Modern Populism in Latin America

Introduction

Populism is a form of mass politics that claims to represent the common people. As a political phenomenon, it has been present in many areas of the world. In Latin America, it has had a recurrent presence, to the point that some are of the opinion that Latin America has been “long on populist political leaders and short on statesmen” (Gustavo Coronel, p. 1). Unsurprisingly, populism has been used as a term of opprobrium and not of self-reference. Yet, due to its widespread presence, it has increasingly been analyzed by sociologists, political scientists, historians, and economists as one of the most remarkable political phenomena of the region in the 20th and 21st centuries. A few renowned cases of leaders typified as populist in the literature may be mentioned: Juan Domingo Perón, Eva Perón, and Carlos Menem in Argentina; Getulio Vargas in Brazil; Lázaro Cárdenas and Andrés M. López Obrador in Mexico; Juan Velasco Alvarado, Alberto Fujimori, and Alan García in Peru; Arnulfo Arias in Panama; and last but not least Carlos Andrés Pérez and Hugo Chávez in Venezuela. The region has known repeated waves of populist mobilization, although the phenomenon has ebbed and flowed in prominence. The literature on this topic has known various moments of salience and witnessed deep debates, geared to elucidate the shifting significance of populism in the region and analyze some of its contextual and cultural dimensions, the emphasis on leadership or mediating mechanisms, the patterns of mass mobilization, the programmatic orientations and the policies implemented, as well as the more recent revival.

General Overviews

Beneath controversies, there seems to be wide agreement on some of the major characteristics of most forms of populism, evincing the following elements: the bond of leader and masses, rooted not only in cognitive-rational elements but in emotions, buttressed by a certain style of addressing the masses, directed at the most popular sectors of the population; a persisting call to plebiscitary-like decisions, which grants symbolic empowerment to popular sectors while retaining a powerful appropriation of voice by the leader; an emphasis on executive power overriding the division of powers, and often leading to legislation by decree. Consequently, a “politics of anti-politics,” or in less loaded terms, the weakening or manipulation of some of the basic institutions of representative democracy, has been identified. This reflects and buttresses a more general trend, in which political parties remain secondary to mass movements; there is reliance on multiclass support and concomitantly the tendency to detachment from coherent, clear-cut ideologies (this does not mean a lack of ideological rhetoric, as recent cases clearly indicate); and last but not least, often populism addresses the expectations of social forces marginalized or hit hard by economic policies and downturns and projects promises of existential solutions, even when in practice most of these movements do not imply a revolutionary transformation of social structures. We should review this corpus through a set of early classic works, their later problematization, and more recent contributions.

Early and Classic Works

Early works saw in populism a transitional phenomenon (e.g., Hennessy 1970) and most stressed class analysis as their basic optic (di Tella 1965). Perhaps most influential in launching a systematic inquiry at this stage was Gino Germani, who distinguished populism from authoritarianism (Germani 1971). In spite of later harsh criticisms of his developmental assumptions, Germani’s interpretation had a profound impact on later generations of researchers, particularly his emphasis on the class structure promoting the emergence of a multiclass movement and on populism as a transitional phenomenon resulting from crises in the economic and political systems (see also Germani, et al. 1973; Conniff 1982). Germani 1978 presented a nuanced distinction between two variants in Latin America: liberal populism, which occurred where middle classes demanded political participation and the urban lower classes were weak in numbers and capacity of mobilization; and national populism, which developed where demands were not only political but also social and economic and the weight of the lower classes was much greater, as typical of the era of mass mobilization. Working from beyond Latin America, Canovan 1981 stressed the authoritarian trends of some Latin American cases, which she included in her analysis of populist dictatorships. While retaining focus on the socioeconomic foundations of the political process, Cardoso and Faletto 1979 placed great emphasis on the inner contradictions and limits of populist coalitions.

Canovan, Margaret. “Populist Dictatorship.” In Populism. By Margaret Canovan, 136–171. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1981.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The cases of Perón and Huey Long are used to examine the relationship between populist dictators and mass society, specifically the latter’s rational and irrational choices. The poor’s resentment and lack of political might are easily mobilized and manipulated by demagogues who can articulate the generally anti-aristocratic interests of the lower classes. Canovan also discusses how large numbers of people can transform into masses alienated from political society. See pp. 136–171.
Find this resource:
Cardoso, Fernando Henrique, and Enzo Faletto. Dependency and Development in Latin America. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The authors adopt a radical critical approach, discussing the structure of domination’s limitations and the interclass alliances potentially resulting in new intrastate confrontations. Emphasizing the dynamic structural basis, the authors argue that populism stems from societies’ need to engage in a phase of consolidation of domestic markets by relying on the state, while considering variable class and political configurations. See especially chapters 4 and 5, pp. 74–148.
Find this resource:
Conniff, Michael L. “Introduction: Toward a Comparative Definition of Populism.” In Latin American Populism in Comparative Perspective. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 3–30. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Conniff stresses the urban character of the multiclass expansive Latin American electoral coalitions led by charismatic figures, which unlike in Europe did not give birth to increasingly undemocratic governments. It distinguishes populism from authoritarianism, highlights the role of expanding representative elections and charismatic leadership, and offers a brief assessment of the historiography of Latin American populism in the 1960s and 1970s.
Find this resource:
di Tella, Torcuato S. “Populism and Reform in Latin America” In Obstacles to Change in Latin America. Edited by Claudio Véliz, 47–74. London: Oxford University Press, 1965.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This is a pioneer and coherent analysis of the variable composition of populist movements in Latin America—in terms of their potential for rural lower-class participation and for the middle-class and elite sectors—and their consequences. It was to influence Gino Germani’s work (cited in this section) and later analyses. Also published in Spanish as “Populismo y reforma en América Latina.” Desarrollo Económico 4 (1965): 391–425.
Find this resource:
Germani, Gino. Política y sociedad en una época de transición. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Paidós, 1971.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Germani stresses the linkage between populism and the crises triggered by transitions to modernity, in the sense that it incorporates broader, previously unorganized strata excluded from the political arena. Despite later criticism, Germani’s emphasis on the class structure promoting the emergence of a multiclass movement and populism as a transitional phenomenon resulting from economic and political crises has profoundly impacted later research.
Find this resource:
Germani, Gino. Authoritarianism, Fascism, and National Populism. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1978.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This work suggests that populism tends to emerge when working-class, leftist ideologies fail to be adopted by mass parties. Germani explores the conditions for populism’s emergence: the long-term development of a working-class culture coupled with rapid structural changes accelerating the displacement of masses. He stresses that populism’s particular manifestation depends on additional conditions, identifying two Latin American variants: liberal and national populism.
Find this resource:
Germani, Gino, Torcuato S. di Tella, and Octavio Ianni. Populismo y contradicciones de clase en Latinoamérica. Mexico City: Serie Popular Era, 1973.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
These three essays stress the socioeconomic and class components of the early- and mid-20th-century coalitions sustaining Latin American populism. The authors offer nuanced interpretational variations, in terms of their emphasis on modernization, the class structure or the role of the state, in addition to the extent to which an oligarchic state was replaced by a new model of leadership and state interventionism.
Find this resource:
Hennessy, Alistair. “Latin America.” In Populism: Its Meaning and National Characteristics. Edited by Ghita Ionescu and Ernest Gellner, 28–61. New York: Macmillan, 1970.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Although there are cases of old and new rural populism, Hennessy stresses the urban character of the phenomenon and its standing out when compared to Russian, United States, or African equivalents, due to the premature emergence of a mass society. In that context, he defines populism as an organizational transitional phenomenon bringing together divergent group interests through a heightened sense of national direction, often prompted by the state.
Find this resource:
Populism as Analytical Problem

The 1990s witnessed a problematization of earlier assumptions on populism, partly following the emergence of populist leaders carrying out neoliberal policies once in power. Some works assessed populism as defying institutional, class, and doctrinal analysis and its ambiguous status (Prud’homme 2001, Álvarez Junco 1994, Knight 1998). Others stressed the need to distinguish political populism from economic populism (Bresser Pereira 1991); still others analyzed it as a composite phenomenon built upon a diversity of case studies (Mackinnon and Petrone 1998, Conniff 1999) or looked at it from regional perspectives in order to assess its singularity in Latin America (di Tella 1998, Oxhorn 1998, Touraine 1998).

Álvarez Junco, José. “El populismo como problema.” In El populismo en España y América. Edited by José Álvarez Junco and Ricardo González Leandri, 11–39. Madrid: Catriel, 1994.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Junco argues that populism defies institutional, class, and doctrinal analysis, its core lying in its almost mystical phrasing of the promise of social democracy, its community-based leadership, and its creation of reciprocity between leader and citizens. More broadly, populism reinforces the state’s efficacy while emphasizing a strong collective will to mobilize and progress, especially in societies with “late-coming” economies.
Find this resource:
Bresser Pereira, Luiz Carlos. “Populism and Economic Policy in Brazil.” Journal of Interamerican and World Affairs 33.2 (1991): 1–21.
DOI: 10.2307/165829Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Analyzing Brazil’s economic policies since the 1970s, the article places economic populism within the opportunistic right’s domain, yet claims that it can be promoted by both the political left and the political right. Populism of the left emphasizes wage and income redistribution, and populism of the right stresses “distributivism” and fiscal laxity. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Conniff, Michael L., ed. Populism in Latin America. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
An ambitious project bringing together case studies on most countries known for their legacies of populism in the region, including cases in which populism was only rarely dominant. In the introduction, distinguishes the early-20th-century advent of populism from the 1930s–1940s era of classical populism, reviewing the state of the art in the 1980s, while also suggesting new research directions and reviewing earlier works.
Find this resource:
di Tella, Torcuato S. “Raíces y transformaciones del populismo.” In Los partidos politicos: Teoría y análisis comparativo. By Torcuato S. di Tella, 63–84. Buenos Aires, Argentina: A-Z Editora, 1998.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
It defines populism as a political expression aimed at generating a non-autonomous mass action against the privileges of entrenched elites. The author analyzes similar phenomena worldwide, stressing for Latin America the low saliency of ethnic/religious cleavages and the greater urbanization and unionization. Key is his distinguishing of populism on the basis of leadership, the extent of legitimacy, and the countries’ developmental level.
Find this resource:
Knight, Alan. “Populism and Neo-Populism in Latin America, Especially Mexico.” Journal of Latin American Studies 30.2 (1998): 223–248.
DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X98005033Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Knight suggests that populism connotes a political style unrelated to a specific ideology, period, or class alliance. Knight explores the phenomenon in historical perspective, stressing populism’s dynamic transformation in Latin America and identifying cases of failed populism, populist leaderships cut in their prime, and more durable examples. He also discusses neoliberal leaders with a populist side, distinguishing them from classic populists that were financial profligates. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Mackinnon, María Moira, and Mario Alberto Petrone, eds. Populismo y neopopulismo en América Latina: El problema de la Cenicienta. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Eudeba, 1998.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
An excellent compilation of eleven essays on classical populism and three essays on neo-populism, led by a comprehensive introduction that reviews the main approaches and developments in the study of Latin American populism. The latter part of the book includes analyses focusing on the role of the leadership, the effects of neoliberalism, and the informal turn of politics involved in the recurrent emergence of the new forms of populism.
Find this resource:
Oxhorn, Phillip. “The Social Foundations of Latin America’s Recurrent Populism: Problems of Popular Sector Class Formation and Collective Action.” Journal of Historical Sociology 11.2 (1998): 0952–1909.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Oxhorn attempts to offer a “bottom-up” explanation of Latin American populism by examining class formation patterns, which have led to a heterogeneous class structure that historically resulted in popular sector mobilization by elites. The article posits that one alternative for preventing this progression is focusing lower-class mobilization around a new collective identity, although this can be difficult to do in a society with populist roots. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Prud’homme, Jean François. “Un concepto evasivo: El populismo en la ciencia política.” In Del populismo de los antiguos al populismo de los modernos. Edited by Guy Hermet, Soledad Loaeza, and Jean François Prud’homme, 35–65. Mexico City: Colegio de México, 2001.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
A review of the literature, stressing that populism emerges on the basis of the legitimating principle of popular sovereignty and defining it as a mechanism of self-correction of the usual gap between democratic promises and their only partial fulfillment. It also identifies the ambiguous democratizing face of populism promoting inclusion together with its authoritarian dimension, imposing a certain vision of national community. See pp. 35–65.
Find this resource:
Touraine, Alain. “Las políticas nacional-populares.” In Populismo y neopopulismo en América Latina. Edited by María Moira Mackinnon and Mario Alberto Petrone, 329–361. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Eudeba, 1998.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Instead of attributing populism to demagoguery, mass politics, or a communitarian reactionary political strategy, Touraine expects populism to thrive in the absence of strong and autonomous leading elite and the presence of strong pressures for change. He distinguishes Latin American populism by its form of national-popular politics, further stressing the pivotal role of populist movements in redefining a country’s entire political scenario.
Find this resource:
Recent Trends

The main trends at this stage have been whether to approach it from categorical analysis, i.e., on the basis of existing and only partially conflating definitions (Collier 2002), or rather inductively, as a composite phenomenon of theoretical importance, built upon a diversity of case studies (de la Torre and Peruzzotti 2008, de la Torre and Arnson 2013). Works at this stage also added the consideration of new forms of radical populism in their theoretical elaboration (March 2007, Spanakos 2008, Rein 2013). A discussion of the various analytical approaches will be undertaken in the subsequent section on Conceptual Debates.

Collier, R. B. “Populism.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences. Edited by Neil J. Smelser and Paul B. Baltes, 11813–11816. New York: Elsevier, 2002.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This entry briefly discusses populism’s ten common characteristics, including mobilization, leadership style, economic policies, and rhetoric. It then presents these as “distinct” domains and attempts to explain how certain subtypes of populism vary drastically. Collier briefly examines populism’s history in the United States and Latin America in order to show the diversity of populist movements and their minimal commonalities.
Find this resource:
de la Torre, Carlos, and Cynthia J. Arnson, eds. Latin American Populism in the Twenty-First Century. Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This collection of essays addresses the reemergence of populism as part of the discussion of contemporary Latin American politics and compiles twelve contributions by leading scholars, including analytical works on parties and populism, the debate on democratic deepening, and populism and social policies, in addition to case studies on populism in Argentina, Brazil, Peru, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Colombia.
Find this resource:
de la Torre, Carlos, and Enrique Peruzzotti, eds. El retorno del pueblo: Populismo y nuevas democracias en América Latina. Quito, Ecuador: FLACSO, 2008.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The studies in this collective book relate populism to issues of representation, nationalism and liberalism, leadership, and mass mobilization in Latin America. Its thematic core is the specific form of democracy entailed by populism, following a political perspective that stresses discourse, political representation, and the organization of popular sectors. Being published in Ecuador, the book devotes three chapters to populism in that country.
Find this resource:
March, Luke. “From Vanguard of the Proletariat to the Vox Populi: Left-Populism as a ‘Shadow’ of Contemporary Socialism.” SAIS Review 27.1 (2007): 63–77.
DOI: 10.1353/sais.2007.0013Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Populism, an ideology that divides society into antagonist groups and expresses the general will, has an adaptive character that complicates its placement on the left-right spectrum. March further explores left-populism as a conflict between the “moral people” and the corrupt elite. Emphasizing egalitarianism, March argues that the relative unpopularity of leftist parties in 20th-century Latin America resulted from the prominence of leftist populism. Available online by subscription.
Find this resource:
Rein, Raanan. “From Juan Perón to Hugo Chávez and Back: Populism Reconsidered.” In Shifting Frontiers of Citizenship: The Latin American Experience. Edited by Mario Sznajder, Luis Roniger, and Carlos Forment, 289–309. Leiden, The Netherlands, and Boston: Brill, 2013.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Rein stresses that classical populism and left-wing populism, with their emphasis on citizen rights and responsibilities, contrast the weak citizenship offered by liberal oligarchic politics with the pre-populist era’s electoral fraud, or by the so-called “neo-populism” of the 1990s. It also challenges the commonly held assumption of the supposed direct bond between a charismatic leader and the masses, using specifically the case of Peronism.
Find this resource:
Spanakos, Anthony Peter. “New Wine, Old Bottles, Flamboyant Sommelier: Chávez, Citizenship, and Populism.” New Political Science 4 (2008): 521–544.
DOI: 10.1080/07393140802493308Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Spanakos defines populism as a political movement with a charismatic leader that reduces the space between citizens and the state and redefines the boundaries of citizenship. Spanakos explores three aspects of citizenship and populism’s entry to Latin America through periods of crisis, concluding by considering Hugo Chávez’s rise to power through economic and political crises and his attempt to create a new type of citizenship. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Primary Sources

There are many primary sources, only partially available online. For a general guide, see Latin American History: Oxford LibGuides. Hereafter, readers will find selected key books, speeches, talks, and writings by some of the political figures that the literature has approached through the optic of populism: Rómulo Betancourt (see Hernández González 2012), Lázaro Cárdenas (Cárdenas 1972–1986), and Hugo Chávez (Palast 2006). The website Instituto Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre is dedicated to the life and works of Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre. See also Juan Domingo Perón’s Escritos políticos and Libros for his speeches, talks, and writings, including Los libros del exilio (1955–1973), and O pensamento político de Getúlio Vargas for Getulio Vargas’ documents and speeches ranging from 1903 to 1954.

Cárdenas, Lázaro. Apuntes. 4 vols. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1972–1986.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Starting in 1973 and ending close to his death, this work includes the personal writings of Lázaro Cárdenas, the populist leader that implemented the most vigorous program of agrarian reform and land redistribution in post-revolutionary Mexico.
Find this resource:
Hernández González, Manuel. “Ensayo historiográfico sobre Rómulo Betancourt (1908–1981).” Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos: Reseñas y Ensayos Historiográficos, 23 September 2012.
DOI: 10.4000/nuevomundo.63862Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Provides a guide to the writings on Rómulo Betancourt, a leader that many observers identify as the first modern populist of Venezuela. The article provides bibliographical references and suggests there is still need for further work on the genesis of Acción Democrática and on Betancourt’s contradictory social and political trajectories.
Find this resource:
Instituto Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This website provides, among other links, a biography and listing of the publications of Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre. It is maintained by the Instituto Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre, founded on the centenary of the leader’s birth in 1995, with the mission to make the ideas of Haya widely available.
Find this resource:
Latin American History: Oxford LibGuides.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Many libraries offer access to digitalized collections, which include primary source materials. This site offers “links to gateways to a wide variety of resources for the study of Latin American history,” including source materials on modern populism.
Find this resource:
Libros, discursos y escritos del Gral. Perón.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
A useful site to electronically access many writings, talk transcripts, and pronouncements by General Juan Domingo Perón from 1944 to 1974.
Find this resource:
Palast, Greg. “Hugo Chávez Interview.” The Progressive, July 2006.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
In this interview, Chávez discusses his economic plans, oil strategy, and international policy. The interview also covers Chávez’s political agenda, including his progressive income tax, public works, and social security.
Find this resource:
Perón, Juan Domingo. In Network of Cultural Heritage Digital Contents.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This site of the government of the City of Buenos Aires provides references to most of Perón’s writings and to works on him, with an indication of their location in various local libraries.
Find this resource:
Vargas, Getúlio. O pensamento político de Getúlio Vargas. Porto Alegre, Brazil: Assembléia Legislativa do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, 2004.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
A book that includes Getulio Vargas’ political speeches and addresses, most of them made from December 1927 to August 1954. It also includes an early address of October 1903 and his will-letter of August 1954.
Find this resource:
Conceptual Debates

Extensive research has been carried out and still there is much controversy surrounding populism. Controversies remain around axes such as the balance of structural, organizational, and time-related factors; the role of leadership and of mediating networks in the genesis and sustainability of populism; the centrality of the leader’s discursive practices versus state policies; and the explanations for cases in which populism has been rarely found or recurs time and again. The main division line of analysis is that separating studies that support a political perspective (e.g., de la Torre 1997, Panizza 2005, Roberts 2006), structural approaches anchored in the socioeconomic context (e.g., Vilas 1992–1993, Dornbursch and Edwards 1991; also see Edwards 2010, cited under Waves of Populism: Radical Populism), and perspectives analyzing the narrative and rhetorical construction of the populist imaginary (Laclau 2005, Hawkins 2010) and the cultural background enabling its emergence (Zanatta 2008).

de la Torre, Carlos. “Populism and Democracy: Political Discourses and Cultures in Contemporary Ecuador.” Latin American Perspectives 24.3 (1997): 12–24.
DOI: 10.1177/0094582X9702400302Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The article examines how mass mobilization and limited citizen participation in democratic institutions create the conditions for new types of political styles and mediations that represent politics as a moral-ethical struggle and encourage a stronger sense of participation. Through an analysis of former Ecuadorian President Bucaram’s performance, it looks at the specific characteristics of populist regimes and their distinction from liberal democratic traditions. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Dornbursch, Rudiger, and Sebastian Edwards. The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
These studies analyze populism from a political economy perspective, stressing the attempt of populists to tackle issues of income inequality through expansive macroeconomic policies. The editors stress that the policies adopted almost unavoidably resulted in major macroeconomic crises that ended up hurting the poorer segments of the population, thus arguing that populism is a mistaken statist path to tackle the region’s distributional inequalities.
Find this resource:
Hawkins, Kirk A. Venezuela’s Chavismo and Populism in Comparative Perspective. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511730245Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Hawkins stresses the key role of discourse and moral views in populism, indicating that in procedural terms, Chavismo has become a semi-democratic or competitive authoritarian regime; yet, normatively speaking, it celebrates popular sovereignty while dismissing dissent and delegitimizing the virtue of political opposition. Hawkins also attempts to measure various forms of leadership in terms of a populism scale, by which Chavismo leads at the top.
Find this resource:
Laclau, Ernesto. The Populist Reason. London: Verso, 2005.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
In populist discourse, Laclau identifies the constitution of “empty signifiers” and “chains of equivalence,” through which it constructs a discursive unity and identity, that of the “people.” In moments of historical crisis, a struggle for hegemony occurs between different ways of representation, and populism may displace other logics of democratic articulation, primarily the liberal symbolic framework. Also published in Spanish as La razón populista (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2005).
Find this resource:
Panizza, Francisco, ed. Populism and the Mirror of Democracy. London: Verso, 2005.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Combining theoretical essays with case studies worldwide, including Latin America, this collection tries to identify the set of circumstances that accounts for populism’s wide though variable emergence and those that make it instrumental to political integration or antagonism. Panizza himself claims that through populism, politics as conducted on elite terms becomes “depoliticized,” while popular demands and expectations are intensely politicized.
Find this resource:
Roberts, Kenneth M. “Populism, Political Conflict, and Grass-Roots Organization in Latin America.” Comparative Politics 38.2 (2006): 127–148.
DOI: 10.2307/20433986Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The main premise of the article is to focus on the role that organizational subtypes play in the framework of populism. The author describes four particular subtypes: organic, labor, partisan, and electoral populism. Political organization is seen as a means of collective empowerment, especially for the working and lower classes. Finally, the article explores popular and electoral organization through the cases of Venezuela and Peru. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Vilas, Carlos M. “Latin American Populism: A Structural Approach.” Science and Society 56.4 (1992): 389–420.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
It formulates general propositions identifying the structural basis of the political-economic processes that are defined as populism. By examining structural approaches, the author conceptualizes populism as “a form of capital accumulation emanating from a specific configuration of a society’s productive structure” (p. 398). Building on that definition, the author then discusses how populism is a product of a specific level of development in the periphery of the capitalist system. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Weyland, Kurt. “Populism and Social Policy in Latin America.” In Latin American Populism in the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Carlos de la Torre and Cynthia J. Arnson, 117-144. Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Analyzing strategies for pursuing social change, Weyland distinguishes those based on organizational preconditions from those operated through the will of political leaders in a rather personalistic and plebiscitarian way. He claims that due to their weak institutionalization, the latter’s reforms tend to be haphazard, unsystematic, mistargeted, politicized, and unsustainable.
Find this resource:
Zanatta, Loris. “El populismo, entre religión y política: Sobre las raíces históricas del antiliberalismo en América Latina.” Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina y el Caribe 19.2 (2008): 29–44.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Zanatta claims that populism gained power during the long modernization drive of the 1920s–1950s and globalization’s disintegrative effects in the 1990s due to the contrast between weak representative institutions and a strong reservoir of holistic expectations rooted in societies’ Catholic foundational credo. Populist movements emerged as “regenerative” of the national fabric while combining modern principles of popular sovereignty with salvation messages embodying authoritarian tendencies.
Find this resource:
Populist Networks: Leaders, Masses, and Intermediate Structures

From the start, studies of populism have stressed the key role of leadership in the conformation of populist coalitions and movements, implying tacitly or indicating explicitly that the bond of leader and masses is a direct one, since the leader seemingly embodies the people’s interests and spirit and through his/her rhetoric constructs the movement (Urbinati 1998 is representative of this approach). Yet, studies have reconstructed the crucial role played by second-level figures and mediating chains of command in the formation and development of populist movements and governments (Senkman 2006, Rein 2008), the connection to the working class and its organizations (Torre 2012), and its politics of gender (Kampwirth 2010, Conniff 2010). See also Venezuela.

Conniff, Michael. “Women and Populism in Brazil.” In Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. Edited by Karen Kampwirth, 110–121. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Instead of following the gender policies of male Brazilian politicians, the author looks at relatives of Getulio Vargas (his daughter and a great-niece) and Heloísa Helena, a state senator from Alagoas. His analysis shows that when research moves its glance behind the scenes and beyond the federal level to the state and local levels, it reveals that women have played an important—yet often ignored—role in Brazilian politics.
Find this resource:
Kampwirth, Karen, ed. Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This collection analyzes an often-ignored aspect of populism: the politics of gender of populist leaders, addressing whether old and new populist leaders have promoted gender equality and participation through their rhetoric and their policies. They address issues like masculinity and femininity, gender and democracy, feminism, and women as followers of populist leaders. (See particularly under Country and Regional Studies for specific chapters.)
Find this resource:
Rein, Raanan. In the Shadow of Perón: Juan Atilio Bramuglia and the Second Line of Argentina’s Populist Movement. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2008.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The author reconstructs the key role played by mediators such as Bramuglia in the construction and long-term viability of the Peronist movement, challenging the image of Peronism and other populist movements being structured just by the direct and unmediated connection of supporters to charismatic leaders. Also published in Spanish as Juan Atilio Bramuglia: Bajo la sombra del líder; la segunda línea del liderazgo peronista (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Lumière, 2006).
Find this resource:
Senkman, Leonardo. “Populismo y empresarios judíos: Actuación pública de Horacio Lafer y José B. Gelbard durante Vargas y Perón.” Araucaria 15 (2006): 46–76.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Senkman focuses on two crucial figures in the construction of the economic policies and supporting populist coalitions of Vargas’ and Peron’s governments: Horacio Lafer, Vargas’ Minister of Economy; and José B. Gelbard, Perón’s Minister of Economy in the early 1970s. The work offers interpretive hypotheses on the fragility of both populist coalitions and on the use of xenophobic and anti-Semitic discourses in crisis.
Find this resource:
Torre, Juan Carlos. Ensayos sobre movimiento obrero y peronismo. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Siglo XXI, 2012.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
A long-term analysis of the relations between Peronism and the labor movement, stressing the early replacement of working-class–oriented organizations by Peronist trade unions, the greater autonomy after Perón was deposed in 1955, and the tension-ridden interactions developing decades later due to clashes over leadership within the Peronist camp. For other works of Torre, see his Los años peronistas, 1943–1955 (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Editorial Sudamericana, Nueva Historia Argentina, Vol. 8, 2002), especially his introduction to the volume (pp. 1–77).
Find this resource:
Urbinati, Nadia. “Democracy and Populism.” Constellations 5.1 (1998): 110–125.
DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.00080Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Urbinati explores the relationship between democracy and populism, arguing that both the character and practice of populism develop a democratic vision inimical to political liberty by deferring the political dialectic, revoking the mediation of institutions, and maintaining an organic notion of body politic. Populism is analyzed as a process of hegemonic rebalancing within the power bloc as the masses are incorporated into the political sphere. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Democracy and Authoritarianism

The Janus-face of populism—both participatory and expansive, on the one hand, and on the other, polarizing and shaped by the leaders’ authoritative command—has opened ground for analytical debates on how it stands vis-à-vis democracy and authoritarianism. Is populism a pathological offspring of democracy or does it expand inclusion where representative democracy has failed to deliver (cf., Abts and Rummens 2007, Canovan 1999, di Piramo 2009, Panizza and Miorelli 2009)? Does it aim to control resources through its control of the seats of power or is it rather promoting universal access to material resources and symbolic empowerment (Peruzzotti 2013)? Does it change the rules of the game to promote a substantial change in entitlements or to secure sustained power and rule in lieu of weak representative institutions (Roberts 2013) and distrust of electoral democracy (Seligson 2007)? Or does its nature perhaps change at different stages of the political process, as suggested in Freidenberg 2007? The works in this section address this ambiguity from multiple yet complementary perspectives, although they reach somehow divergent conclusions. Likewise, these questions are loaded politically, and the balance between the democratic and the authoritarian dimensions of populism may vary from case to case and at different moments, according to its adaptation to changing contextual circumstances.

Abts, Koen, and Stefan Rummens. “Populism versus Democracy.” Political Studies 55.2 (2007): 405–424.
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00657.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The article claims that, while sharing the belief in popular sovereignty, populism constitutes a somehow pathological offspring of democracy. Populism incorporates popular mobilization but, unlike the logic of ever-recurrent competition for power and respect for the inherent diversity of modern society, the populist logic posits the identification of popular will with an imagined homogenous identity, thus potentially leading to the closing of political space and the suppression of political diversity. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Canovan, Margaret. “Trust the People! Populism and the Two Faces of Democracy.” Political Studies 47.1 (1999): 2–16.
DOI: 10.1111/1467-9248.00184Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Canovan reflects on populist recurrence in established democracies and its relationship with the complexities of democracy. The author first defines populism and then explains its roots in democracy’s tensions. She then argues that democracy has two faces: redemptive and pragmatic. Finally, Canovan contends that the coexistence of these two faces is the catalyst for populist mobilization and that populism represents the result of democracy at work. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
di Piramo, Daniela. “‘Speak for Me!’ How Populist Leaders Defy Democracy in Latin America.” Global Change, Peace & Security 21.2 (2009): 179–199.
DOI: 10.1080/14781150902872067Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Using the example of Subcomandante Marcos in Mexico’s Zapatista movement, the article examines populist leadership’s defining characteristics in addition to its response to both liberal representativeness and radical variants of democracy. The author stresses the indispensability of populist forms of leadership to political action and their role as catalysts for political innovation. The article also discusses those traits of populism particular to contemporary Latin America. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Freidenberg, Flavia. La tentación populista: Una vía al poder en América Latina. Barcelona: Editorial Síntesis, 2007.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Freidenberg stresses the complex relationships of populism and democracy. On the one hand, populism entails a capacity to change the rules of the game and the political system, usually leading to broadening of participation and entitlements. On the other hand, once in power, it may lead to measures that restrict the political rights of the citizens. The author considers personalism key to such ambiguous relationships.
Find this resource:
Panizza, Francisco, and Romina Miorelli. “Populism and Democracy in Latin America.” Ethics and International Affairs 23.1 (2009): 39–46.
DOI: 10.1111/j.1747-7093.2009.00188.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The authors argue that while populism and democracy both seek to enact the sovereign rule of the people, they diverge on how to respond to challenges like majority-minority relations and the establishment of enduring political order. The authors then consider populism’s emancipatory promise in Latin America and argue that Latin American populism can sometimes contribute to the renewal and expansion of democracy. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Peruzzotti, Enrique. “Populism in Democratic Times: Populism, Representative Democracy, and the Debate on Democratic Deepening.” In Latin American Populism in the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Carlos de la Torre and Cynthia J. Arnson, 61-84. Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
According to Peruzzotti, populism is no longer considered a threat to liberal democracy, but is rather viewed as a necessary antidote to the ills of representative democracy. And yet, by seeing themselves as the very incarnation of the will of the people, such leaders and movements can eliminate rather than bridge the representational gap, which ultimately leads to the destruction of democratic representation.
Find this resource:
Roberts, Kenneth M. “Parties and Populism in Latin America.” In Latin American Populism in the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Carlos de la Torre and Cynthia J. Arnson, 37-60. Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Roberts claims that in early-20th-century Latin America, populism exerted a transformative effect on party systems and political representation, sparking ongoing patterns of linkage among parties, citizens, and social actors. Roberts claims that populism has remained a permanent possibility where representative institutions are weak, fragile, or ineffective and that populism’s prospects are magnified at critical junctures.
Find this resource:
Seligson, Mitchell. “The Rise of Populism and the Left in Latin America.” Journal of Democracy 18.3 (2007): 81–95.
DOI: 10.1353/jod.2007.0057Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Seligson explores whether or not the rise of the left and the resurrection of populism signify a threat to or advancement of democracy. Using the AmericasBarometer, Seligson attempts to quantitatively analyze the left’s emergence. He shows that among those surveyed, most people who self-identified as leftist did not believe that democracy was the best form of government, while youths were more inclined to support populist leaders.
Find this resource:
Waves of Populism

There is widespread agreement that populism has risen to prominence in an intermittent manner, through waves. Accordingly, research mostly distinguishes some major waves in the region: an early wave in the first two decades of the 20th century, evolving into the classic cases of populism identified with leaders such as Vargas, Perón, and Cárdenas; a wave of new populism or neo-populism, mostly in the 1990s, typically represented by leaders such as Fujimori and Menem, who rose on populist themes to power and then implemented neoliberal policies; and a recent wave of populism, whose leaders have been moved to the left. Needless to say, these categorizations are schematic and do not reflect the cases of failed populism or of leaderships cut in their prime, or the transformations that some of the leaders identified as populist have undergone in their political careers.

Early Populism and Classic Populism

The literature identifies early-20th-century reformist South American political leaders such as Hipólito Yrigoyen in Argentina or Arturo Alessandri in Chile as populists. These reformist leaders, although maintaining traditional socioeconomic structures, created a sense of political inclusion by relying on expanding franchise. Later on, populist political figures such as Getulio Vargas, Lázaro Cárdenas, Juan and Eva Perón, and José María Velasco Ibarra created multiclass alliances and promoted a vision of economic independence shaped by autarkic capitalism. As many of them reached power, their policies were representative of the classical period of populism, when countries faced the challenges of development and industrialization, against the background of the Great Depression and World War II. Horowitz 1999 is an analysis of both early and classic populism in Argentina, while Rein 1998 is an in-depth study of various domestic and international aspects of Peronism. De la Torre 1993 is a study of Velasco Ibarra, a classic case of persistent, recurrent, and only partially successful populist leadership in Ecuador, who nonetheless impacted deeply the political scene and political culture of that country. Likewise, Conniff 1999 looks at both the emergence and peak of populist politics in Brazil through the transition of populist leaders such as Adhemar de Barros, Pedro Ernesto, and Getulio Vargas, from local and regional arenas to the national stage. Basurto 1999 studies Mexican populism, which was key to Cárdenas’ rule and his policies of land redistribution, labor reforms, and state control of national resources, and receded in later administrations. See also Country and Regional Studies.

Basurto, Jorge. “Populism in Mexico: From Cárdenas to Cuauhtémoc.” In Populism in Latin America. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 75–96. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
A study of Cárdenas’ and Echeverría’s leadership and the reasons for the demise of widespread Mexican populism, this chapter also looks at Mexico’s economic crises in the second half of the 20th century and how the policies of the PRI and presidents like de la Madrid complicated populism’s reemergence. While neo-Cardenismo has overlapped with classic Mexican populism, Basurto claims that Mexico gradually and ultimately rejected populism.
Find this resource:
Conniff, Michael L. “Brazil’s Populist Republic and Beyond.” In Populism in Latin America. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 43–62. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Conniff discusses the role of rhetoric, the working class, and welfare programs in the rise of Brazilian populism. Populist leaders built their success on the mobilization of the working class and their work in the provincial or city governments. Through construction of schools and hospitals, populist leaders gained provincial recognition and support. Using this support, regional populist leaders would then campaign nationally for the Brazilian presidency.
Find this resource:
de la Torre, Carlos. La seducción velazquista. Quito, Ecuador: FLACSO, 1993.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
An analysis of the Great Absentee (“el Gran Ausente”), the deposed and exiled Ecuadorian leader José María Velasco Ibarra, who for decades rose to political prominence time after time by his populist appeal. Analysis shows how through his discourse, he built a seduction of nostalgia for an unfulfilled project and for his figure that acquired a stature greater than life among his supporters.
Find this resource:
Horowitz, Joel. “Populism and Its Legacies in Argentina.” In Populism in Latin America. Edited by Michael L Conniff, 22–42. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Horowitz first focuses on the presidency of Hipólito Yrigoyen and the emergence of populism in Argentina. The second part of the chapter focuses on classic populism through the case of Perón, who advanced the interests of the lower middle class and workers. Horowitz states that it is this confrontation with the elites that separates populism from other political movements and allowed leaders to control the politics of the masses.
Find this resource:
Rein, Raanan. Peronismo, populismo y política: Argentina, 1943–1955. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Editorial de Belgrano, 1998.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
A collection of essays addressing the nature of Argentine politics, the pivotal role of Peronism, and the socioeconomic and cultural policies of the Peronist administrations as well as Argentina’s foreign relations. Unlike earlier approaches that focused on the charismatic appeal of Peron and Evita among the masses, Rein stresses the key role of mediators such as Bramuglia, Domingo Mercante, and Angel Borlenghi as central to Peronism.
Find this resource:
Neo-Populism

One of the surprising developments of the 1990s was the elasticity of populist leaders to embrace and implement policies of structural adjustment and neoliberal liberalization. At that stage, populist leaders had global exposure and were keen to adopt the “global talk” about free markets and global integration, in contrast to earlier populist leaders, who rode into power through a nationalistic rhetoric and the enlargement of political and civil rights. Also, while classical populism promoted a vision of economic independence through autarkic capitalism, neo-populist leaders abided by the logic of integration into global and regional markets. In the so called neo-populist wave, usually leaders did not adopt the old authoritarian modes of control and consequently could find themselves removed from power through popular mobilizations and coups d’état aimed at renewing democracy, as in Ecuador in 1997 and 2000, or through impeachment, as in the case of Brazil in 1992. Moreover, most of them seemed to acknowledge the limits of their power and did not attempt—save rarely, as in the case of Fujimori’s self-coup in Peru—to opt out of the representative democratic game. Some studies have called attention to the inner contradictions of this type of populism (Cammack 2000), while others claimed that populist political styles can coexist with neoliberal policies (Roberts 1995, Weyland 1999). Likewise, among those studying this wave, there are works that emphasize the contextual and global factors of such convergence of neo-populism and neoliberal policies (Roberts 2007), while others tend to stress also considerations for reaching power or the hyper-presidentialist styles of governance enshrined in the political culture of these countries (Philip 1998, Weyland 2003).

Cammack, Paul. “The Resurgence of Populism in Latin America.” Bulletin of Latin American Research 19.2 (2000): 149–161.
DOI: 10.1111/j.1470-9856.2000.tb00096.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The article attempts to answer two questions: whether politicians are bypassing institutions and political parties, and how the new movements, defined by the rise of neoliberalism, compare with classical populism. The author concludes that the context in which neo-populism emerged was quite different from that of classical populism and that there is a basic contradiction between the new order and the populist tendencies. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Philip, George. “The New Populism, Presidentialism and Market-Oriented Reform in Spanish South America.” Government and Opposition 33.1 (1998): 81–97.
DOI: 10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00784.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Philip argues that the new populism shares a symbiosis with presidentialism capable of both generating increasing returns to power and temporary weakening of non-executive institutions. Using the cases of Menem, Fujimori, and Caldera, he claims that hyper-presidentialism is less damaging for democracy than prolonged institutional crisis. Though theoretically they should not emerge, populist regimes have arisen due to the failure of orthodox institutions. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Roberts, Kenneth M. “Neoliberalism and the Transformation of Populism in Latin America: The Peruvian Case.” World Politics 48.1 (1995): 82–116.
DOI: 10.1353/wp.1995.0004Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This article suggests that populism is not defined exclusively by situations of fiscal surplus. The author defines populism as consisting of five core properties, including a paternalistic and personalistic leadership and an economic project of redistribution and clientelism. Neo-populism and neoliberalism can coexist because neoliberal policies can still provide selective, targeted programs for specific groups, thus allowing political leaders to maintain a massive appeal. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Roberts, Kenneth M. “Latin America’s Populist Revival.” SAIS Review of International Affairs 27.1 (2007): 3–15.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Roberts examines the relationship between major waves of populism and the context of their emergence, specifically the ISI model of the 1930s and 1940s and the neoliberal policies of the 1980s. Roberts then explains contemporary Latin American populism through two factors: political and economic exclusion and institutional frailty, which fostered the rise of classical populism and contribute to understanding more recent forms of populism. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Weyland, Kurt. “Populism in the Age of Neoliberalism.” In Populism in Latin America. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 172–190. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The chapter looks at the revival of populism in the 1980s and how it established the foundation for the neo-populist movement in Latin America. It specifically discusses the affinities of neo-populism and neoliberalism through the examples of distance between intermediary organizations, attacks on political class, strengthening of the state, the winning of support through bold reform, and targeted benefit programs.
Find this resource:
Weyland, Kurt. “Neo-populism and Neoliberalism in Latin America: How Much Affinity?” Third World Quarterly 24.6 (2003): 1095–1115.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Weyland defines populism as a political strategy of a personalistic leader and explains the compatibility of neoliberalism and populism in their shared rejection of the status quo, institutional strength, and inflationary crises behind their emergence. Available online for purchase or by subscription. See also his “Neo-populism in Latin America and Eastern Europe.” Comparative Politics 31.4 (1999): 379–401.
Find this resource:
Radical Populism

This label has been used to address a new wave of leaders claiming to be accountable to the people and working to “democratize democracy” by closing the persisting socioeconomic gaps maintained and deepened under representative democracy. Leaders such as Hugo Chávez and Rafael Correa have been attuned to the massive criticism of the traditional political parties and policies (LeoGrande 2005–2006) and the unease with the effects of neoliberal globalization (French 2009, Edwards 2010). Once the system failed to sustain its previous standards of étatist patronage, an erosion of trust in the political class was triggered, even where representative democracy seemed to have been stabilized, as in the case of Venezuela, which lived through a long period of multiparty and bipartisan democratic rule (Ellner 2005, which also discusses the inner divisions of Chavismo). This led to the rise of political figures from outside the circles of power, who upon reaching power promoted constitutional changes and new mechanisms of popular consultation aimed at solving the social and economic problems untouched by representative democratic rule (de la Torre 2007). See also works under Ecuador and Venezuela.

de la Torre, Carlos. “The Resurgence of Radical Populism in Latin America.” Constellations 14.3 (2007): 384–397.
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8675.2007.00453.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The article explores the uneasy and ambiguous relationship between populism and liberal democracy. It examines how populist actors and opponents understand democratic participation and representation by analyzing the Bolivarian Circles in Venezuela and Indigenous understanding of democracy in Ecuador. The author then discusses the various conceptualizations of “the people,” before arguing that populists were best suited to the poor’s level of organization and mobility. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Edwards, Sebastian. Left Behind: Latin America and the False Promise of Populism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010.
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226184807.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This macroeconomic analysis of Latin America’s historical struggle to modernize focuses on the ascendance of populist politicians like Chávez, Morales, Correa, and Kirchner in the wake of disappointment with globalization and the 2008 global financial crisis. Edwards also considers the impact of short-term cycles of bonanza and retraction on the images that observers attribute to various leadership styles, including populism.
Find this resource:
Ellner, Steve. “Revolutionary and Non-Revolutionary Paths of Radical Populism: Directions of the Chavista Movement in Venezuela.” Science and Society 69.2 (2005): 160–190.
DOI: 10.1521/siso.69.2.160.64182Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Ellner analyzes the two schools of radical thought—oriented to revolutionary or non-revolutionary transformation—within the Venezuelan Chavista movement and their connections to classical populism. Using the case of Venezuela, he then explores the conflict between the two approaches and how they result from populist governments because such governments create expectations for far-reaching changes but lack an ideological definition, well-established goals, and a class outlook. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
French, John D. “Understanding the Politics of Latin America’s Plural Lefts (Chávez/Lula): Social Democracy, Populism and Convergence on the Path to a Post-Neoliberal World.” Third World Quarterly 30.2 (2009): 349–370.
DOI: 10.1080/01436590802681090Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Looks at the academic categorization of the leftist turn of Latin American politics in the early 21st century, and rejects its seeming opposition of social democratic and populist lefts. It suggests shifting to politics as lived experience, a perspective that leads to recognize the unity of the leftist turn in Latin America. Such convergence is discussed as standing behind the apparent diversity separating Chávez’s leadership style from Lula’s praxis. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
LeoGrande, William M. “From the Red Menace to Radical Populism: U.S. Insecurity in Latin America.” World Policy Journal 22.4 (2005–2006): 25–35.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
A discussion of the new, nontraditional security threats in Latin America, including terrorism, narcotics trafficking, and radical populism. In terms of radical populism, the author specifically explores how radical populism has arisen in response to regional disgruntlement with the political elite, as well as the US government’s perception of radical populism.
Find this resource:
Recurrence of Populism in Latin America

Scholars have tried to provide tentative explanations of the dynamics of continuity, albeit with changes, of populism in Latin America. Some explanations have stressed institutional deficit (de la Torre 2008), heterogeneous class formations (Oxhorn 1998), or the ineffective record of liberal democracy in addressing social gaps and expectations (McClintock 2013). Others have privileged the role of populist leaders in the construction of a national agenda and national desiderata (Robinson 1999). Finally, economic variables have been advanced, moving the focus to the connections between politics and economics, particularly stressing the pressures building up out of previous waves of populism (Bresser-Pereira 1993).

Bresser-Pereira, Luiz Carlos. “Economic Reforms and Economic Growth: Efficiency and Politics in Latin America.” In Economic Reforms in New Democracies: A Social-Democratic Approach. Edited by Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira, José María Maravall, and Adam Przeworski, 15–76. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1993.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This work analyzes the economic logic behind the fomenting of political discontent, leading to a new populist cycle in politics and the economy. The author claims that populism is disconnected from any specific economic program and that a realistic solution to the problems derived from economic populism may expect some degree of political populism, while he criticizes harshly the tendency to engage in economic populism.
Find this resource:
de la Torre, Carlos. “Por qué los populismos latinoamericanos se niegan a desaparecer.” Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina y el Caribe 19.2 (2008): 7–28.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The article addresses the forms of populist participation and representation, the character of populist discourse, and the role of the mass media. It claims that although populism is predicated upon exclusion and relies on authoritarian discourse, it manifests as an inclusive and democratizing phenomenon. The roots of this ambiguity lie in institutional deficit leading to lopsided citizenship and failures to sustain legality and citizen equality.
Find this resource:
McClintock, Cynthia. “Populism in Peru: From APRA to Ollanta Humala.” In Latin American Populism in the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Carlos de la Torre and Cynthia J. Arnson, 203-238. Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
McClintock reviews the cases of Haya de la Torre, Alvarado, García, Fujimori, and Humala. McClintock identifies as crucial the persisting deep socioeconomic divides of Peruvian society and the perceived inability of liberal democracy to bridge these divides, and that consequently elected governments have been alleged as insufficiently committed to social reform. Therefore, popular frustrations and resentments were galvanized by populist leaders and liberal-democratic institutions weakened.
Find this resource:
Oxhorn, Philip. “The Social Foundations of Latin America’s Recurrent Populism: Problems of Popular Sector Class Formation and Collective Action.” Journal of Historical Sociology 11.2 (1998): 212–246.
DOI: 10.1111/1467-6443.00061Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Oxhorn states that Latin America’s most salient characteristic is political instability and fragility of democracy, explaining the commonly accepted cultural and structural reasons for this claim. He attempts to offer a “bottom-up” explanation of political instability in Latin America by arguing that heterogeneous class structure characterizing the popular sectors creates collective action problems that historically have resulted in popular sectors’ mobilization by populist elites. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Robinson, William Francis. “Panama for the Panamanians: The Populism of Arnulfo Arias Madrid.” In Populism in Latin America. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 151–171. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Robinson examines the case of Panamanian president Arnulfo Arias, who lifted the banner of nationalism and the idea of Panamenismo, aiming to foster patriotism and national development over simple self-economic gain. Robinson shows how Arias’ political style and organizations slowly evolved, his three presidencies dependent on his ability to foster nationalist pride and include ostracized groups, even the West Indians that he had once opposed.
Find this resource:
The Decline, Marginality, or Absence of Populism in Latin America

The decline of populism in Latin America is one of the most interesting, yet rarely engaged, angles to test the paramount place of populism in some countries and periods and their relative absence in others. Although many of the works reviewed in the various sections address this issue tangentially, the ones included here tackle it directly, by approaching countries such as Colombia and Chile, in which populism has crystallized only rarely (Urrutia 1991, Drake 1982, Drake 1999), and cases of declining importance, as in Mexico (Philip 2000). See also works in Country and Regional Studies.

Drake, Paul W. “Conclusion: Requiem for Populism?” In Latin American Populism in Comparative Perspective. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 219–245. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
For Drake, none of the following qualify as populist: working-class parties or middle- to upper-class parties; aristocratic parties; ideological parties; fully pragmatic or clientelistic machine politics. In contrast, he claims that populist movements are multiclass but not classless; their leadership is patrimonial and often charismatic; and they exhibit a simultaneous commitment to industrialism and “welfarism.”
Find this resource:
Drake, Paul W. “Chile’s Populism Reconsidered, 1920’s-1990’s.” In Populism in Latin America. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 63–74. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
According to the author, populism was common in Latin American states with weak party systems and frequent military interventions. States with strong party politics and government institutions, like Chile, tended to pursue more democratic means. While a number of Chilean political movements attempted to represent the interests of the working and lower class, they were not the result of a charismatic leader but the work of political parties and coalitions.
Find this resource:
Philip, George. “Populist Possibilities and Political Constraints in Mexico.” Bulletin of Latin American Research 19.2 (2000): 207–221.
DOI: 10.1111/j.1470-9856.2000.tb00100.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Philip explores whether a particular set of institutions can withstand the challenge of a populist and charismatic leader. Using the example of Mexico, he concludes that democracy, open economies, and a stable political system deprive populist leaders of the dissatisfaction they need to assume power. He also analyzes how in contemporary Mexican politics, the demand for democratic accountability has caused the decline of charismatic leadership. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Urrutia, Miguel. “On the Absence of Economic Populism in Colombia.” In The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America. Edited by Rudiger Dornbursch and Sebastian Edwards, 369–389. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
According to the author, factors such as the strength of the political parties, their use of clientelism and diffusion of power at the regional and local levels, and the role of the press have worked against the entrenchment of populist macroeconomic measures in Colombia.
Find this resource:
Country and Regional Studies

Most studies of populism have been conceived by scholars working on countries in which populist leaders and movements have been persistent or recurrent. It seems that the optic of populism has been primarily applied to South American countries, such as Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador, and Peru, and to Mexico, all these societies of great socioeconomic and political differentiation and complexity. Contrastingly, the optic of populism has been rather absent in analyses of Central America, perhaps due to its more consolidated and repressive styles of rule. Within Central America, the most prominent populist figures seem to have been Arnulfo Arias in Panama and Anastasio Somoza in Nicaragua.

Argentina

Argentina is one of the most researched sites of populism, persistent yet changed over time. Tamarin 1982 recognizes that populism started with Radicalism already adopting such political style before the onset of Peronism, the paradigmatic case which is analyzed among many others in James 1988 and Torre 2012 (cited under Populist Networks: Leaders, Masses, and Intermediate Structures), focusing on the construction of support networks and Peronist rule; Navarro 1982, discussing Peronism’s dual leadership; and Rein 1998, stressing the limits of power and mediating structures. Szusterman 2000 extends analysis to Menem, and Schamis 2013 to the Kirchners, recognizing added ambiguity as the term stretches its connotations and yet also recognizing that Peronism remains the pivotal political movement in Argentina in spite of its many internal frictions and transformations (some of which are discussed by these authors as well as in Grammatico 2010 for the case of the Montoneros and gender). See also the works reviewed under General Overviews, Conceptual Debates, and Waves of Populism.

Grammatico, Karin. “Populist Continuities in ‘Revolutionary’ Peronism? A Comparative Analysis of the Gender Discourses of the First Peronism (1946–55) and the Montoneros.” In Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. Edited by Karen Kampwirth, 122–139. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Using the first Peronism and interviews conducted with former members of the Agrupación Evita as background, Grammatico indicates how in the early 1970s these women started questioning gender inequality within the Montoneros. This review of conscience led a numbers of them to think of daily life and intimate relations as political and question traditional authority and gender attitudes.
Find this resource:
James, Daniel. “October 17th and 18th, 1945: Mass Protests, Peronism, and the Argentine Working Class.” Journal of Social History 21 (1988): 441–461.
DOI: 10.1353/jsh/21.3.441Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
James explores the forms of mobilization and social protest in the October events that led to the 1945 release of Juan Domingo Perón. He reexamines Peronism’s relationship to the working class, for whom the former was a response to economic grievances and class explanation. To further illustrate the relationship between Peronism and the workers, James explores the case of the workers from the meatpacking center of Berisso. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Navarro, Marysa. “Evita’s Charismatic Leadership.” In Latin American Populism in Comparative Perspective. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 47–66. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This is a portrayal of Evita and of Peronism’s dual leadership, which is rather atypical of other cases. The analysis stresses Evita’s charismatic image but also characterizes her shrewd and energetic bullying of ministers and mobilization of activists, as she ran the Fundación Eva Perón and the Partido Peronista Femenino.
Find this resource:
Rein, Raanan. Peronismo, populismo y política: Argentina, 1943–1955. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Editorial de Belgrano, 1998.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Two key aspects of this collection of essays are worth stressing: First, its reconstruction through historical documentation of bureaucratic infighting surrounding many crucial organizational and institutional decisions, showing the limits of Perón’s power vis-à-vis the workings of Argentine bureaucracy. Second, the key role played by secondary figures such as Bramuglia, José Figuerola, Miguel Miranda, and Domingo Mercante in the construction of Peronist rule.
Find this resource:
Schamis, Héctor. “From the Peróns to the Kirchners: ‘Populism’ in Argentine Politics.” In Latin American Populism in the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Carlos de la Torre and Cynthia J. Arnson,145-178. Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Schamis claims that populism has transformed so dramatically that continued use of the term has resulted in theoretical ambiguity and empirical confusion. Focusing on political economy as basic to populism, he contends that once the material bases disappeared as import-substitution was dismantled, Argentine populism vanished and “post-populism” emerged. At this stage, the Kirchners are stuck in a framework where the specter of old-fashioned populism keeps returning.
Find this resource:
Szusterman, Celia. “Carlos Saúl Menem: Variations on the Theme of Populism.” Bulletin of Latin American Research 19.2 (2000): 193–206.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Szusterman highlights variations in Argentine populism through an analysis of Menem as president, first exploring the populist traits and economic policies of Peronism. She then explores how Menem adopted multiple Peronist traits while diverging from its economic policies, concluding with a discussion of the many facades of Menem demonstrating how Menem’s leadership changed several times in order to adapt to shifting political climates. Available online.
Find this resource:
Tamarin, David. “Yrigoyen and Perón: The Limits of Argentine Populism.” In Latin America in Comparative Perspective. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 31–45. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Tamarin considers Peronism’s predecessor in Argentina, Radicalism, claiming it to be a classic representative of “reformist-era populism.” Both movements held a promise to free Argentina from a foreign-oriented traditional-agrarian oligarchy and build political and social integrative movements advancing the national interests and social justice. It ends wrongly suggesting that the failure of the 1973 Restoration and Perón’s death strongly suggest the demise of populist politics in Argentina.
Find this resource:
Bolivia

Analyzing Bolivian politics in the long term, Crabtree 2013 stresses that although ties of clientelism and top-down control are by no means absent in Bolivia, there is a strong tradition of bottom-up mobilization in the country, resulting from the legacy of 1952. As it reaches contemporary analysis, Crabtree claims that basically MAS is not populist. Rousseau 2010 describes differences between the policies of Presidents Fujimori in Peru and Morales in Bolivia.

Crabtree, John. “From the MNR to the MAS: Populism, Parties, State and Social Movements in Bolivia since 1952.” In Latin American Populism in the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Carlos de la Torre and Cynthia J. Arnson, 269-294. Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Crabtree indicates that despite the great deal of popular participation in Bolivian politics today, social movements have maintained their own agendas and to varying degrees sought to ensure governmental compliance; the MAS does not control these movements and the state lacks the power and reach to be able to manipulate them to its own ends. Accordingly, the label of populism seems inappropriate.
Find this resource:
Rousseau, Stéphanie. “Populism from Above, Populism from Below: Gender Politics under Alberto Fujimori and Evo Morales.” In Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. Edited by Karen Kampwirth, 140–161. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Claiming that beyond the huge differences in economic and social policies between these two leaders, both recognized and tried to promote women’s political leadership, this work shows that paradoxically neither of them has had strong links with the organized feminists but rather had difficult if not openly hostile relations with feminists.
Find this resource:
Brazil

Studies on Brazil reflect the ebbs and flows of populism over time. Conniff 1981 attributes the birth of Brazilian populism to a reaction against the Old Republic politics of governors and coronelismo, which sustained widening socioeconomic gaps. The politics of Vargas is analyzed in Weffort 1980, which focused on the transformation of Vargas’ political styles; in Fagundes Haussen 2005, analyzing Vargas’ relationships with the media; in Wolfe 1994 and Wolfe 2010, connecting it to the 1945–1964 period of multiparty politics; and in Ianni 1968, which stressed that the promise of social reform was truncated by the 1964 coup. Bethell 2013 claims that the political space occupied in Europe by European leftist parties and in the United States by New Deal Democrats was occupied by populists in Latin America, and carries out a long-term analysis of Brazilian leaders through the optic of populism.

Bethell, Leslie. “Populism, Neo-Populism and the Left in Brazil: From Getulio to Lula.” In Latin American Populism in the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Carlos de la Torre and Cynthia J. Arnson, 179-202. Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Bethell claims that many Brazilian populist leaders were authoritarian, impatient with existing democratic institutions, the judiciary, and the media, which they regarded as fundamentally hostile to the interests of “the people.” He then historically analyzes national and subnational leaders verifying if they deserve the populist attribution; the most interesting section of this analysis is devoted to Lula, who resisted the “populist temptation.”
Find this resource:
Conniff, Michael L. Urban Politics in Brazil: The Rise of Populism, 1925–1945. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1981.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Conniff sees the emergence of 1920s reformers, among them the populist Pedro Ernesto Baptista. According to Conniff, this populist leader managed, as mayor of Rio de Janeiro, to rely on an expanding vote, use the media, and generate public debate, thus making populism a model for urban politics in other large Brazilian cities, a style later adopted by Vargas.
Find this resource:
Fagundes Haussen, Doris. “Radio and Populism in Brazil: The 1930s and 1940s.” Television and New Media 6.3 (2005): 251–261.
DOI: 10.1177/1527476404273950Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Fagundes explores the role of radio under President Getulio Vargas in his attempt to develop a nationwide Brazilian culture, arguing that radio served as an instrument in connecting people with the politics of the state through programs like “Hora do Brasil.” With censorship as its main tool, the government under Vargas used radio to create a new Brazilian culture. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Ianni, Octavio. O colapso do populismo no Brasil. Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Civilizacao Brasileira, 1968.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Ianni explains the emergence of Brazilian populism against the background of a lack of early bourgeois revolution, in connection with the modernization process that started after WWI and the 1930 revolution. This process created a series of contradictions between national society and the dependent economy, crystallizing a social basis for populism, which in practice was only partially effective.
Find this resource:
Weffort, Francisco C. O populismo na política brasileira. Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Paz e Terra, 1980.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This is a collection of works by a pioneer analyst of the Brazilian case, who claimed that during the Estado Novo, Vargas found the way out of the depression and weakened state authority of the 1930s, creating a multiclass coalition of forces. This style, rather authoritarian but built on compromises, was later developed into more charismatic forms of leadership, which maintained populism alive in subsequent decades.
Find this resource:
Wolfe, Joel. “‘Father of the Poor’ or ‘Mother of the Rich’? Getulio Vargas, Industrial Workers, and Constructions of Class, Gender and Populism in Sao Paulo, 1930–1954.” Radical History Review 58 (1994): 80–112.
DOI: 10.1215/01636545-1994-58-80Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Wolfe studies the labor rhetoric of President Vargas and its consumption by São Paolo workers. Wolfe claims that the workers measured Vargas according to their experiences and did not readily accept his programs during 1930–1945. These interactions between the workers and Vargas led to the social construction of populism most visible during the 1945–1964 era of open competitive Brazilian politics. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Wolfe, Joel. “From Working Mothers to Housewives: Gender and Brazilian Populism from Getúlio Vargas to Juscelino Kubitschek.” In Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. Edited by Karen Kampwirth, 91–109. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Wolfe analyzes the different policies of these two presidents, indicating that though Vargas promoted modernization, it did nothing to change the extant gender ideologies. Under Kubitschek’s developmentalism, a middle-class ethos was promoted, yet the ideals of developmentalism would be the source of promotion of bottom-up democracy in place of a top-down program of political incorporation and socioeconomic transformation.
Find this resource:
Chile

There are few studies of Chilean populism and there seems to be disagreement on its role. Representative of this trend are the two studies mentioned here. While Grugel 1992 claims that populism was important in Chilean political culture until 1973, Drake 1999 argues from a comparative optic that classic populism did not crystallize as in other countries of the region due to the structure of the Chilean party system and coalitions.

Drake, Paul W. “Chile’s Populism Reconsidered, 1920’s-1990’s.” In Populism in Latin America. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 63–74. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Drake examines how classic populism did not take hold in Chile. Though political movements like the Popular Front and the Popular Unity Front campaigned on the staple populist notions of industrialization, nationalist pride, and the protection of the lower classes, they resulted not from a charismatic leader but the work of political parties and coalitions, thus representing Chile’s promotion of democratic traditions over populist tendencies.
Find this resource:
Grugel, John. “Populism and the Political System in Chile: Ibañismo (1952–1958).” Bulletin of Latin American Research 11.2 (1992): 169–186.
DOI: 10.2307/3338121Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Grugel describes populism as conceiving of “the people” as the agent of social transformation and key to the construction of a new or improved social order. Grugel explains how Chilean President Ibáñez came to power again and his marking of a transitional period between traditional parties and new center-left parties with populist tendencies. Grugel claims that populism became a fundamental element of Chilean political culture until 1973. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Colombia

There is wide agreement that Colombia stands out as characterized by a historical absence of full-fledged populist experience. Palacios 2001 claims that there is a tradeoff between populism and violence, and that following the assassination of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán and the resulting violence, there was no space for populism. Tahar Chaouch 2009 further analyzes the figure of Gaitán. Urrutia 1991 identifies the strength of traditional parties and the use of clientelism as detrimental to the rise of full-fledged populism. Bejarano 2013 estimates that in the 2000s Uribe may have adopted some populist style and discourse, yet to carry out a conservative political project.

Bejarano, Ana María. “Politicizing Insecurity: Uribe’s Instrumental Populism.” In Latin American Populism in the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Carlos de la Torre and Cynthia J. Arnson, 323-350. Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Bejarano studies the populist style and discourse deployed by President Alvaro Uribe during his long mandate (2002–2010), identifying a particularly instrumental use of populism, which the author considers to be a strategy to consolidate an extremely conservative political project during a most violent period of the country’s history. Still, Uribe may have inaugurated a new wave of rightist populism that grows and thrives on citizens’ fear of insecurity.
Find this resource:
Palacios, Marco. De populismos, mandarines y violencias: Luchas por el poder. Bogotá, Colombia: Planeta, 2001.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
It claims that there is a tradeoff between populism and violence. Comparing Venezuela and Colombia, it suggests that the absence of populism in Colombia following the assassination of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán in 1948 led to political and social violence, while in neighboring Venezuela populism facilitated the “pacted democracy” of 1958 and a series of social reforms that prevented political violence, even during the heyday of the guerrilla movements
Find this resource:
Tahar Chaouch, Malik. “La presencia de una ausencia: Jorge Eliécer Gaitán y las desventuras del populismo en Colombia.” Araucaria 22 (2009): 251–262.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This work claims that, in spite of the lack of a persistent populist movement in Colombia, the figure of Gaitán, who was murdered in 1948, was that of a populist leader whose murder was foundational for the political development of that country in the following decades.
Find this resource:
Urrutia, Miguel. “On the Absence of Economic Populism in Colombia.” In The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America. Edited by Rudiger Dornbursch and Sebastian Edwards, 369–389. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The author identifies as working against the development of populism in Colombia the strength of the traditional political parties and their use of clientelism; the concentration of power at the regional and local levels; the role of technocrats at the Central Bank and the Planning Institute, backed by international institutions; and the relative freedom of the press in expressing criticisms of populist macroeconomic measures.
Find this resource:
Ecuador

Ecuadorian politics has witnessed the rise and fall of many populist leaders. De la Torre 1993 and Sosa-Buchholz 1999 look at a pivotal figure of 20th-century Ecuadorian political populism, José María Velasco Ibarra. Martz 1980 calls attention to similar trends in regional politics. Freidenberg 2008 carries out a comparative analysis of Abdala Bucaram, Gustavo Noboa, and Rafael Correa, indicating that their discourse did not contribute to consolidate democracy, a conclusion also advanced in Sosa-Buchholz 2010, which indicates that while they professed to promote democracy, they threatened democratic institutionalization. Montúfar 2008 discusses the popular mobilization of another intermittent populist, Lucio Gutiérrez. Montúfar 2013 calls attention to great similarities between Rafael Correa’s discourse and practices and those of other Ecuadorian figures such as Bucaram, Gutiérrez, and Velasco Ibarra. Zamosc 2013 calls attention to some of the consequences of such leadership styles when they are ineffective: popular protest and presidential impeachments.

de la Torre, Carlos. La seducción velazquista. Quito, Ecuador: FLACSO, 1993.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
More than any other political figure of the 20th century in Ecuador, for decades José María Velasco Ibarra rose to political prominence time after time by his populist appeal, returning after being deposed and exiled. De la Torre stresses the role of his discourse in constructing a seduction of nostalgia for an unfulfilled project and great appeal for his figure of martyrdom and promise of redemption.
Find this resource:
Freidenberg, Flavia. “El Flautista de Hammelin: Liderazgo y populismo en la democracia ecuatoriana.” In El retorno del pueblo: Populismo y nuevas democracies en América Latina. Edited by Carlos de la Torre and Enrique Peruzzotti, 189–238. Quito, Ecuador: FLACSO, 2008.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Focusing on Bucaram, Noboa, and Correa, Freidenberg indicates that they, who reached power in the midst of economic crises and disenchantment with the workings of the prevailing political system, further undermined Ecuadoran democratic institutions. Driven by an authoritarian vocation—albeit with differences of social background, domestic and international stances, and modes of interaction—their discourse and actions did not support democratic values and institutions.
Find this resource:
Martz, John D. “The Regionalist Expression of Populism: Guayaquil and the CFP, 1940–1960.” Journal of Interamerican and World Affairs 22.3 (1980): 289–314.
DOI: 10.2307/165491Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Martz explores the conceptual debate concerning populism, using the example of the CFP in Guayaquil to focus on the Moreno-led regional populist movement that occupied the political space between 1948 and 1960. It focuses on three factors: sources of support, leadership style and organization, and political doctrine. Though a different manifestation from Argentine or Brazilian populism, the CFP offers a clear example of populism. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Montúfar, César. “El populismo intermitente de Lucio Gutiérrez.” In El retorno del pueblo: Populismo y nuevas democracias en América Latina. Edited by Carlos de la Torre and Enrique Peruzzotti, 267–298. Quito, Ecuador: FLACSO, 2008.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Montúfar stresses the discursive thread of Gutiérrez-led popular mobilization, which to him justifies characterizing Gutiérrez as a selective and intermittent populist leader. According to this analysis, populism is aimed to capture or maintain power and can be reflected in various populist strategies. In his opinion, it is easier to use a populist style and rhetoric to gain power rather than to stay in power.
Find this resource:
Montúfar, César. “Rafael Correa and His Citizen Revolution.” In Latin American Populism in the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Carlos de la Torre and Cynthia J. Arnson, 295-322. Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Montúfar aims to explain how Rafael Correa managed to construct an overwhelming popular political project. Montúfar indicates that Correa’s “revolution” was a revolution from above, lacking organizational ties to a social movement, instead building a hyper-presidential regime based on a model of plebiscitary legitimacy dependent on a strong leader. Montúfar argues for the fragility of Correa’s project, totally dependent on transient plebiscitary support.
Find this resource:
Sosa-Buchholz, Ximena. “The Strange Career of Populism in Ecuador.” In Populism in Latin America. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 138–156. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The author examines the changing character of Ecuadorian populism through the presidencies of Ibarra and Bucaram. Sosa-Buchholz notes that Ibarra’s populist politics were generally vague and short-term in nature. Presenting himself as an outsider, Ibarra worked his way up from outside of the traditional parties, but his personalistic style prevented him from maintaining enduring power.
Find this resource:
Sosa-Buchholz, Ximena. “The Changing Images of Male and Female in Ecuador: Jose Maria Velasco Ibarra and Abdala Bucaram.” In Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. Edited by Karen Kampwirth, 47–66. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Sosa-Buchholz reveals the profound changes that Ecuadorian society underwent from the times of Velasco Ibarra (1930s–1970s) to Bucaram’s 1996–1997 truncated presidential term. Though it discusses gender, its key insight rests on how these leaders threatened democratic institutionalization while professing democracy. Thus, Velasco Ibarra declared himself dictator three times in the name of the people, and Bucaram’s disregard for the rule of law drove him out of power.
Find this resource:
Zamosc, Leon. “Popular Impeachments: Ecuador in Comparative Perspective.” In Shifting Frontiers of Citizenship: The Latin American Experience. Edited by Mario Sznajder, Luis Roniger, and Carlos Forment, 137–265. Leiden, The Netherlands, and Boston: Brill, 2013.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Zamosc analyzes the issue of popular protest leading to presidential impeachments, stressing the excessive presidentialist styles related to lack of responsiveness and democratic institutions’ weak controls. Under such circumstances, at least in Ecuador, the poverty of institutionalism has been compensated by a direct intervention of large social segments involved in protests against the misconduct of ineffectual or corrupt presidents in critical situations.
Find this resource:
Mexico

The use of the populist label for the administrations that emerged after the Mexican Revolution was uncommon and was officially opposed. With the exception of Alvaro Obregón in the 1920s and Lázaro Cárdenas in the 1930s (Basurto 1982), populism in Mexico seems to have been secondary once the political system became consolidated and political mechanisms of mediation and control were institutionalized in post-revolutionary Mexico. President Luis Echeverría and opposition leader Andrés Manuel López Obrador are the only later political figures that have attempted to rely on such styles to a significant extent, with huge differences and varied results (Grayson 2007, Olcott 2010).

Basurto, Jorge. “The Late Populism of Luis Echeverría.” In Latin America in Comparative Perspective. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 93–112. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Basurto claims that though the term “populism” was not used in Mexico at the time, it is reasonable to talk of its styles and policies with Alvaro Obregón in the 1920s and Lázaro Cárdenas in the 1930s. He also claims that as late as the 1970s, Luis Echeverría attempted to follow Cárdenas’ example of presidential omnipotence and popular mobilization, though conditions had changed since the 1930s.
Find this resource:
Grayson, George W. Mexican Messiah: Andrés Manuel López Obrador. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Grayson claims that, unlike Chávez and other populist leaders, López Obrador is a secular messiah, who lives humbly, gathers supporters, relishes playing the role of victim, and preaches a doctrine of salvation that implies returning to the values of the 1917 Constitution, supporting nationalism and rejecting imperialism.
Find this resource:
Olcott, Jocelyn. “The Politics of Opportunity: Mexican Populism under Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría.” In Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. Edited by Karen Kampwirth, 25–46. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Olcott claims that both administrations paid full attention to women’s roles and images, as revealed in the efforts of Cárdenas to incorporate women into political life and Echeverría’s hosting an international women’s conference. The core argument is that while both presidents attempted to reconcile traditional women’s roles with political participation, the process they initiated would lead to further demands and forms of female participation.
Find this resource:
Nicaragua

Analyses of Nicaraguan politics in terms of populism are few. There are, however, indications that Somoza père adopted such style of leadership as he tried to consolidate his rule at the expense of the traditional oligarchy starting in the 1930s and until his death (Gould 1990); and that later presidents like Alemán made use of populist tactics only as they campaigned (Kampwirth 2003) and did not deliver in such terms, at least in the realm of gender (González-Rivera 2010). Kampwirth 2010 suggests that in the case of Daniel Ortega, his populist turn meant a conservative turn in the politics of gender. Colburn and Cruz S. 2012 suggests that personalism and populism prevail and are viable in Nicaragua.

Colburn, Forrest D., and Arturo Cruz S. “Personalism and Populism in Nicaragua.” Journal of Democracy 23.2 (2012): 104–118.
DOI: 10.1353/jod.2012.0037Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The authors assess the impact of the lack of an informed, engaged political citizenry in Nicaragua, arguing that this scarcity explains the enduring presence of personalism and populism in the country. Still, according to Colburn and Cruz, personalism enhances governability because it provides a certain measure of political stability, replacing the confusion of “countless institutions and myriad political transactions” (p. 107).
Find this resource:
González-Rivera, Victoria. “Gender, Clientelistic Populism, and Memory: Somocista and Neo-Somocista Women’s Narratives in Liberal Nicaragua.” In Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. Edited by Karen Kampwirth, 67–90. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
González-Rivera compares the impact of Somoza’s policies on women to that of Alemán’s, showing that under the latter there has been a backward move. González-Rivera mentions that Somoza incorporated urban women into state employment while Alemán oversaw the dismantling of the state; the socially conservative turn that placed greater emphasis on family values; the civil war’s militarization; and the rise of a feminist movement in recent years.
Find this resource:
Gould, Jeffrey. To Lead as Equals: Rural Protest and Political Consciousness in Chinandega, Nicaragua, 1912–1979. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Gould indicates that from 1936 to the mid-1960s, the Somozas attempted a populist strategy to establish a hegemonic control over Nicaraguan society, and politically debilitate the landed oligarchy. As part of this strategy, they appropriated the very language and symbolic imagery of obrerismo and co-opted labor leaders. Following the death of Somoza père, this strategy was increasingly sidelined in favor of repression.
Find this resource:
Kampwirth, Karen. “Arnoldo Alemán Takes on the NGOs: Antifeminism and the New Populism in Nicaragua.” Latin American Politics and Society 45.2 (2003): 133–158.
DOI: 10.2307/3176982Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The article discusses the transformation of populism following the emergence of neoliberalism. It looks at how neo-populist presidents conducted populist campaigns, yet changed course during their presidencies. This reversal is explained ultimately by contextual transformations in the international system causing a populist approach to be abandoned in order to foster stronger ties within the international economic and political system. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Kampwirth, Karen. “Populism and the Feminist Challenge in Nicaragua.” In Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. Edited by Karen Kampwirth, 162–179. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This study traces the radical transformation of Daniel Ortega from a guerrilla and revolutionary leader in the 1970s–1980s into a populist leader that renounced a commitment to moderate women’s emancipation, while adopting conservative positions, such as the banning of abortion under all circumstances. The author sees the personalist leadership as the main hindrance that prevented safeguarding women’s gains in Nicaragua.
Find this resource:
Panama

A paradigmatic case of recurrent populism was that led for decades by Arnulfo Arias (Robinson 1999). His emphasis on Panameñismo and organizational strategies seem to have been replicated by those who opposed and deposed him, including Omar Torrijos (Priestley 1986).

Priestley, George. Military Government and Popular Participation in Panama: The Torrijos Regime, 1968–1975. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1986.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This study shows that the opponents of Arnulfo Arias, as General Antonio Remón, who placed him in power and soon dethroned him in 1949, or Omar Torrijos, who deposed him in 1968 and became the de facto ruler until his death in 1980, copied Arias’ nationalist emphasis and organizational strategies, in the parties that they founded.
Find this resource:
Robinson, William Francis. “Panama for the Panamanians: The Populism of Arnulfo Arias Madrid.” In Populism in Latin America. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 151–171. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Robinson analyzes the case of Arnulfo Arias, who presided over Panama on three separate occasions and embodied the struggle of the middle and popular classes against the oligarchy. Arias’ political style slowly evolved toward populism as he learned from his past mistakes, fostered nationalist pride, and included ostracized groups in his organizations.
Find this resource:
Peru

Studies on Peruvian populism are diverse and seem to indicate that populism started with Sánchez Cerro and Haya de la Torre (Stein 1999, Stein 1982) and that only with Fujimori did it have a short revival, albeit under radically changed circumstances (Kay 1996). Jansen 2009 provides a long-term perspective.

Jansen, Robert S. “Populist Mobilization: Peru in Historical and Comparative Perspective.” PhD diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 2009.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This PhD dissertation explores the utility of approaching populism as a flexible form of political support, as opposed to its classic conceptualization as a movement or regime type. The first part of the thesis assesses the existing approaches to populism in order to identify both theoretical shortcomings and productive points of departure. From there, the author provides a new theoretical approach to populism based on the conceptualization of populism as political mobilization.
Find this resource:
Kay, Bruce H. “‘Fujipopulism’ and the Liberal State in Peru, 1990–1995.” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 38.4 (1996): 55–98.
DOI: 10.2307/166259Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Kay examines the rise of “Fujipopulism,” defined as the state’s retreat from the economy, expansion of private capital, and elimination of many government distributive functions. Kay argues that its outcome is influenced by a radical change in size, structure, and capacity of state, contending that certain economic reforms and more authoritarian rule expanded the executive branch and the means to maintain popular support. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Stein, Steve. “Populism in Peru: APRA, the Formative Years.” In Latin American Populism in Comparative Perspective. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 113–134. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Stein analyzes the origins of APRA, aiming to explain both its emergence and endurance, stressing de la Torre’s personal leadership as decisive, and considering the 1920s spirit of social and political reform. Though APRA was not a party until 1931, Stein stresses that its ideas gave Apristas a sense of political identity wrapped as a mystical credo with religious rhetoric of redemption.
Find this resource:
Stein, Steve. “The Paths to Populism in Peru.” In Populism in Latin America. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 97–116. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Stein explores the birth of Peruvian populism through the movements of Sánchez Cerro and Haya de la Torre. The success of both movements rested on their campaign styles, rhetoric, and the ability to provide political cohesion and inclusion of the middle and lower classes. Stein also examines populism’s attempted reemergence through leaders like García, its decline, as well as the rise of neo-populism.
Find this resource:
Venezuela

The origins of populism in Venezuela, including Betancourt’s Acción Democrática, are discussed in Ellner 1982 and Rivas 1999. Yet, it has been the rise of Hugo Chávez that has created a massive attention and discussion of Venezuelan politics in terms of radical populism (Ellner 1999), a term that supporters of Chávez have often disclaimed. Roberts 2003 calls attention to the repoliticization of social inequality. Various studies focus on the mediating mechanisms of Chavismo: Chávez’s devoted female followings are discussed in Espina and Rakowski 2010 and Fernandes 2010. Hawkins and Hansen 2006 analyzes the Círculos Bolivarianos and Hawkins, et al. 2011 debates the Misiones and their role. The tensions between leadership styles and institutional consolidation are discussed in López Maya and Panzarelli 2013. For a comprehensive analysis of Chavismo from a populist perspective, see Hawkins 2010, cited under Conceptual Debates.

Ellner, Steve. “Populism in Venezuela, 1935–1948: Betancourt and the Acción Democrática.” In Latin American Populism in Comparative Perspective. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 135–149. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Ellner claims that populism in Venezuela originated in the aftermath of the 1928 student rebellion against the Gómez dictatorship. Ellner portrays Betancourt embracing populism prior to 1948, and also indicates that Acción Democrática offered social harmony, discouraging workers’ strikes, in return for significant concessions to non-elite groups; he concludes that, driven by the same pragmatic considerations, Betancourt abandoned populism after 1958.
Find this resource:
Ellner, Steve. “The Heyday of Radical Populism in Venezuela.” In Populism in Latin America. Edited by Michael L. Conniff, 117–137. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Ellner analyzes the rise of populism under Raúl Betancourt and the Democratic Action Party (AD) and its reemergence under Chávez. Though Betancourt relied on the support of workers and rural poor, his style was less manipulative than that of his political opponents. The chapter ends by acknowledging Chávez’s rise, the Bolivarian Revolutionary Movement, and the emergence of Venezuelan radical populism.
Find this resource:
Espina, Gioconda, and Cathy A. Rakowski. “Waking Women Up? Hugo Chávez, Populism, and Venezuela’s ‘Popular’ Women.” In Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. Edited by Karen Kampwirth, 180–201. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The authors assess Chávez’s gendered policy and discourse, indicating that he has managed to create a passionate following that attracted women of the poorer strata. Themes of daily struggle and their sacrifice for their families and communities resonated strongly with these women, explaining the intensity of Chávez’s appeal and strong commitment of his following.
Find this resource:
Fernandes, Sujatha. “Gender, Popular Participation and the State in Chávez’s Venezuela.” In Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics. Edited by Karen Kampwirth, 202–221. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Fernandes claims that Chávez’s appeals to women as mothers and his promotion of programs that alleviate women’s domestic burdens have helped increase female public participation. Through their connection to state programs and to the president’s revolutionary-populist appeal, poorer women managed both to build new spaces of community participation and to promote a political identity. These women have become active agents of democratic community participation.
Find this resource:
Hawkins, Kirk A., and David R. Hansen. “Dependent Civil Society: The Círculos Bolivarianos in Venezuela.” Latin American Research Review 41.1 (2006): 102–132.
DOI: 10.1353/lar.2006.0008Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The article presents survey-based data on Venezuela’s Círculos Bolivarianos and focuses on their relationship to civil society. The findings point to a mixed contribution to civil society, while the linkage between the Círculos and Chávez undermines the capacity of the former to become institutionalized. The authors suggest that while the Círculos can contribute to democracy, they lack autonomy to make a meaningful contribution to Venezuelan civil society. Available online for purchase or by subscription.
Find this resource:
Hawkins, Kirk A., Guillermo Rosas, and Michael E. Johnson. “The Misiones of the Chávez Government.” In Venezuela’s Bolivarian Democracy. Edited by David Smilde and Daniel Hellinger, 186–218. Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 2011.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
An analysis of the Misiones in terms of their coverage and the opinions of participants and workers reveals their strong top-down and non-autonomous quality as well as their selective use. In part, this is the result of their extreme partisan character, in spite of the professed claim of universalism by the authorities. The authors think that these programs should be characterized as charismatic-populist rather than programmatic or clientelistic.
Find this resource:
López Maya, Margarita, and Alexandra Panzarelli. “Populism, Rentierism and Socialism in the 21st Century: The Case of Venezuela.” In Latin American Populism in the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Carlos de la Torre and Cynthia J. Arnson, 239-268. Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This work explores Chavismos’s populist aspects: its promotion of social inclusion and a divisive discourse with a strong mobilization capacity. The article explores the primary communication channels between Chávez and the pueblo and the social composition of the Chavista base and elite, concluding that the temptation of a populist leader may be to cling to power at the risk of destroying an entire institutional fabric.
Find this resource:
Rivas, Ricardo Alberto. “Populismo y neopopulismo en Venezuela.” Cuadernos del CISH: Sociohistórica 6 (1999): 243–258.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This is a synthetic analysis of Venezuelan politics from the death of Juan Vicente Gómez in 1935 to the rise of Hugo Chávez, tracing the transformation of the political system through the optic of populism and neo-populism.
Find this resource:
Roberts, Kenneth. “Social Polarization and the Populist Resurgence in Venezuela.” In Venezuelan Politics in the Chávez Era: Class, Polarization, and Conflict. Edited by Steve Ellner and Daniel Hellinger, 55–72. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2003.
Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Roberts claims that Chavismo’s rise signals not just the definitive collapse of the party system that had dominated Venezuela since 1958, but also a repoliticization of social inequality. In the late 1980s, an elite-mass cleavage started amid economic decline and social disarticulation that facilitated the emergence of new populist leaders, with Chávez harnessing class resentment in a frontal attack on the old system.
Find this resource: