, 325–347. Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute, 1998.
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  727. Citing Innocent’s letters to Andrew of Hungary and John of England, Rousseau shows that the pope had a keen appreciation of the natural ties that bind family members, even where the kinship tie was outside the marriage bond, and that he used such relationships in order to advance his political and ecclesiastical policies.
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  729. Rousseau, Constance M. “‘Pater Urbis et Orbis’: Innocent III and His Perspectives on Fatherhood.” Archivum Historiae Pontificiae 37 (1999): 25–37.
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  731. An investigation of the pope’s decretals, letters, and sermons in order to discover his ideas on the role of the father in the family and in the church.
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  733. Marriage
  734. The pope’s appreciation of marriage was also affected by his view of women; in spite of a tendency to share the disparaging view of women of many of his contemporaries (see Rousseau 1998, cited under Gender), he saw marriage as a genuine partnership infused with love and affection (Rousseau 1994). Maccarrone 1978 also provides a thorough overview of Pope Innocent III’s theology of marriage.
  735. Maccarrone, Michele. “Sacramentalità e indissolubilità del matrimonio nella dottrina di Innocenzo III.” Lateranum 44 (1978): 449–514.
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  737. Uses the pope’s writings, sermons, and decretals to show that he had a well-developed and rigorous theory of marriage informed by a pastoral sensibility. Similar themes are treated in Rousseau 1994. Reprinted in Michele Maccarrone, Nuovi Studi su Innocenzo III (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1995), pp. 47–110.
  738. Find this resource:
  739. Rousseau, Constance M. “The Spousal Relationship: Marital Society and Sexuality in the Letters of Pope Innocent III.” Mediaeval Studies 56 (1994): 89–109.
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  741. An investigation of Pope Innocent III’s thought on marriage, as expressed in his letters, noting the wide range of anomalies dealt with by the pope in the course of the pontificate and his pragmatism in difficult cases. Useful for Innocent’s understanding of marital affection, which informed his idea of marriage as a partnership of genuine emotional attachment.
  742. Find this resource:
  743. Rousseau, Constance M. “A Papal Matchmaker: Principle and Pragmatism during Innocent III’s Pontificate.” Journal of Medieval History 24.3 (1998): 259–271.
  744. DOI: 10.1016/S0304-4181(98)00010-4Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  745. An analysis of five proposed marriages that might have brought political advantage to Pope Innocent III. Rousseau shows that although the pope was willing to be pragmatic in his interpretation of canon law, the law nevertheless provided moral boundaries beyond which he did not go, in spite of the interests that would have been served. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
  746. Find this resource:
  747. Rousseau, Constance M., with Brenda M. Bolton. “Palmerius of Picciati: Innocent III Meets His ‘Martin Guerre.’” In Proceeedings of the Tenth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law: Syracuse, New York, 13–18 August 1996. Edited by Kenneth Pennington, Stanley Chodorow, and Keith H. Kendall, 361–385. Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2002.
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  749. A review of a profoundly interesting case in which Pope Innocent III displayed the Wisdom of Solomon in deciding that a woman whose husband, presumed dead, had returned, should remain married to her new husband. Innocent showed great consideration for the plight of the woman, who did not acknowledge the returned man as her original husband, and he was certainly more pastoral than his predecessors in this regard.
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  751. Popular Religion
  752. Bolton 1983 documents the crisis of the Latin church in the 12th century and the innovative response of Pope Innocent III. Bolton acknowledges Innocent’s genuine idealism and piety, in contrast to those who see Innocent as the pope who created the so-called papal monarchy. As pope, he took a keen interest in groups, clerical or lay, that sought to live the ideal of the vita apostolica, or the apostolic life, as it is laid out in the Acts of the Apostles (see Bolton 2000, cited under Crusades). Innocent also sought to bring back into the church those groups that had been alienated by the hostility of the bishops, such as the Poor Catholics, the former Waldensians who were given canonical sanction by Innocent (for a discussion of this, see Bolton 1995, Essay XII). Innocent also embraced groups with an evangelical zeal to serve others, such as the Hospital of the Holy Spirit, which served the sick, and the Trinitarians (see Powell 2000), who ransomed captives, sometimes by taking their place. But these are groups who were or who became clerical. What did Innocent offer to laypeople? The traditional response was to argue that he offered nothing, but a superb article, Boyle 1985, shows how easily the pope’s intentions could be misunderstood. Bolton 1995 (see Essay XV), Andrews 1999a, and Andrews 1999b have done much to reveal the early history of a lay group seeking to live the apostolic life, the Humiliati, who were admired and encouraged by Innocent. An investigation of such groups and Innocent’s relations with them shows him to have been an extraordinary pope, open to ideas and expressions that were anathema to his predecessors and successors.
  753. Andrews, Frances. The Early Humiliati. Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999a.
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  755. The Humiliati, a lay group seeking to live the apostolic life, were condemned as heretics by the decree Ad abolendam (Corpus Iuris Canonici, Vol. 2, edited by E. Friedberg [Leipzig: Bernhardi Tauchnitz, 1881], pp. 780–782) in 1184 and thus were subject to persecution. Pope Innocent III was alerted to the group and, impressed by their zeal, provided them with a form of life that met their needs and protected them from the attentions of the local clergy.
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  757. Andrews, Frances. “Innocent III and Evangelical Enthusiasts: The Route to Approval.” Paper presented at a conference held at Hofstra University in May 1997. In Pope Innocent III and His World. Edited by John C. Moore, Brenda M. Bolton, James M. Powell, and Constance M. Rousseau, 229–241. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999b.
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  759. Reflections on Pope Innocent III’s attitude toward the sort of evangelical groups that had been treated with suspicion by bishops in the sixty years before Innocent’s accession.
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  761. Bolton, Brenda M. The Medieval Reformation. Foundations of Medieval History. London: Edward Arnold, 1983.
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  763. A readable and accessible synthesis, particularly good for undergraduates seeking a brief and stimulating introduction to the religious ferment of the 12th and 13th centuries and the enthusiasm for the vita apostolica, or the apostolic life.
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  765. Bolton, Brenda M. Innocent III: Studies on Papal Authority and Pastoral Care. Variorum Collected Studies Series 490. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1995.
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  767. A collection of nineteen articles, of which eight deal with papal attitudes toward heretical or liminal groups, the Humiliati, Waldensians, children, Roman nuns, and others. These articles fully justify the author’s intention to present Pope Innocent III as “a man of faith and spirituality.”
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  769. Boyle, Leonard E. “Innocent III and Vernacular Versions of Scripture.” In The Bible in the Medieval World: Essays in Memory of Beryl Smalley. Edited by Katherine Walsh and Diana Wood, 97–107. Studies in Church History/Subsidia 4. Oxford: Blackwell, 1985.
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  771. Boyle reinterprets three letters sent to Innocent by the Bishop of Metz, requesting advice on groups of laypeople who were meeting together in order to read the scriptures in vernacular translations. In his replies, the pope applauds the people’s piety and expresses reservations only about the quality of the translations, a model of the pastoral bishop, and is solicitous only in that he feels the group should be given a proper translation and spiritual guidance.
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  773. Cipollone, Giulio. “La redenzione e la liberazione dei captivi: Lettura Cristiana e modello di redenzione e libertà secondo la Regola dei Trinitari.” In La liberazione dei captivi tra cristianità e Islam: Oltre la crociata e il Ǧihād; Tolleranza e servizio umanitario—Atti del Congresso interdisciplinare di studi storici (Roma, 16–19 settembre 1998): Organizzato per I’VIII centenario dell’approvazione della Regola dei Trinitari da parte del papa Innocenzo III, il 17 dicembre 1198. Edited by Giulio Cipollone, 457–464. Collectanea Archivi Vaticani 46. Vatican City: Archivio Segreto Vaticano, 2000.
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  775. Shows how Innocent fostered the Trinitarian Order, whose founder, John de Matha, he brought to Rome and provided with a headquarters for his group of idealistic followers. The group was prepared to ransom captives from slavery in Africa, if necessary by taking their place.
  776. Find this resource:
  777. Powell, James. “Innocent III, the Trinitarians, and the Renewal of the Church, 1198–1200.” In La liberazione dei “captivi” tra Cristianità e Islam: Oltre la crociata e il Ǧihād; Tolleranza e servizio umanitario—Atti del Congresso interdisciplinare di studi storici (Roma, 16–19 settembre 1998): Organizzato per I’VIII centenario dell’approvazione della regola dei Trinitari da parte del Papa Innocenzo III, il 17 dicembre 1198. Edited by Giulio Cipollone, 245–254. Collectanea Archivi Vaticani 46. Vatican City: Archivio Segreto Vaticano, 2000.
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  779. An investigation into Innocent’s patronage of, and admiration for, a group of idealists who formed an order dedicated to the ransom of captives, and how the pope saw in such groups an indication of the future success of the church and its mission.
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  781. Canonization Policy
  782. The influential Kemp 1948 presents the control over canonization assumed by the popes in the 13th century as one facet of the so-called papal monarchy, which was set in place by energetic and ambitious popes such as Innocent III. The author’s claims perhaps exceed the four canonizations carried out by Innocent, and a surer guide had already been provided in Kuttner 1938. Nevertheless, the pope’s canonization of the merchant Homobonus of Cremona and the Empress Kunigunde of Luxembourg (both, in their own ways, exemplary laypeople), of St. Gilbert of Sempringham (the ascetic founder of a mixed male and female religious order), and of Bishop Wulfstan of Worcester does provide some insight into his spirituality and his conception of the church as a communion of saints (Goodich 1999). For a discussion of Homobonus, see Vauchez 2003; for Kunigunde, see Petersohn 1977; and for Gilbert, see Foreville 1988.
  783. Foreville, Raymonde, ed. The Book of St. Gilbert. Translated by Gillian Keir. Oxford Medieval Texts. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988.
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  785. This edition of the Book of St. Gilbert has English translations facing the Latin text. Innocent’s role in the canonization is assessed in the introduction. The decree of canonization is provided along with some contemporary and modern indications of the interest Pope Innocent III himself took in the canonization.
  786. Find this resource:
  787. Goodich, Michael. “Vision, Dream and Canonization Policy under Pope Innocent III.” Paper presented at a conference held at Hofstra University in May 1997. In Pope Innocent III and His World. Edited by John C. Moore, Brenda M. Bolton, James M. Powell, and Constance M. Rousseau, 151–163. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999.
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  789. A reappraisal of the evidence for the use of visions in the pope’s deciding cases of canonization, showing that the pope exposed such “signs” to rigorous and thorough investigation.
  790. Find this resource:
  791. Kemp, Eric Waldram. Canonisation and Authority in the Western Church. London: Oxford University Press, 1948.
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  793. Still worth reading, but its conclusions must be taken with caution and compared with the works of more recent scholars such as Vauchez 2003 and Goodich 1999.
  794. Find this resource:
  795. Kuttner, Stephan. “La reserve papale du droit de canonisation.” Révue historique du droit français et étranger, 4th ser., 18 (1938): 172–228.
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  797. An article that is more balanced and cautious than Kemp 1948 and that has retained its usefulness to scholars as a meticulous investigation of the legal premises on which the development of canonization was based.
  798. Find this resource:
  799. Petersohn, Jürgen. “Die Litterae Papst Innocenz’ III: Zur Heiligsprechung der Kaiserin Kunigunde (1200).” Jahrbuch für fränkische Landesforschung 37 (1977): 1–25.
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  801. An interesting article that shows Pope Innocent III’s care in investigating the case for canonization, which altered the criteria for future canonizations. The texts of the letters are included.
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  803. Vauchez, André. “Innocent III, Sicard de Crémone et la canonisation de saint Homebon (d. 1197).” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis; Atti del songresso internazionale, Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998. Vol. 1. Edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, 435–455. Rome: Società Romana di Storia Patria and Istituto Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003.
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  805. Asserts the audacity of Innocent in canonizing the layman Homobonus at the request of his bishop, Sicard of Cremona, but stresses the continuity between this decision and the acceptance of the Humiliati, a lay group seeking to live the apostolic life, and St. Francis of Assisi, showing the profound effect that the age’s penitential movement had on Innocent.
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