Theses on power

1. Power, in the most universal sense, is the possibility of action.
2. In the strict sense it has in politics it is the ability to determine the actions of others.
3. In the universal sense, man has only three powers: create, destroy, choose. The first is the power of wealth, the second the power of violence, the third the power of the spirit.
4. The power of wealth has as its object material goods, using human bodies and the spirit as means and conforming to them as conditions.
5. The power of violence has as its object the human body, using matter and spirit as means and conforming to them as conditions.
6. The power of the spirit is exercised over the spirit itself, using material goods and the human body as means and adapting to them as conditions.
7. Each power is exercised in two directions: active and passive. The active direction tends to unity, to concentration, to increasing speed. The passive direction tends to multiplicity, to dispersion, to decreasing speed
8. The active power of wealth lies in the owners of capital. It tends to concentrate wealth in the hands of a few, to monopolism, to seek the means to grow ever faster.
9. The passive power of wealth lies in the workers. It tends to divide wealth, socialism, zero growth.
10. The active power of violence lies in the militia. It tends to concentrate itself, to vertical hierarchy, to rigid discipline, to establish the automatic obedience that produces the maximum efficiency and quickness.
8. The active power of wealth lies in the owners of capital. It tends to concentrate wealth in the hands of a few, to monopolism, to seek the means to grow ever faster.
9. The passive power of wealth lies in the workers. It tends to divide wealth, socialism, zero growth.
10. The active power of violence lies in the militia. It tends to concentrate, to the vertical hierarchy, to the rigid discipline, to establish the automatic obedience that produces the maximum efficiency and quickness.
11. The militia is the foundation of state power, which is ultimately reduced to the legitimacy of the use of violence.
12. The passive power of violence lies in the courts. It tends to disperse, to level the power, to solve everything by free agreement, to slow down action.
13. The active power of ideas resides in the creators of cultural goods. It tends to concentrate power, to subject the actions of many to the ideas of a few, to accelerate change, to break established habits.
14. The passive power of ideas lies in the men of religion. It tends to disperse power, to level human behavior by the average of traditional values, to nullify the differences between notable men and ordinary men, to stabilize social action in the sacralized routine.
13. The active power of ideas resides in the creators of cultural goods. It tends to concentrate power, to subject the actions of many to the ideas of a few, to accelerate change, to break established habits.
14. The passive power of ideas lies in men of religion. It tends to disperse power, to level human behavior by the average of traditional values, to nullify the differences between notable men and ordinary men, to stabilize social action in the sacralized routine.
15. This division comprises all castes: the sacerdotal caste is divided into intellectuality and clergy; The noble caste is divided into nobility of the sword and nobility of the courts; The producers' caste is divided into owners and workers.
16. The castes are functional and do not necessarily have fixed occupants: the components of the nobility, dethroned, can compose a capitalist caste or an intelligentsia. The worker, on the rise, can join the intelligentsia or nobility. Whole masses can be displaced from one function to another. The functions remain fixed, the occupants either remain or change.
17. The so-called political class does not exist as an independent unit: it is only an interface between the nobility of the sword and the nobility of the courts. It's aristocracy. It follows that the division of the three powers, in Locke's and Montesquieu's theory, is purely normative and not founded on the nature of things. Executive power, in all the crudity of its absolute power, is the voice of the Imperator, the chief of armies. In all cases and circumstances, it remains distinct from the judiciary, whose existence is coextensive with that of parties to litigation and which can not be absorbed into the simple unit of the voice of command. This is true even when the functions of chief and judge are united in one person, for they remain distinct as the command issued from motu proprio remains distinct from arbitration between parties. It is not conceivable that the Executive as such absorbs the Judiciary itself, since every initiative of the first comes from itself, and the initiative to judge can only begin after the parties' demands. The absorption of the Legislative in the Executive, on the contrary, is not only possible as it is fact, in the totalitarian regimes, just as it is possible and fact, in the parliamentary regimes, the reduction of the Executive to an arm of the Legislative, which in this case is only a collective Executive. All this shows that military power and judiciary power are essentially distinct, while the distinction of Executive and Legislative is merely an accident determined by human invention.
18. Ideologies are expressions of the desires of the various castes.
19. The power structure in a given society consists in the distribution of hegemony among the three powers, complicated by the power struggle not only between the three powers but also within each of the three castes.
20. In the Russian revolution of 1917, the intelligentsia, supported by the workers and the militia, seized power, instantly assuming the functions of nobility and clergy. The new nobility, once constituted, absorbed the functions of the capitalist caste, which it could do with ease because they were already partially absorbed by the nobility of the old regime in a state capitalism. Marxism arises as a work of culture, but when the intelligentsia that created it rises to power and becomes a clergy, it acquires the form of religion.
21. In the United States, a powerful capitalist class governs with the support of the Protestant clergy, subjugates the nobility, the workers and the intelligentsia. The intelligentsia and the workers, with the help of the of nobility of the courts, disputes the power. The intelligentsia, however, gradually conquers power through technical activity and the control of information, as industrial capitalism gives way to capitalism of goods and services. With social engineering, power was centralized, the efficiency of control is increased, the State tends in a social-democratic direction. Capitalists, feeling left out of power, ally themselves with workers and the militia in a conservative reaction, dividing the nobility of the courts.

source:
http://www.seminariodefilosofia.org/teses-sobre-o-poder/

Commentary:
Text from 1997 btw.
The castes are based on the brahmanes, kshatryias, vaishyias and (as you might be asking) the shudras. The shudras weren't mentioned because they're just the masses, they don't yield power, not even in a democracy; power is exercised in the shudra's name by other castes.
And castes are not entirely coherent entities, having groups inside them that fight for power.
Nowadays you coud say Trump, as an agent of the generating power, reacts in the shudra's names against the concentration of power in the courts and the republican and democratic establishment pushing progressive mumbojumbo.