Chinese Triad Society (Criminology)

Introduction

In the 17th century, the Chinese triad society, also known as the Hung Mun, Tien Tei Wei (Heaven and Earth Society), or San Hwo Hui (Three United Society), was founded to overthrow the Ch’ing dynasty and restore the Ming dynasty in China. Guided by a strong patriotic doctrine, the triad maintained a rigid central control over the behavior and activities of its members, who regarded themselves as blood brothers and were expected to be loyal and righteous. The early triad society still maintained its secret and cultural features, as reflected in its paraphernalia, organizational structure, recruitment mechanism, initiation ceremony, oaths, rituals, secret codes, and communication system. There were clear rules, codes of conduct, and chains of command. In the early 1900s, the Hung Mun gradually disintegrated into many triad societies or gangs that operated independently from each other in different parts of China. With the Chinese Communist Party in power in 1949, many triad members escaped to Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, and Chinatowns in overseas countries together with thousands of refugees. In the beginning, refugees from the same ethnic groups united themselves to protect their own interests against other ethnic groups in a definite neighborhood. With the infiltration of triad elements, some of these groups were gradually transformed into triad societies (or tongs in Chinatowns overseas) which used violence to protect them in a dominated territory. In postwar decades, Hong Kong was the capital of triads, and it was suggested by a police commissioner that one in every six of the 3 million Hong Kong inhabitants was a triad member. Because of their entrenched subculture and cohesion, triads are regarded as effective in enforcing control in local territories, but it is argued that their hierarchical structure is incompatible with the dynamic nature of many forms of transnational organized crime, such as human smuggling. On the other hand, China’s open door policy in the 1980s encouraged triads to shift their moneymaking focus onto mainland China. In view of assistance provided by triads to smuggle out democratic leaders after the Tiananmen crackdown in 1989 and China’s resumption of sovereignty of Hong Kong in 1997, China applied a “united front” tactic to recruit Hong Kong triads to the communist camp. A label of patriotic triad was bestowed on triad leaders, who were able to set foot in China. Triads experienced a process of mainlandization as a result of China’s economic growth and rising demand for limited goods and services. They network with Chinese officials and enterprises and forge cooperative relationships with mainland criminal groups, trying to capitalize in the booming underworld. They exchange crime techniques with the Chinese counterparts and import sex workers and dangerous drugs from the mainland into Hong Kong. Today, a business approach has developed alongside the traditional triad crime. Triads have been engaged in legitimate businesses and worked with entrepreneurs and professionals to make financial gain in business markets. They are less structurally organized than their patriotic counterparts of the past, and triad rituals have been simplified.

General Overviews

Early works on triad societies focused on history and rituals that were based on those used in Hung Mun in ancient times. They described triad myths as the origin of patriotic culture. Among them, Schlegel 1866, Stanton 1900, and Morgan 1960 are authoritative triad literature accepted in the court of Hong Kong. They are often referred to by the police in prosecuting offenses related to triad membership. Chu 2000 provides a description of the development of triad societies in Hong Kong. He argued that the emergence of triads in Hong Kong was not a response to local needs, nor a purposive migration of triads from mainland China, but rather a consequence of influx of refugees from mainland to Hong Kong during the postwar and post–communist takeover decades. Chin 1990 found that ordinary street crimes, such as vice, gambling, extortion, and drug dealing, are facilitated by the traditional triad hierarchical structure. Through such structural and subcultural control, triad societies are able to compel their members to run illicit activities. Liu 2001 also provides a comprehensive background of triad history, activities, political involvement, relationships with Chinese officials, and operations in overseas markets. Lo and Kwok 2012 examined the impact of socioeconomic changes on triad organized crime in modern times. They contended that triads are bound by the same codes of conduct and chains of command that ensure the formation of blood brothers with one solitary aspiration. With such authority and manipulation amid the triad syndicate, this aspiration inevitably results in the running of illicit activities in triad-controlled territories. As a result of socioeconomic changes, triads move from localization to mainlandization, triad brotherhood to entrepreneurship, and cohesion to disorganization. Lo and Kwok 2013 suggested that as the intimacy between Hong Kong and China has grown deeper, an upsurge of cross-border crime has emerged since the 1990s. Prosperity in China caused a process of mainlandization of triad activities because of an ever-increasing demand for licit and illicit services in Chinese communities. The relationship between triads, tongs, and transnational organized crime is examined.

Chin, K. 1990. Chinese subculture and criminality: Non-traditional crime groups in America. Westport, CT: Greenwood.
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This book portrays triad as an ancient Chinese secret society, bound by oaths, regarding members as blood brothers in one family, and dedicated to restoring the ancient ruler to the throne at the beginning, which later became criminal syndicates using partial rituals for their own moneymaking purposes.
Chin, K. 1990. Chinese subculture and criminality: Non-traditional crime groups in America. Westport, CT: Greenwood.
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Chu, Y. K. 2000. The triads as business. London: Routledge.
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Most of the early Hong Kong triads started as noncriminal mutual-aid groups, which was a collective response to the exploitation by criminals and monopolization in the labor market. At first, they started to unite to protect each other, and eventually it turned out that these mutual-aid groups became triads to sell protection services.
Chu, Y. K. 2000. The triads as business. London: Routledge.
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Liu, B. 2001. The Hong Kong triad societies: Before and after the 1997 change-over. Hong Kong: Net e-Publishing.
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The book documents the history of triad societies and provides a detailed account of triad activities in different settings, such as schools, communities, entertainment and film industry, and casinos. The development of triad societies in Hong Kong and overseas countries is discussed. A chapter on the relationship between Hong Kong triads and Beijing officials is worth reading.
Liu, B. 2001. The Hong Kong triad societies: Before and after the 1997 change-over. Hong Kong: Net e-Publishing.
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Lo, T. W., and S. I. Kwok. 2012. Traditional organized crime in the modern world: How triad societies respond to socioeconomic change. In Traditional organized crime in the modern world. Edited by D. Siegel and H. van de Bunt, 67–89. New York: Springer.
DOI: 10.1007/978-1-4614-3212-8Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper contends that triads were cohesive criminal organizations focally aimed at monetary gain in dominated territories. Socioeconomic changes in Hong Kong and China have forced triads to move from a rigid territorial base and cohesive structure to more reliance on flexible and instrumental social networks. They are entrepreneurially oriented and involved in a wide range of licit and illicit businesses based in Hong Kong but spread to mainland China. Different kinds of crime are discussed.
Lo, T. W., and S. I. Kwok. 2012. Traditional organized crime in the modern world: How triad societies respond to socioeconomic change. In Traditional organized crime in the modern world. Edited by D. Siegel and H. van de Bunt, 67–89. New York: Springer.
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Lo, T. W., and S. I. Kwok. 2013. Chinese triads and tongs. In Encyclopedia of criminology and criminal justice. Edited by G. Bruinsma and D. Weisburd. New York: Springer.
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This paper provides an overview of Chinese triad societies, their organizational structure, rituals and subculture, criminal activities, and issues related to the patriotic triads and mainlandization of triad activities. It has a special section on the discussion of tong and its relations with triads and transnational organized crime.
Lo, T. W., and S. I. Kwok. 2013. Chinese triads and tongs. In Encyclopedia of criminology and criminal justice. Edited by G. Bruinsma and D. Weisburd. New York: Springer.
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Morgan, W. P. 1960. Triad societies in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Government Printer.
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An authoritative literature of triad societies, published by the Hong Kong Police Force, outlines the historical development of the structure, subculture, and rituals of traditional triad societies. It provides the name of a large number of triad societies in Hong Kong.
Morgan, W. P. 1960. Triad societies in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Government Printer.
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Schlegel, G. 1866. Thian ti hwui: The Hung league/Heaven-earth-league. Batavia, Indonesia: Lange.
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It is a classic historical study of the triad society, known as Thian ti hwui (Heaven and Earth Society) in the ancient time. It starts with a discussion of the political history of the Hung League (Hung Mun). There are detailed accounts of structure and subculture, including instruments of the lodge, poems, government of Hung League with different grades of senior officers, and use of secret signs with the setting of wine cups or chopsticks and on the way they smoke tobacco or opium.
Schlegel, G. 1866. Thian ti hwui: The Hung league/Heaven-earth-league. Batavia, Indonesia: Lange.
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Stanton, W. 1900. The Triad Society or Heaven and Earth Association. Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh.
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This book provides a classic historical overview of the triad society named Heaven and Earth Association in ancient time. It starts with an introduction to the early secret societies such as the White Lotus and examines triad society in and outside of China. There are detailed accounts of triad origins, rituals, initiatory ceremonies, certificates of membership, signs, and test words.
Stanton, W. 1900. The Triad Society or Heaven and Earth Association. Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh.
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Organizational Structure

From the literature, there are three approaches to examine the structure of triad organized crime: the structural approach, the social network approach, and the social capital approach. Chin 1990 examined the similarities between the structure of Hong Kong triads and that of ancient Chinese secret societies, such as Hung Gang and Ching Gang, to explain how the ancient Chinese secret societies influence triad development. Zhang and Chin 2008 argued that the criminal underworld in China is growing along two dimensions: first, transnational organized crime syndicates are operated by individuals tied by personal (social, familial, ancestral) networks developed in their hometown, while the second one is locally based criminal organizations with specific dominated turfs and shared rituals. Morgan 1960 (cited under Subculture) sketched out the traditional triad structure as rigid and hierarchical. Chu 2000 portrayed that triads in Hong Kong are neither centrally organized nor highly disorganized. Triad society is not a single hierarchical entity, but a loose cartel which consists of numerous autonomous societies which share similar organizational structure and adopt similar rituals to bind members together. Lo 2012 found that triads used a spider’s web structure to absorb young people into youth gangs and then tied them into a “big brother and follower” relationship, which is a common tactic for controlling youth gangs and recruiting junior members into triad societies. Xia 2008 argued that the operations of contemporary organized criminal groups in China are based more on networking than the traditional triad hierarchy and contractual relationships in illicit markets. Williams and Godson 2002 outlined five models, including economic, political, strategic, sociological, and composite models, as the knowledge base in organized crime. Further classifying the sociological model into cultural, ethnic network, and social network models, they place Chinese triads in the cultural model because of the triad subculture, involving rituals, oaths, secrecy, loyalty, and brotherhood. McKenna 1996 contended that the centralization of triad societies is low, as most of the triad-related organized crime is committed by a faction of a particular triad society, led by its area boss or the “red pole” (fighting officer) rather than being commanded by the headquarters led by the dragon head. Chin 1995 argued that the structure of triads is loosely organized and self-interest driven instead of emphasizing collectivism. There is a lack of central control over the operation of their branches. Lo 2010 argued that both the traditional structural approach and the social network approach fail to fully explain triad organized crime in China because political dynamics is involved. Lo proposed a social capital perspective to examine how the triad leaders converted the social capital they developed in mainland China into economic capital through illegitimate means in the stock market.

Chin, K. 1990. Chinese subculture and criminality: Non-traditional crime groups in America. Westport, CT: Greenwood.
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The book starts with describing and comparing the recruiting practices, organizational development, and activities of ancient secret societies, then analyzing how they degenerated into the Hong Kong triads. It also provides a critical examination of the transformation of Hong Kong triads from highly organized groups to disorganized groups.
Chin, K. 1990. Chinese subculture and criminality: Non-traditional crime groups in America. Westport, CT: Greenwood.
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Chin, K. 1995. Triad society in Hong Kong. Transnational Organized Crime 1.1: 47–64.
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Instead of following the footprint of classical triad literature in describing the hierarchical organizational structure of triads, the paper provides an alternative view of modern triads from the perspective of Western reporters and law enforcement. It also provides a brief overview of the nature and background of different triad societies in Hong Kong.
Chin, K. 1995. Triad society in Hong Kong. Transnational Organized Crime 1.1: 47–64.
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Chu, Y. K. 2000. The triads as business. London: Routledge.
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The triad societies are generally controlled by small hierarchical pyramids led by area bosses at the district level and connected with each other under the same triad society. Although each society has central management, the leaders are rather symbolic figures rather than possessing power in controlling the entire organization. As triads are decentralized and operate independently, the linkage between Hong Kong and overseas triads is weak and they are mostly connected through informal networks.
Chu, Y. K. 2000. The triads as business. London: Routledge.
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Lo, T. W. 2010. Beyond social capital: Triad organized crime in Hong Kong and China. British Journal of Criminology 50:851–872.
DOI: 10.1093/bjc/azq022Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper uses social capital theory to analyze the operation of the Sun Yee On triad. Bonding social capital refers to the structural and cohesive triad organization. Bridging social capital refers to the connections and interactions between different triad societies and business enterprises. Linking social capital refers to the interaction with triad leaders and senior Chinese officials. The triads use such social capital to develop legitimate and illegitimate business opportunities in China.
Lo, T. W. 2010. Beyond social capital: Triad organized crime in Hong Kong and China. British Journal of Criminology 50:851–872.
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Lo, T. W. 2012. Triadization of youth gangs in Hong Kong. British Journal of Criminology 52:556–576.
DOI: 10.1093/bjc/azr091Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper critically examines how triads control youth gangs and absorb new blood to continue their survival across different generations. It suggests that through a spider’s web structure and a big brother and follower relationship, triads provide protection to youth gangs when conflicts occur between different gangs. Youth gang members are triadized in both routine and illegal activities.
Lo, T. W. 2012. Triadization of youth gangs in Hong Kong. British Journal of Criminology 52:556–576.
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McKenna, J. J. 1996. Organized crime in the Royal Colony of Hong Kong. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 12.4: 316–328.
DOI: 10.1177/104398629601200405Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper provides an analysis of monographs, interviews, official reports obtained from the Hong Kong Royal Police and the US enforcement agencies, as well as authoritative local printed media on Chinese organized crime. It reveals that the centralization of triad societies is low.
McKenna, J. J. 1996. Organized crime in the Royal Colony of Hong Kong. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 12.4: 316–328.
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Williams, P., and R. Godson. 2002. Anticipating organized and transnational crime. Crime, Law and Social Change 37:311–355.
DOI: 10.1023/A:1016095317864Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper argues that although triad subcultural elements and norms have been diluted today and triads are more disorganized, guanxi or reciprocal obligation still exists and provides a basis for the global activities of Chinese criminals. Triad members treat obligations as imperative even if they span generations and continents.
Williams, P., and R. Godson. 2002. Anticipating organized and transnational crime. Crime, Law and Social Change 37:311–355.
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Xia, M. 2008. Organizational formations of organized crime in China: Perspectives from the state, markets, and networks. Journal of Contemporary China 17.54: 1–23.
DOI: 10.1080/10670560701693039Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Xia suggested that triad structure is horizontal rather than vertical, and more resilient and adaptive to external environment. Such structure facilitates its movement outside their homeland to Southeast Asia and the United States, and benefits from participation in transnational organized crime (e.g., drug and human smuggling).
Xia, M. 2008. Organizational formations of organized crime in China: Perspectives from the state, markets, and networks. Journal of Contemporary China 17.54: 1–23.
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Zhang, S. X., and K. Chin. 2008. Snakeheads, mules, and protective umbrellas: A review of current research on Chinese organized crime. Crime, Law and Social Change 50:177–195.
DOI: 10.1007/s10611-008-9136-2Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper contends that the structural deficiency perspective emphasizes that hierarchical structure hinders triad involvement in the fluid nature of transnational organized crime and the cartwheel network perspective explains the superiority of personal network or task force orientation in transnational organized crime. It is argued that it is difficult for the triad organizations to be involved in transnational organized crime.
Zhang, S. X., and K. Chin. 2008. Snakeheads, mules, and protective umbrellas: A review of current research on Chinese organized crime. Crime, Law and Social Change 50:177–195.
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Subculture

Triad subculture refers to the body of behaviors, attitudes, outlooks, norms, rules, values, etc., shared by triad members. Back in the 1960s, the triad subculture heavily emphasized yiqi (brotherhood) and loyalty. By creating brotherhood, it helps to strengthen the cohesiveness and solidarity of the triad community. Chin 1990 provided a critical analysis of triad subculture by comparing the subculture of ancient Chinese secret societies with modern triad subculture, as well as the subculture shared by other Chinese criminal groups in the United States. He concluded that Chinese criminal organizations such as triads, tongs, and street gangs share the same rituals, norms, and values of triad societies, and regarded members as brothers of same triad family. Chin 1995 further asserted that triad subculture is a manifestation of Chinese subculture and a reflection of strain in responding to the alienated mainstream value and culture in the era of colonial governance. Chu 2000 outlined the transformation of triad rituals and membership system in modern era and how triads establish their reputation in the community. Morgan 1960 and Murray 2004 portrayed triad traditions and subculture. They provided detailed descriptions of traditional triad rituals, such as photographs showing costumes of various ranks of triad members, designation flags, recognition hand signs and seals, along with detailed scripts for various ceremonies. Bolton and Hutton 1995 described the nature of triad language as part of triad subculture. Ter Haar 1998 provided critical examination of the historical development of triad initiation rituals and different narratives on the triad lore in relation to the southern Chinese culture and religion. He concluded that the initiation rituals and the foundation of myths serve to establish triad identity and brotherhood that bind the members to the organization. The triad community was constructed as fictive kinship through establishing new identity with rights and obligations, and a new status in the hierarchical fictive kinship family.

Bolton, K., and C. Hutton. 1995. Bad and banned language: Triad secret societies, the censorship of the Cantonese vernacular, and colonial language policy in Hong Kong. Language in Society 24:159–186.
DOI: 10.1017/S0047404500018571Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper critically examines the reason for strict censorship in the use of triad language in media and the criminalization of the use of triad language.
Bolton, K., and C. Hutton. 1995. Bad and banned language: Triad secret societies, the censorship of the Cantonese vernacular, and colonial language policy in Hong Kong. Language in Society 24:159–186.
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Chin, K. 1990. Chinese subculture and criminality: Non-traditional crime groups in America. Westport, CT: Greenwood.
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This sociological study of the subculture of the Hong Kong triads, tongs, and Chinese street gangs in US Chinatowns provides critical examination on the nature of the connection between triad subculture and Chinese criminality.
Chin, K. 1990. Chinese subculture and criminality: Non-traditional crime groups in America. Westport, CT: Greenwood.
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Chin, K. 1995. Triad society in Hong Kong. Transnational Organized Crime 1.1 (Spring): 47–64.
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This article explains the nature of triad subculture and criminality based on the subculture of violence concept developed by Wolfgang and Ferracuti in 1982.
Chin, K. 1995. Triad society in Hong Kong. Transnational Organized Crime 1.1 (Spring): 47–64.
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Chu, Y. K. 2000. The triads as business. London: Routledge.
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This book provides an outline of eighteen traditional triad rituals used in the initiation ceremony. They highlight the process of entering into the triad family, in which members will start a new life. They also teach the triad ways of communication and emphasize the punishment of traitors and the significance of blood brotherhood.
Chu, Y. K. 2000. The triads as business. London: Routledge.
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Morgan, W. P. 1960. Triad societies in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Government Printer.
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This book provides lots of traditional rituals used by triads, including hand signs, rituals of initiation ceremony, and even clothing for different ranks. It also provides a detailed account of different triad societies and their subsidiaries as well as ranks of triads. This is an official publication about the rituals of triads, indeed, the most comprehensive one.
Morgan, W. P. 1960. Triad societies in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Government Printer.
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Murray, D. 2004. The trouble with millenarianism: Falun Gong and the triad society. Journal of Comparative Asian Development 3.1: 105–156.
DOI: 10.1080/15339114.2004.9678394Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper uses the ancient triad society, namely, the Heaven and Earth Association, to examine the phenomenon of Chinese millenarianism, in addition to a modern religious and political society banned by the Chinese government, the Falun Gong. In the appendices of the paper, there are detailed accounts of the origins of triad society, including synopses on its ancient history, creation accounts, and initiation rituals.
Murray, D. 2004. The trouble with millenarianism: Falun Gong and the triad society. Journal of Comparative Asian Development 3.1: 105–156.
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Ter Haar, B. J. 1998. Ritual and mythology of the Chinese triads: Creating an identity. Boston: Brill.
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The author adopts a religious-cultural perspective in analyzing the nature of triad rituals and lore used in ancient time. The making of jargons, recognition dialogues, and sign language is to strengthen internal ties and share common identity. The myths and rituals also provide legitimacy to triad identity and existence. The author regards the triad lore as a sociopolitical unit that provides power and legitimacy as a mandate of heaven, and signifies the triad’s independence from the ruling elites.
Ter Haar, B. J. 1998. Ritual and mythology of the Chinese triads: Creating an identity. Boston: Brill.
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Activities

One common misconception is that triads engage only in criminal activities that involve violence or the threat of violence. The reality is that triads have been engaged in a variety of licit and illicit businesses. Chin 1995 provided an evaluation of various roles of triads in different traditional organized criminal activities, such as heroin trafficking, prostitution, illicit gambling, and extortion. The main activity of triads in Hong Kong is extortion, and they mainly serve as partners and protectors of licit and illicit business. Based on their empirical study of sex industry in a variety of major cities in Asian countries and the United States, Chin and Finckenauer 2012 concluded that the transnational Chinese sex industry is not run by any criminal organization. They argued that Chinese prostitutes are not victims of sex exploiters as perceived in previous literature and the media. Instead, they are active agents seeking economic opportunities for supporting themselves and families. Chu 2007 also suggested that the change of the operational structure of the sex service industry affects the role of triads in this industry. Although triad societies are still involved in the sex industry, it is a more an individually controlled business rather than an organizationally controlled business. Chu 2000 argued that the role of triad societies is neither extortion nor monopolization of illegal goods and services, but to provide protection services to illegal entrepreneurs for smoothing their operations in a risky business environment. Leong 2002 provided a critical examination of the role of triads in Macau’s gaming industry and explained why triads could successfully infiltrate in its operation through a “bate-ficha system.” The mutual benefit shared among the triads, casinos, and the Macau colonial government created loopholes in the regulation of the gaming industry and provided opportunities for the infiltration of triads in the industry and associated illicit businesses. McKenna 1996 argued that triad-related organized crime is mostly operated by “multi-crime syndicates” through cooperation among diverse criminal syndicates, or “criminal enterprises,” in which triad or ex-triad members commit organized crime through manipulation, bribery, and cooperation with different community segments, such as legal professionals, law enforcement, and legitimate business. Zhang and Chin 2002 provided a critical examination of the operation and structure of Chinese human smuggling organizations, which is different from the criminal enterprise approach in understanding Chinese organized crime. Based on their empirical findings, they argued that there was no involvement of triads in such operations and the use of force was rare. Lo 2010 found that a notorious triad society was involved in a financial crime by manipulating the stock price of a Hong Kong Stock Exchange–listed company through an aborted collaborative venture with a giant Chinese state telecommunications company.

Chin, K. 1995. Triad society in Hong Kong. Transnational Organized Crime 1.1 (Spring): 47–64.
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The paper suggests that although triads involve in a variety of criminal activities, such as illicit gambling and prostitution, their involvement is not exclusive and has no tendency toward monopolization. Chin is reserved about the perceived dominant role of triads in global heroin trafficking, as it is a subculture shared by overseas Chinese communities rather than exclusively controlled by triads. The paper suggests that heroin trafficking operations in Western countries are independent from triads.
Chin, K. 1995. Triad society in Hong Kong. Transnational Organized Crime 1.1 (Spring): 47–64.
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Chin, K. L., and J. O. Finckenauer. 2012. Selling sex overseas: Chinese women and the realities of prostitution and global sex trafficking. New York: New York Univ. Press.
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This book reveals different forms of prostitution in different countries and various types of sex industry operators. However, although there are a few unusual cases revealing the limited involvement of Chinese criminal organizations in smuggling arrangements, there are no large- or global-scale criminal organizations that are involved in either recruitment or employment of sex workers.
Chin, K. L., and J. O. Finckenauer. 2012. Selling sex overseas: Chinese women and the realities of prostitution and global sex trafficking. New York: New York Univ. Press.
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Chu, Y. K. 2000. The triads as business. London: Routledge.
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This book examines the nature and role of Hong Kong triads in the illegal market through analyzing their operations in a variety of traditional triad businesses, such as extortion, prostitution, gambling, smuggling, drug dealing and trafficking. It is argued that it is impossible for any criminal organization to monopolize the illegal market. Instead, a better interpretation of the role of triads in the illegal market speaks to their specialization in trading the commodity of protection.
Chu, Y. K. 2000. The triads as business. London: Routledge.
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Chu, Y. K. 2007. Triad involvement in the sex services industry in Hong Kong and its impacts on Southeast Asia. In Investigating the grey areas of the Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. Edited by A. Leaveau, 75–90. Bangkok: Research Institute on Contemporary Southeast Asia.
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This paper argues that the role of triad societies in the sex service industry has changed over time in Hong Kong, from heavily involved in the supply of sex workers and management of vice establishments in the 1960s–1970s, to more involvement in associated businesses, such as loan sharking to sex workers and offering protection to the industry after the 1980s.
Chu, Y. K. 2007. Triad involvement in the sex services industry in Hong Kong and its impacts on Southeast Asia. In Investigating the grey areas of the Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. Edited by A. Leaveau, 75–90. Bangkok: Research Institute on Contemporary Southeast Asia.
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Leong, A. V. M. 2002. The “bate-ficha” business and triads in Macau casinos. Queensland University of Technology Law & Justice Journal 2.1: 83–97.
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The paper argues that triads function as protectors of unstable transactions and agreements and provide benefits to their members and casinos. They provide sales agents of “dead-chips” to recruit rich people to gamble in VIP rooms and organize other illicit side-businesses (e.g., loan sharking and sex service) of the gaming industry.
Leong, A. V. M. 2002. The “bate-ficha” business and triads in Macau casinos. Queensland University of Technology Law & Justice Journal 2.1: 83–97.
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Lo, T. W. 2010. Beyond social capital: Triad organized crime in Hong Kong and China. British Journal of Criminology 50:851–872.
DOI: 10.1093/bjc/azq022Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper argues that triads made use of the label of patriotic triad to connect with Chinese officials and state enterprises. It was discovered that triad leaders converted the social capital they developed in mainland China into economic capital through illegitimate means in the stock market. They manipulated stock price to achieve financial gain.
Lo, T. W. 2010. Beyond social capital: Triad organized crime in Hong Kong and China. British Journal of Criminology 50:851–872.
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McKenna, J. J. 1996. Organized crime in the Royal Colony of Hong Kong. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 12.4: 316–328.
DOI: 10.1177/104398629601200405Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This paper argues that triads use social network and brokers (e.g., legal clerks) as common means to infiltrate into the arenas of politics, law enforcement, and the professional fields. In addition to traditional triad crime, they also have significant influence over some other legitimate businesses, such as the movie industry and printed media.
McKenna, J. J. 1996. Organized crime in the Royal Colony of Hong Kong. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 12.4: 316–328.
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Zhang, S., and K. Chin. 2002. Enter the dragon: Inside Chinese human smuggling organizations. Criminology 40.4: 737–768.
DOI: 10.1111/j.1745-9125.2002.tb00972.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Based on findings in New York, Los Angeles, and Fuzhou, China, the paper reveals that the human smuggling organizations are operated by individual ordinary citizens from a variety of backgrounds. The structure of smuggling organizations is ad hoc, flexible, and horizontal. They are task forces with sophisticated division of labor, and developed through familial and social networks, rather than the triad network.
Zhang, S., and K. Chin. 2002. Enter the dragon: Inside Chinese human smuggling organizations. Criminology 40.4: 737–768.
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Triads and Youth Gangs

In Hong Kong, triads and youth gangs are intricately linked. Youth gangs refer to groups that are affiliated with a triad society. As early as the 1980s, the Fight Crime Committee 1986 recognized the negative impact of triads on young people and proposed changes in the law to tackle the problem. Lo 1992 revealed that public housing estates that house the lower socioeconomic groups are a breeding ground for youth gangs. Due to the high proportion of young people residing in the estates, youth gangs affiliated with a triad society can be easily formed. Lo 2012 described how youths are triadized and eventually become triad members through routine and seemingly noncriminal activities. They are usually involved in more trivial criminal activities when they initially join the gang. As time goes by, they are eventually promoted to higher ranks after they take part in more sophisticated triad organized crime. Lo 1993 contended that triad norms and control mechanisms exist to bind young people into the gangs. Triadization of young people also emerges in Macau. Lo, et al. 2013 argues that the uniqueness of youth gangs in Macau is related to the existence of a “quasi-legitimate opportunity structure,” which contains several elements: (1) a criminal subculture developed by the triads with reputational violence and influence in politics, (2) coexistence of legitimate and illegitimate activities, (3) intolerance of non-sensible use of violence, and (4) an opportunity for young people to achieve success through vice and wicked means. So 2011 found that the rise of drug abuse and drug trafficking among young people in Hong Kong in the 2000s was the result of triad involvement and cooperation between triad groups in Hong Kong and mainland China. So 2012 further found that young drug abusers are likely to become drug user-dealers because of their proximity to cheap drugs provided by triad groups.

Fight Crime Committee. 1986. A discussion document on options for changes in the law and in the administration of the law to counter the triad problem. Hong Kong: Government Printer.
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The document mentions that young people are recruited into youth gangs and involved in spontaneous street crime and violence and occasionally truce talks led by triad office-bearers. Later, they operate minor criminal rackets and commit a wide variety of criminal activities. Those who survive this phase will be promoted to be triad office-bearers and commit other forms of organized crime.
Fight Crime Committee. 1986. A discussion document on options for changes in the law and in the administration of the law to counter the triad problem. Hong Kong: Government Printer.
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Lo, T. W. 1992. Groupwork with youth gangs in Hong Kong. Groupwork 5.1: 58–71.
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The paper contends that youth gangs flourish in public housing estates of Hong Kong. They are protected by triad societies and their activities are heavily influenced by triad subculture. Triads that run organized crime in the territory have to recruit new blood to replace the older generation. It proposes a model of outreach social work that works with youth gangs.
Lo, T. W. 1992. Groupwork with youth gangs in Hong Kong. Groupwork 5.1: 58–71.
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Lo, T. W. 1993. Neutralization of group control in youth gangs. Groupwork 6.1: 51–63.
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Triad activities, norms, and control direct youth gang members in what they should and should not do, thus fostering cohesiveness and unity within the gangs. The paper describes the group norms and control mechanisms of youth gangs in Hong Kong that reflect the essence of sworn brotherhood of triad society. It also discusses how these norms and control can be neutralized by street gang workers.
Lo, T. W. 1993. Neutralization of group control in youth gangs. Groupwork 6.1: 51–63.
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Lo, T. W. 2012. Triadization of youth gangs in Hong Kong. British Journal of Criminology 52:556–576.
DOI: 10.1093/bjc/azr091Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The spider’s web structure and “big brother and follower” relationship transmit triad values through routine activities and enforce norms through threat of violence and emotional support. Youth members are recruited into triads when they witness and enjoy the benefit of being protected by the big brother. Once they start to stick with their protectors, they will be more engaged in criminal activities and eventually triadized.
Lo, T. W. 2012. Triadization of youth gangs in Hong Kong. British Journal of Criminology 52:556–576.
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Lo, T. W., S. I. Kwok, and C. Cheng. 2013. Triadization of young people and quasi-legitimate opportunity structure in Macau. Paper presented at the International Conference on Asian Organized Crime, Hong Kong, 2–3 May 2013.
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This paper explores the predictive power of triad influence in relation to the known risk factors of juvenile delinquency, such as family, school, and peers. The result confirms that young people’s associations with triad societies strongly predict delinquency. Hierarchical regression analysis shows strong direct and indirect effects of triad influence on delinquent behavior. Triad influence was also found to mediate the effects of susceptibility to peer pressure, school attachment, and family conflict.
Lo, T. W., S. I. Kwok, and C. Cheng. 2013. Triadization of young people and quasi-legitimate opportunity structure in Macau. Paper presented at the International Conference on Asian Organized Crime, Hong Kong, 2–3 May 2013.
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So, E. C. K. 2011. Social capital and young drug dealers in Hong Kong: A preliminary study. Crime and Criminal Justice International 16:103–126.
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In recent years, the number of young people involved in drug trafficking has multiplied in Hong Kong. Street-level drug dealing is always controlled by local triad bosses. The paper proposes that the popularity of drug subculture among young people and the cooperation between triad groups in Hong Kong and mainland China have contributed to the increasing number of young drug dealers in Hong Kong. In Chinese.
So, E. C. K. 2011. Social capital and young drug dealers in Hong Kong: A preliminary study. Crime and Criminal Justice International 16:103–126.
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So, E. C. K. 2012. Analyzing the dark side of social capital: Young drug abusers become user-dealers. Crime and Criminal Justice International 18:37–60.
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Young drug abusers are often described as passive and irrational victims of their social surroundings. The paper explores the dynamics behind how young drug abusers become user-dealers. It was found that triad societies reinforce the trust, norms of reciprocity, and network structure of the youth user-dealer groups. In Chinese.
So, E. C. K. 2012. Analyzing the dark side of social capital: Young drug abusers become user-dealers. Crime and Criminal Justice International 18:37–60.
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Policing and Regulating Triads

In the 1960–1970s, police station sergeants joined hands with major triads to run criminal enterprises in Hong Kong. As a result, the whole police station was on the take. Lo 1993 claimed that in response to public outcry, the Independent Commission against Corruption was established in 1974 and aimed at fighting police corruption, thus radically changing the grafting culture within the police force. After the 1980s, police-triad alliance was largely nonexistent in Hong Kong. The police were then devoted to suppressing triad activities and greatly weakened triad influence in the community. The authors of Bolton, et al. 1996 critically examined the problems of the Societies Ordinance and its operations by law enforcement. They revealed problems in defining triad membership and associated problems in determining sentences. Similarly, Kwok and Lo 2013 argued that the Societies Ordinance is ineffective in suppressing triad activities because of ambiguity in the legal definition of triad membership, heavy reliance on police triad experts with doubtful neutrality, and the use of outdated triad literature in the prosecution of triad membership–related offenses. It is suggested that the new Organized and Serious Crime Ordinance has cast a wider net and provided more extensive investigative power than the Societies Ordinance. Kwok and Lo 2014 suggested that Hong Kong has been a self-administered region of China with low crime rate since the 1997 handover because of the effective anti-corruption measures, anti-triad ordinances, and crime prevention programs. Fight Crime Committee 1986 recorded that the Hong Kong government examined options to make changes in the law and in the administration of the law to tackle the soaring number of triad activities in the 1970–1980s. In particular, a Triad Renunciation Tribunal was established in 1988 as part of an anti-triad package. Huque 1994 contended that the renunciation scheme offered triad members a chance to break free from triad ties. However, it ended in failure because of poor responses from triad members. Broadhurst and Lee 2009 noted that because of the tougher anti-triad legislation and enforcement in Hong Kong, as well as the rapid growth of economy and corruptibility of government officials in China, the displacement of triad activities is likely to occur. Schloenhardt 2008 provided an analysis of the organized crime offenses in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Macau and examined the adequacy and efficiency of the regulations in tackling organized criminal groups. Litton 1986 argued that both law and fact are equally important in prosecuting triad membership offenses, but the police triad experts are not reliable.

Bolton, K., C. Hutton, and P. Ip. 1996. The speech-act offence: Claiming and professing membership of a triad society in Hong Kong. Language and Communication 16:263–290.
DOI: 10.1016/0271-5309(96)00014-6Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This article examines the problems of law enforcement and operation of the Societies Ordinance, including inconsistent and unclear counting method in measuring triad-related crime, over-reliance on police triad experts, and outdated literature in defining triad membership. This fails to reflect the reality and tends to be biased toward law enforcement.
Bolton, K., C. Hutton, and P. Ip. 1996. The speech-act offence: Claiming and professing membership of a triad society in Hong Kong. Language and Communication 16:263–290.
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Broadhurst, R., and K. W. Lee. 2009. The transformation of triad “dark societies” in Hong Kong: The impact of law enforcement, socio-economic and political change. Security Challenges 5.4: 1–38.
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The paper examines the impact of the improved legislation against organized crime in Hong Kong, and how the political and socioeconomic changes in both Hong Kong and mainland China affect the patterns, scales, forms, and visibility of triad organized crime.
Broadhurst, R., and K. W. Lee. 2009. The transformation of triad “dark societies” in Hong Kong: The impact of law enforcement, socio-economic and political change. Security Challenges 5.4: 1–38.
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Fight Crime Committee. 1986. A discussion document on options for changes in the law and in the administration of the law to counter the triad problem. Hong Kong: Government Printer.
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The document concluded that the fine and maximum penalty of seven years for triad-related crime had no deterrence effect. It was also difficult to prove triad membership in court, and usually the arrestees were juvenile offenders. Thus, the Societies Ordinance was regarded as a nebulous concept. Apart from strengthening police supervision and increasing penalty, a Triad Renunciation Tribunal was proposed.
Fight Crime Committee. 1986. A discussion document on options for changes in the law and in the administration of the law to counter the triad problem. Hong Kong: Government Printer.
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Huque, A. S. 1994. Renunciation, de-stigmatisation and prevention of crime in Hong Kong. Howard Journal of Criminal Justice 33.4: 338–351.
DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-2311.1994.tb00818.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper concludes that the triad renunciation scheme was a failure because of the small number of applications and successful renounced triad members. The scheme was described as ineffective because of its temporary nature and shortage of staff.
Huque, A. S. 1994. Renunciation, de-stigmatisation and prevention of crime in Hong Kong. Howard Journal of Criminal Justice 33.4: 338–351.
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Kwok, S. I., and T. W. Lo. 2013. Anti-triad legislations in Hong Kong: Issues, problems and development. Trends in Organized Crime 16:74–94.
DOI: 10.1007/s12117-012-9180-2Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper suggests that the anti-triad legislation, the Societies Ordinance, fails to reflect the contemporary triad structure, subculture, and operations in actual practice. It also fails to combat the core management of triad societies, but scapegoats lower-rank triad youth members, thus creating injustice and infringing human rights and freedom of expression.
Kwok, S. I., and T. W. Lo. 2013. Anti-triad legislations in Hong Kong: Issues, problems and development. Trends in Organized Crime 16:74–94.
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Kwok, S. I., and T. W. Lo. 2014. Crime and its control in Hong Kong. In The Routledge handbook of Chinese criminology. Edited by L. Cao, I. Sun, and B. Hebenton, 284–294. New York: Routledge.
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The paper contends that the low crime rate in Hong Kong reflects the success of proactive and integrated strategies of combating corruption in the government, especially syndicated police corruption, control of triad activities, community policing, and crime prevention measures developed gradually since the mid-1970s.
Kwok, S. I., and T. W. Lo. 2014. Crime and its control in Hong Kong. In The Routledge handbook of Chinese criminology. Edited by L. Cao, I. Sun, and B. Hebenton, 284–294. New York: Routledge.
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Litton, H. 1986. So-called “triad experts.” Hong Kong Law Journal 16:3–7.
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The paper points out the problems in prosecuting triad membership–related offenses, such as the unreliability of police officers in giving expert opinions and the use of outdated authoritative triad literature in determining triad membership in court.
Litton, H. 1986. So-called “triad experts.” Hong Kong Law Journal 16:3–7.
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Lo, T. W. 1993. Corruption and politics in Hong Kong and China. Buckingham, UK, and Philadelphia: Open Univ. Press.
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The book examines the censure of corruption in Hong Kong. It explores how anticorruption policies and measures evolved in the postwar decades. The creation of the powerful ICAC was one of the responses of the colonial government to meet popular demand after the fall of colonial hegemony in line with the rise of Red China in the early 1970s.
Lo, T. W. 1993. Corruption and politics in Hong Kong and China. Buckingham, UK, and Philadelphia: Open Univ. Press.
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Schloenhardt, A. 2008. Taming the triads: Organized crime offences in PR China, Hong Kong and Macau. Hong Kong Law Journal 38:645–685.
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The paper argues that the organized crime offenses in mainland China, Hong Kong and Macau are mostly local answers to local problems, which inhibits cooperation and extradition with other countries. The traditional organized crime offenses were developed based on the rituals and subculture (e.g., insignia and language) of triad societies, which are badly suited to capture other forms of criminal syndicates.
Schloenhardt, A. 2008. Taming the triads: Organized crime offences in PR China, Hong Kong and Macau. Hong Kong Law Journal 38:645–685.
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Transnationalization of Triad Organized Crime

Chu 2000 examined the challenges to triad expansion in the global criminal market and the possibility of transplantation of triad activities to Western countries. He argued that the level of triad involvement in transnational organized crime is restricted to the level of individual triad members rather than the level of the whole triad organization. Chu 2002 argued that the involvement of Hong Kong triads in transnational Chinese organized crime has been exaggerated by Western governments. This type of crime requires huge capital, expertise, management skills, and business connections, but triads lack these advantages. Curtis, et al. 2002 provided an overview of triad involvement in transnational organized crime in a number of countries, arguing that triads are varied in size and structure in accordance with the characteristics of the hosting countries, but they share a similar traditional triad structure. Dombrink and Song 1996 assessed the possibility of triad exodus to the West after the handover of sovereignty of Hong Kong to China in 1997. They were reserved about triad exodus to Western countries due to a variety of factors, including tougher law enforcement, punishment, and strict immigration policy in the United States. Finckenauer and Chin 2004 concluded that although Hong Kong has been regarded as an international entrepot hub of illicit goods since the 1980s, the role of triads in transnational organized crime is limited. Even though triad-related cross-border crime is common between Hong Kong and mainland China, transplantation of triads outside Hong Kong is uncommon and limited to the gaming industry in Macau. Gastrow 2001 provided a comprehensive examination of the structure and operation of licit and illicit activities of triads and other Chinese criminal organizations in South Africa. Triads in South Africa are working independently from Hong Kong, while occasional cooperation exists between different groups for exchanging mutually beneficial expertise and resources. Lintner 2004 examined the nature of triad organized crime in Hong Kong and portrayed it as an intermediary between businessmen and street gangs but rejected the idea that triads have played a major role in committing organized crime in the global arena. The structural deficiency perspective of Zhang and Chin 2003 contends that the complex and rigid hierarchical structure of triad societies enhances operation in local territories but hinders them from operating effectively outside their area of origin and stymies their transplantation to new territories overseas.

Chu, Y. K. 2000. The triads as business. London: Routledge.
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The book contends that the socioeconomic backgrounds of Hong Kong triad members, such as low socioeconomic status and criminal records, make it difficult for them to migrate to overseas countries. The nature of triad activities, the use of violence for profit, and the ethnic homogeneity of social network (i.e., restricted social networks due to language and cultural barriers) are barriers for triads attempting to expand their influence in overseas markets, thus hindering their involvement in transnational organized crime.
Chu, Y. K. 2000. The triads as business. London: Routledge.
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Chu, Y. K. 2002. Global triads: Myths or reality. In Transnational organized crime and international security: Business as usual. Edited by M. Berdal and M. Serrano, 183–193. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.
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This paper suggests that Chinese transnational organized crime is run by Asian ethnic groups or non-triad Chinese with social networks and capital. Although some triad members are involved in transnational organized crime, the perpetrators are neither directly associated with nor controlled by Hong Kong triads. Perpetrators are bound by personal relationships rather than triad membership.
Chu, Y. K. 2002. Global triads: Myths or reality. In Transnational organized crime and international security: Business as usual. Edited by M. Berdal and M. Serrano, 183–193. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.
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Curtis, E. G., S. L. Elan, R. A. Hudson, and N. A. Kollars. 2002. Transnational activities of Chinese crime organizations. Trends in Organized Crime 7:19–59.
DOI: 10.1007/s12117-002-1011-4Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper argues that triads are mainly involved in human and drug trafficking, and occasionally involved in fraud, money laundering, and counterfeit product in some Northern and Southeast Asian countries. Temporary, ad hoc collaboration between triads and other ethnic criminal groups in committing transnational organized crime is common in Australia, Canada, the United States, Japan, and Germany.
Curtis, E. G., S. L. Elan, R. A. Hudson, and N. A. Kollars. 2002. Transnational activities of Chinese crime organizations. Trends in Organized Crime 7:19–59.
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Dombrink, J., and J. H. L. Song. 1996. Hong Kong after 1997: Transnational organized crime in a shrinking world. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 12.4: 239–339.
DOI: 10.1177/104398629601200406Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
Authors argue that there is a possibility for triads to be involved in transnational organized crime and to transfer operations overseas through affiliated networks and bank secrecy. They list a few reasons for triads pushing away from their operations in Hong Kong, including escalating local law enforcement, keen competition from mainland criminal syndicates, and intolerance of triads from China.
Dombrink, J., and J. H. L. Song. 1996. Hong Kong after 1997: Transnational organized crime in a shrinking world. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 12.4: 239–339.
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Finckenauer, J. O., and K. Chin. 2004. Asian transnational organized crime and its impact on the United States: Developing a transnational crime research agenda: A final report. Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice.
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The report regards triads to be territorially based, and their sphere of influence is restricted to their own turf. Drug trafficking at the wholesale level is mostly operated by loosely organized individuals rather than systematically operated by triads. Triad involvement in the drug industry is more active in retail distribution at the street level. The relationship between triads and transnational organized crime is tenuous and restricted to cooperation at the level of individual triad members.
Finckenauer, J. O., and K. Chin. 2004. Asian transnational organized crime and its impact on the United States: Developing a transnational crime research agenda: A final report. Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice.
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Gastrow, P. 2001. Triad societies and Chinese organized crime in South Africa. Paper 48. Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security Studies.
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The paper uses case examples to illustrate how triads started developing their territory in South Africa, in particular, how triad membership helped in building up social capital for developing licit and illicit business, and how they made use of the social network established between overseas and local Chinese criminal syndicates in committing transnational organized crime.
Gastrow, P. 2001. Triad societies and Chinese organized crime in South Africa. Paper 48. Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security Studies.
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Lintner, B. 2004. Chinese organized crime. Global Crime 6.1:84–96.
DOI: 10.1080/1744057042000297990Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper contends that although many triads use the same brand name in different regions, they are not directly associated with the Hong Kong triads and thus should not be regarded as the extension of the triad network. It is argued that the reason for using the triad name is to fence off local organized or disorganized criminal rivals in other regions.
Lintner, B. 2004. Chinese organized crime. Global Crime 6.1:84–96.
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Zhang, S., and K. Chin. 2003. The declining significance of triad societies in transnational illegal activities: A structural deficiency perspective. British Journal of Criminology 43:469–488.
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The paper contends that transnational organized crime perpetrators are individuals with various backgrounds and collaborate through ad hoc social networks in response to the dynamic operational environment, rather than being bound by any hierarchical triad structure. It concludes that the organizational characteristics of triads are incompatible with the dynamic nature of transnational organized crime.
Zhang, S., and K. Chin. 2003. The declining significance of triad societies in transnational illegal activities: A structural deficiency perspective. British Journal of Criminology 43:469–488.
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Mainlandization of Triad Organized Crime

Since the transfer of sovereignty to China under the principle of “one country, two systems,” Hong Kong has experienced a process of mainlandization or sinofication of its political, economic, and legal systems. Mainlandization is referred to as economically more reliant on the support of mainland China. Lo and Kwok 2013 used a “vacuum cleaner” analogy to describe mainlandization of triad crime in the new century because once the vacuuming starts, the current is so strong that everything will be sucked into the machine. Because of the lucrative profit, triads are pulled into mainland China. Lo 2009 examined how the economic liberalization in mainland China and the increasing economic integration between Hong Kong and mainland China created new patterns of trans-border crime that facilitates the collaboration between Hong Kong triads and mainland criminals. The use of guanxi for building up alliance between triads and officials in China creates difficulties for law enforcement to control cross-border crime. The author of Chu 2005 expressed his reservations about the possibility of transplantation of Hong Kong triads. Although he admitted that triad societies have established power bases in southeastern coastal cities of China, their involvement in the mainland underworld is restricted to the participation of individual triad members rather than the transplantation of the entire triad organization into the mainland. Liu 2001 reported that the Minister of Public Security of China remarked that some triad members were patriots, and there could be business collaboration between senior officials and triad leaders. Lo 2010 explained that this is because the Chinese Communist Party used a “united front” tactic to incorporate triad leaders into the establishment so as to serve national interests, such as preventing the emergence of black-gold politics, as suggested by Chin 2003, in Hong Kong after 1997. Eventually, triads used this convenience to expand their network with mainland enterprises and criminal groups. Broadhurst 2012 contended that the Chinese government has been aware of the potential risk of triad displacement to the mainland and amended its criminal law in 2002. Article 294 stipulates that triad members outside China trying to recruit members or develop a triad branch in China will be sentenced to prison.

Broadhurst, R. 2012. Chinese “Black Societies” and triad-like organized crime in China. In Handbook of transnational organized crime. Edited by F. Allum and S. Gilmour, 157–171. London: Routledge.
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The paper suggests that the Chinese government has given close scrutiny to the displacement of triad organized crime and development of “triad-nature” activities in the mainland. How effective the law, procuratorate, and public security organs are in controlling triad activities in the mainland is a major concern.
Broadhurst, R. 2012. Chinese “Black Societies” and triad-like organized crime in China. In Handbook of transnational organized crime. Edited by F. Allum and S. Gilmour, 157–171. London: Routledge.
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Chin, K. 2003. Heijin: Organized crime, business, and politics in Taiwan. New York: M. E. Sharpe.
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The book examines heijin zhengzhi (or black-gold politics) in Taiwan. Triad gangs (black) join hands with businessmen (gold) to run local elections. Alongside traditional organized crime, triads are involved in manipulating the outcome of local elections or even standing for public office. Eventually, they are able to penetrate into the political arena and obtain power to serve their own interests.
Chin, K. 2003. Heijin: Organized crime, business, and politics in Taiwan. New York: M. E. Sharpe.
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Chu, Y. K. 2005. Hong Kong triads after 1997. Trends in Organized Crime 8.3: 5–12.
DOI: 10.1007/s12117-005-1033-9Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
The paper argues that expansion of triad influence into mainland China is less likely to occur due to the well-established networks between corrupt government officials and criminal groups in the mainland. The issues of ethnic differences and differences in dialect also hinder the transplantation of triads into the mainland.
Chu, Y. K. 2005. Hong Kong triads after 1997. Trends in Organized Crime 8.3: 5–12.
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Liu, B. 2001. The Hong Kong triad societies: Before and after the 1997 change-over. Hong Kong: Net e-Publishing.
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The book is a general overview of triad history, activities, and politics. However, there is a chapter that describes the relationship between triad societies and Chinese officials, providing information regarding the mainlandization of triads.
Liu, B. 2001. The Hong Kong triad societies: Before and after the 1997 change-over. Hong Kong: Net e-Publishing.
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Lo, S. 2009. The politics of cross-border crime in greater China: Case studies of mainland China, Hong Kong, and Macao. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe.
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The book suggests that the weak local governance in mainland China, the absence of extradition agreements, and the difference in jurisdiction between Hong Kong and mainland China provides opportunities for Hong Kong triads to expand their influence in the mainland to run illicit business operations, such as prostitution, drug trafficking, smuggling, kidnapping, debt collection, and illegal gambling.
Lo, S. 2009. The politics of cross-border crime in greater China: Case studies of mainland China, Hong Kong, and Macao. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe.
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Lo, T. W. 2010. Beyond social capital: Triad organized crime in Hong Kong and China. British Journal of Criminology 50:851–872.
DOI: 10.1093/bjc/azq022Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
This paper documents three reasons for the use of the united front tactic and the patriotic triad label by the Chinese government, such as ending Operation Yellow Bird, soliciting the help of triads in upholding Hong Kong’s law and order in the run-up to 1997, and preventing the infiltration of Taiwanese secret societies into Hong Kong because of Taiwan’s model of black-gold politics.
Lo, T. W. 2010. Beyond social capital: Triad organized crime in Hong Kong and China. British Journal of Criminology 50:851–872.
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Lo, T. W., and S. I. Kwok. 2013. Chinese triads and tongs. In Encyclopedia of criminology and criminal justice. Edited by G. Bruinsma and D. Weisburd. New York: Springer.
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The paper suggests that mainland China provides ample opportunities for triads to take advantage of its economic prosperity because of the monopoly of power, corruptibility of officials, absence of the rule of law, weakness of civic society, censorship of mass media, and existence of a protective umbrella where criminal syndicates can bribe officials in exchange for protection.
Lo, T. W., and S. I. Kwok. 2013. Chinese triads and tongs. In Encyclopedia of criminology and criminal justice. Edited by G. Bruinsma and D. Weisburd. New York: Springer.
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