Clearly, when people suffer personal victimizations, they are at risk of physical injury. These injuries can include bruises, soreness, scratches, cuts, broken bones, contracted diseases, and stab or gunshot wounds. Some of these injuries may be temporary and short-lived, whereas others can be long-lasting or permanent. According to data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) in 2008, 21% of assault victims sus- tained physical injuries. Those who experienced robbery were more likely to be injured; 37% of robbery victims suffered physical injury. A larger percentage of female victims were injured than male victims, although the dif- ferences were not large. For example, 24% of female assault victims compared with 19% of male assault victims reported being injured (Bureau of Justice Statistics [BJS], 2011). There appears to be a difference in injury for racial Physical Injury

groups as well. For both assault and robbery, injuries were present in a larger percentage of Black victins than White victims. The victim-offender relationship were more likely to result in injury than those perpetrated by strangers (27 % for assault and 39% for robbery) (BJS, 2011). In addition, the most recent provisional National Health Service (NHS) data available on assault admissions to hospitals in England show that, for the 12 months ending April 2015, there were 28,992 hospital admissions for assault (Office for National Statistics, 2015) The most serious physical injury is, of course, death. Although the NCVS does not measure murder-remember, it asks people about their victimization experiences-the Uniform Crime Reports (UCRS) can be used to find out the extent to which deaths are attributable to murder and nonnegligent manslaughter. In 2015, UCR figures showed that 15,696 murders were brought to the attention of the police (FBI, 2015f). The majority of murder victims were male (79%) (FBI, 2015g). Just more than half of murder victims were Black and 44% were White (FBI, 2015h), and 21% were murdered by an acquaintance (FBI, 2015i). Almost three-fourths of the homicides that involved a weapon were gun related (FBI, 2015j). The most common circumstance surrounding a murder is an argument-23% of the homicides for which the circumstances were known resulted from an argument (FBI, 2015k). VICTIMOLOGY: A TEXT/READER at was also related to injury--incidents perpetrated by nonstrangers ex ti is ti a t Mental Health Consequences and Costs People differentially respond to trauma, including victimization. Some people may cope by internalizing their feel- ings and emotions, whereas others may experience externalizing responses. It is likely that the way people deal with victimization is tied to their biological makeup, their interactional style, their coping style and resources, and the context in which the incident occurs and in which they operate thereafter. Some of the responses can be quite seri ous and long-term, whereas others may be more transitory Three affective responses that are common among crime victims are depression, reductions in self-esteem, and anxiety. The way in which depression manifests itself varies greatly across individuals. It can include symptoms such as sleep disturbances, changes in eating habits, feelings of guilt and worthlessness, and irritability. Generally, depressed persons will experience a decline in interest in activities they once enjoyed, a depressed mood, or both. For youth, depression is a common outcome for those who are victimized by peers, such as in bullying (Sweeting, Young, West, & Der, 2006). With the advent of technology and the widespread use of the Internet, recent research has explored online victimization and its effects. Online victimization is related to depressive responses in victims (Tynes & Giang, 2009). Victimization may be powerful enough to alter the way in which a crime victim views himself or herself. Self- esteem and self-worth both have been found to be reduced in some crime victims, particularly female victims. In one study of youths in Virginia, Grills and Ollendick (2002) found that, for girls, being victimized by peers was associated with a reduction in global self-worth and that their self-worth was related to elevated levels of anxiety. There may also be a difference in crime's impact on self-appraisals based on the type of victimization experienced. For example, victims of childhood sexual abuse are likely to suffer long-term negative impacts to their self-esteem (Beitchman et al., 1992). Sexual victimization also has been linked to reductions in self-esteem (Turner, Finkelhor, & Ormrod, 2010). Beyond victimization of females, research has also found that victimization among older Americans (those (Delin ars of age and older) is also related to reductions in self-esteem and self-efficacy for African Americans ,Jones-Johnson, Johnson, & Hochstetler, 2014). Anxiety is another consequence linked to victimization. Persons who suffer from anxiety are likely to expernee a range of emotional and physical symptoms. Much like depression, however, anxiety affects people differently. Most notably, anxiety is often experienced as irrational and excessive fear and worry, which may be coupled with feelings o tension and restlessness, vigilance, irritability, and difficulty concentrating. In addition, because anxiety is a product of the body's fight-or-flight response, it also has physical symptoms. These include a racing and pounding heart, sweating, stomach upset, headaches, difficulty sleeping and breathing, tremors, and muscle tension (Dryden-Edwards, 2007).

tims than nstrangers bery) (BJS, admissions issions for ectinn li Conseques of Victimization 65 Although anxiety that crime victims experience may not escalate to a point where they are diagnosed with an anxiety disorder by a mental health clinician, victimization does appear to be linked to anxiety symptoms. For example, adolescents who experience victimization by their peers experience anxiety at higher levels than nonvic- timized adolescents (Storch, Brassard, & Masia-Warner, 2003). The relationship between aiety and victimization is likely complex in that victimization can lead to anxiety, but anxiety and distress are also precursors to victimiza- tion (R. S. Siegel, La Greca, & Harrison, 2009). Some victims do experience mental health consequences tied to anxiety that lead to mental health diagnoses. remember, o find out es showed tims were 15h), and Post-traumatic Stress Disorder One of the recognized disorders associated with a patterned response to trauma, such as victimization, is gost traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Commonly associated with individuals returning from war and combat, PTSD is a psychiatric condition that recently has been recognized as a possible consequence of other traumatic events, such as criminal victimization. Currently classified by the American Psychiatric Association in the DSM-V as an anxiety dis- order, PTSD is diagnosed based on several criteria outlined in detail in Table 3.1. A person must have experienced or witnessed a traumatic event that involved actual or threatened death or serious injury to oneself or others, or threat to the physical integrity of oneself or others. The person must have experienced fear, helplessness, or horror in response to the event and then reexperienced the trauma over time via flashbacks, nightmares, images, and/or reliving the event. The person must avoid stimuli associated with the traumatic event and experience numbness of response, as lack of affect and reduced interest in activities. Finally, PTSD is characterized by hyperarousal In order for PTSD to be diagnosed, symptoms must be experienced for more than 1 month and must cause dinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other functional areas (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). As you may imagine, PTSD can be debilitating and can impact a victim's ability to heal, move on, and thrive after being victimized. About 8% of Americans will experience PTSD, although women are more likely than men to experience this disorder (Kessler, Sonnega, Bromet, Hughes, & Nelson, 1995). The traumatic events most likely to lead to PTSD for men are military combat and witnessing a serious injury or violent death. Women, on the other hand, are most likely to be diagnosed with PTSD related to incidents (Kessler et al., 1995). Although it is difficult to know how common PTSD is among crime victims, some studies suggest that PTSD is a real problem for this group. The estimate for PTSD in persons who have been victimized is around 25%. Lifetime incidence of PTSD for persons who have not experienced a victimization is 9%. Depression also commonly co- occurs in victims who suffer PTSD (Kilpatrick & Acierno, 2003). Research has shown that victims a weapon 23% of the their feel deal with , and the uite seri- eem, and oms such Hepressed or youth, , West, & ed online g, 2009) self. Self ctims. In rape and sexual molestation sexual assault eers was DSM-V Diagnostic Criteria for Post-traumatic Stress Disorder Table 3.1 anxiety erienced -esteem elhor, & mericans nericans For persons older than 6 years old. A. Exposure to actual or threatened death, serious injury, or sexual violence in one (or more) of the following ways: 1. Directly experiencing the traumatic event(s). 2. Witnessing, in person, the event(s) as it occurred to others 3. Learning that the traumatic event(s) occurred to a close family member or close friend. In cases of actual or threatened death of family member or friend, the event(s) must have been violent or accidental. 4. Experiencing repeated or extreme exposure to aversive details of the traumatic event(s) (e.g., first responders collecting human remains; police officers repeatedly exposed to details of child abuse). Note: Criterion A4 does not apply to exposure through electronic media, television, movies, or pictures, unless this exposure is work related perience tly. Most elings of oduct of weating 2007). (Continued)

ectinn li Conseques of Victimization 65 Although anxiety that crime victims experience may not escalate to a point where they are diagnosed with an anxiety disorder by a mental health clinician, victimization does appear to be linked to anxiety symptoms. For example, adolescents who experience victimization by their peers experience anxiety at higher levels than nonvic- timized adolescents (Storch, Brassard, & Masia-Warner, 2003). The relationship between aiety and victimization is likely complex in that victimization can lead to anxiety, but anxiety and distress are also precursors to victimiza- tion (R. S. Siegel, La Greca, & Harrison, 2009). Some victims do experience mental health consequences tied to anxiety that lead mental health diagnoses.

Although anxiety that crime victims experience may not escalate to a point where they are diagnosed with an anxiety disorder by a mental health clinician, victimization does appear to be linked to anxiety symptoms. For example, adolescents who experience victimization by their peers experience anxiety at higher levels than nonvic- timized adolescents (Storch, Brassard, & Masia-Warner, 2003). The relationship between aiety and victimization is likely complex in that victimization can lead to anxiety, but anxiety and distress are also precursors to victimiza- tion (R. S. Siegel, La Greca, & Harrison, 2009). Some victims do experience mental health consequences tied to anxiety that lead to mental health diagnoses. Post-traumatic Stress Disorder One of the recognized disorders associated with a patterned response to trauma, such as victimization, is gost traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Commonly associated with individuals returning from war and combat, PTSD is a psychiatric condition that recently has been recognized as a possible consequence of other traumatic events, such as criminal victimization. Currently classified by the American Psychiatric Association in the DSM-V as an anxiety dis- order, PTSD is diagnosed based on several criteria outlined in detail in Table 3.1. A person must have experienced or witnessed a traumatic event that involved actual or threatened death or serious injury to oneself or others, or threat to the physical integrity of oneself or others. The person must have experienced fear, helplessness, or horror in response to the event and then reexperienced the trauma over time via flashbacks, nightmares, images, and/or reliving the event. The person must avoid stimuli associated with the traumatic event and experience numbness of response, as lack of affect and reduced interest in activities. Finally, PTSD is characterized by hyperarousal In order for PTSD to be diagnosed, symptoms must be experienced for more than 1 month and must cause dinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other functional areas (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). As you may imagine, PTSD can be debilitating and can impact a victim's ability to heal, move on, and thrive after being victimized. About 8% of Americans will experience PTSD, although women are more likely than men to experience this disorder (Kessler, Sonnega, Bromet, Hughes, & Nelson, 1995). The traumatic events most likely to lead to PTSD for men are military combat and witnessing a serious injury or violent death. Women, on the other hand, are most likely to be diagnosed with PTSD related to incidents (Kessler et al., 1995). Although it is difficult to know how common PTSD is among crime victims, some studies suggest that PTSD is a real problem for this group. The estimate for PTSD in persons who have been victimized is around 25%. Lifetime incidence of PTSD for persons who have not experienced a victimization is 9%. Depression also commonly co- occurs in victims who suffer PTSD (Kilpatrick & Acierno, 2003). Research has shown that victims the rape and sexual molestation sexual assault DSM-V Diagnostic Criteria for Post-traumatic Stress Disorder Table 3.1 For persons older than 6 years old. A. Exposure to actual or threatened death, serious injury, or sexual violence in one (or more) of the following ways: 1. Directly experiencing the traumatic event(s). 2. Witnessing, in person, the event(s) as it occurred to others 3. Learning that the traumatic event(s) occurred to a close family member or close friend. In cases of actual or threatened death of family member or friend, the event(s) must have been violent or accidental. 4. Experiencing repeated or extreme exposure to aversive details of the traumatic event(s) (e.g., first responders collecting human remains; police officers repeatedly exposed to details of child abuse). Note: Criterion A4 does not apply to exposure through electronic media, television, movies, or pictures, unless this exposure is work related

Direct Property Losses Generally, when Crime victims often experience tangible losses in terms of having their property damaged or taken. determining direct property losses, the value of property that is damaged, taken, and not recovered, and insurance claims and administration costs are considered. According to the NCVS, in 2008, 94 % of property crimes resulted in economic losses (BJS, 2011). In one of the most comprehensive reports on the costs of victimization- by the National age experienced per crime victimization event. These estimates were used by Welsh et al. (2008) in their article on the costs of juvenile crime in urban areas. They found per episode. Motor vehicle theft costs about $3,300 per incident. Results victimizations typically did not result in as much direct property loss. For example, only 18% of personal crime victimizations resulted in economic loss. Rape and sexual assaults typically resulted in $100 of property loss or prop- erty damage. It is rare for a victim of a violent or property offense to recover any losses. Only about 29% of victims of personal crime and 16 % of victims of property crime recover all or some property (BJS, 2011). To read about the economic costs of partner violence and how receiving a protective order may reduce these costs, see Reading 4 by T.K. Logan, Robert Walker, and William Hoyt -sponsored Institute of Justice-T. R. Miller, Cohen, and Wiersema (1996) estimated the property loss or dam- that arson victimizations resulted in an estimated $15,500 from the NCVS show that personal crime (2012) Medical Care To be sure, many victims would gladly suffer property loss if it meant they would not experience any physical injury After all, items can be replaced and damage repaired. Physical injury may lead to victims needing tion, which for some may be the first step in accumulating costs associated with their victimization. Medical care costs encompass such expenses as transporting victims to the hospital, doctor care, prescription drugs, allied health services, medical devices, coroner payments, (Miller et al., 1996). Results from the NCVS indicate that in 2008, 542,280 violent crime victims received some type of medical Of those gency room or at an emergency clinic and 9% went to the hospital. Receiving medical care often results in victims incurring medical being victimized. About 63 % of injured victims had health (BJS, 2011). medical atten- insurance claims processing fees, and premature funeral expenses victims who received medical care, slightly more than one- received care in the hospital emer- care expenses. Almost 6% of victims of violence reported having medical expenses as a result of insurance or were eligible for public medical services RIPPED FROM THE HEADLINES Costs of victimization may permeate beyond individuals into the community. That is just what is happening businesses are closing where several long-standing in Memphis. Tennessee, business, the Cottage Restaurant, had been operating at its location since 1957, but its owner felt that it simply was not safe any longer to keep it open. Instead, it is moving mile and half down the road to a safer part of town. Another business owner spent $40,000 to install a surveillance system after losing $10.000 to thefts in the previous year. How can these costs be accounted for when measuring the costs of victimization? What other costs of victimization are there to the community? their doors and relocating. One SOURCE Preston (2014)

Costs vary across types of victimi- zation. For example, of hospitalizations for victims of child abuse is estimated to be $6.2 billion (Prevent Child Abuse America, 2000). Medical treatment for battered women is estimated to cost $1.8 billion annu- ally (Wisner, Gilmer, Saltman, & Zink, 1999). Per-criminal-victimization medi- cal care costs also have been estimated. Assaults in which there were injuries cost $1,470 per incident. ing victims who were injured incurred $6,400 in medical care costs (Miller et al., 1996). Gun violence is associated with substantial medical costs for victims. Although most crime victims do not require hospitalization, even if they are treated in the emergency room, a report on gun violence published by the Office for Victims of Crime showed that gunshot victims make up one- third of those who require hospitalization (as cited by Bonderman, 2001). Persons who are shot and admitted to the hospital are likely to face numerous rehospitalizations and incur medical costs throughout their lifetimes. In 2010, the hospital costs associated with firearm assault injuries totaled almost $700 million (Howell, Bieler, & Anderson, 2014). About 60% of these costs is paid by the public either by public insurance such as Medicaid or because persons are uninsured (Howell et al., 2014). the annual cost Drunk-driv- A Photo 3.1 This victim of a qunshot receives CPR in the emergency room. Mental Health Care Costs When victims seek mental health care, this also adds to their total cost. It is estimated that between 10% and 20% of total mental health care costs in the United States are related to crime (Miller et al., 1996). Most of this cost is a result of crime victims seeking treatment to deal and one-half of rape and child sexual abuse victims receive mental health care. As a result, sexual victimizations, of both adults and children, result in some of the largest mental health care costs for victims. The average health care cost per rape and sexual assault is $2,200, and the average for child abuse is $5,800. Victims of arson who are injured incur about $10,000 of mental health care expenditures per victimization. Secondary victimiza- tion, which is discussed in detail in a later section, is also associated with mental health care costs. The average murder results in between 1.5 and 2.5 people receiving mental health counseling (Miller et al., 1996). with the effects of their victimization. Between one-quarter mental Losses in Productivity Persons who are victimized may experience an inability to work at their place of employment, complete housework, or attend school. Not being able to do these things contributes to the total lost productivity that crime victims experience. In 2008, about 7 % of persons in the NCVS who said they were violently victimized lost some time from work. About the same percentage of victims of property offenses lost time from work. Some victims are more prone to miss work than others. For example, almost one-tenth of burglary victimizations cause victims to miss at least one day of work. Data from the NCVS show that 9% of robbery victimizations resulted in victims missing more than 10 days of work (BJS, 2011), whereas victims of intimate partner violence lost almost 8 million paid days of work annually (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2003). Employers also bear some costs when their employees

are victimized; victimized employees may be less productive, their employers may incur costs associated with hiring replacements, and employers may experience costs dealing with the emotional responses of their employees. Parents also may suffer costs when their children are victimized and they are unable to meet all their job responsibilities as a result of doing things such as taking the child to the doctor or staying home with the child (Miller et al., 1996) Pain, Suffering, and Lost Quality of Life The most difficult cost to quantify is the pain, suffering, and loss of quality of life that crime victims experience When these elements are added to the costs associated with medical care, lost earnings, and programs associated with victim assistance, the cost to crime victims increases 4 times. In other words, this is the largest cost that crime victims sustain. For example, one study estimated the cost of out-of-pocket expenses to victims of rape to be slightly less than $5,100. The crime of rape, however, on average, costs $87,000 when its impact on quality of life is consid- ered (Miller et al., 1996). Another cost that crime victims may experience is a change in their routines and lifestyles. Many victims report that after being victimized, they changed their behavior. For example, victims of stalking may change their phone numbers, move, or change their normal routines. Others may stop going out alone or start carrying a weapon when they do so. seems somewhat unfair. Did Polly sustain any of these costs? Although these changes may reduce risk of being victimized again, for victims to bear the cost of crime System Costs The victim is not the only entity impacted economically by crime. The United States spends an incredible amount of money on criminal justice. When including system costs for law enforcement, the courts, and corrections, the direct expenditures of the criminal justice system are more than $214 billion annually (BJS, 2006b). The criminal justice system employs more than 2.4 million persons, whose collective pay tops $9 billion. Obviously, crime is big business in the United States! Insurance companies pay about $45 billion annually due to crime. The federal government also pays $8 billion annually for restorative and emergency services for crime victims. There are other costs society must absorb as a result of crime. For example, it costs Americans when individuals who are not insured or are on public assistance are victimized and receive medical care. The U.S. government covers about one-fourth of health insurance payouts to crime victims. Gunshot victims alone cost taxpayers more than $4.5 billion dollars annually (Headden, 1996), These costs are not distributed equally across society. Some communities have been hit especially hard by violence-gun violence in particular. Some 96% of hospital expenses associated with gun violence at King/Drew Medical Center in Los Angeles are paid with public funds (as cited by Bonderman, 2001). To understand how expensive gun violence medical fees can be to the public, read Box 3.1 about James, who was shot and survived. We discuss in Section V inst how these costs are paid and who pays them. Vicarious Victimization It is not only the victim and the system that are saddled with costs. The effects that victimization has on those close to the victim are also critical in understanding the total impact of crime. So far, we have discussed how a victim may need medical care, may seek mental health counseling, may lose time from work, and may have a less full life after being victimized. But what happens to those who love and care about these victims? Does witnessing a loved one go through victimization also exact a price? The effects that victimization has on others are collectively known as vicarious victimization, Vicarious vic- timization has been most widely studied in regard to homicide survivors-people whose loved ones have been

Box 3.1 The Story of James James, 45, was shot in the knee on September 9 as he sat in a car with another man, who died of his wounds at the scene. James's injuries, which also included a hole in the arm and fragments in the eye, were not near vital organs. His knee looked bad ning. The next day, he aspirated as a breathing tube was being inserted during surgery, and contents stomach got into his lungs. "It is kind of like a chemical burn, trauma surgeon James had to stay in intensive care on a ventilator and be heavily hospital charges For about a week, he was on drugs that essentially paralyzed most of his muscles. When he began to regain consciousness, he suffered another setback, called ICU psychosis. The maddening disorder is believed to be caused by a variety of factors in intensive care, including breathing tubes, lights, beeping noises, a lack of sleep. and sensory when he came into Froedtert's trauma center, but that turned out to be just the begin- from his James Feeney said. sedated for almost 2 weeks, while his ballooned. deprivation or overload. It can make patients temporarily insane. "His agitation was so severe every time we tried to take him off (the ventilator), he would get crazy and wild," Feeney said. James eventually got out of intensive care and has improved dramatically saved his leg, although they don't know how functional it will be. They also don't know how much vision he lost. He is likely to need more surgeries on both the knee and the eye. James also will need extensive physical therapy. The truth is, a lot of these guys would have died 20 years ago before we had an organized system of trauma Doctors say they think they have care," Feeney said. After a call that started off as a man shot in the leg, he spent nearly 6 weeks in Froedtert. When he was discharged on October 20, the hospital charges-which will be billed to Medicare-topped $277,000. Medicare caps reimbursement for shooting cases at $36,000, said Blaine O'Connell, Froedtert's chief finan- cial officer. Medicaid and Milwaukee County's General Assistance Medical Program also pay only a fraction of the hospital's charges. And for many uninsured patients, the hospital may collect even less, he said. Ultimately, the losses on all those cases are factored into the rates the hospital must charge private insurers. SOURCE: "Gunshot costs echo through economy. From hospitals to jails, price of violence adds up quickly," by John Diedrich and John Fauber (2006), Milwaukee Wisconsin Joumal Sentinel Online. Reprinted with permission from Journal Sentinel, Inc. murdered-given the profound effect that homicide has on family members, even when compared with nonhomicide deaths. Homicide deaths are almost exclusively sudden and about not being able to prevent the death. The involvement of the criminal justice system also adds an element to the response family members have, and there is often a feeling that others view the death as at least partly the victim's fault The studies on homicide survivors have largely found that they experience many of the same posttrauma symptoms that crime bers developed PTSD after the murder of their family member (as cited in Kilpatrick, Amick, & Resnick, 1990). The dis- order and PTSD symptomology are often not transient, with homicide survivors exhibiting PTSD symptoms for up to 5 years following the murder (Redmond, 1989). Being a homicide survivor also may be related to greater PTSD symptoms than being a victim of a crime such as rape (Amick-McMullan, Kilpatrick, & Veronen, 1989). Also interesting, homicide violent. Surviving family members often experience guilt victims themselves experience. One study found that almost one-quarter of homicide -surviving family mem-




survivors experience higher levels of PTSD than do family members who lose a loved one through means other than homicide, such as accidentally (D. R. Applebaum & Burns, 1991). PTSD is not the only psy- chological response that homicide survi- vors show. They also have higher levels of distress, depression, anxiety, and hostility than persons who have not experienced trauma (Thompson, Kaslow, Price, Wil- liams, & Kingree, 1998). In addition to psychological may responses, homicide survivors exhibit behavioral consequences. Par- ents whose children die via homicide are more likely to exhibit suicidal ideation children commit suicide or die accidentally (S. A. Murphy homicide survivors may exhibit lifestyle changes by avoiding places and activities-either because they are fearful or anxious or because they no longer feel able to participate in activities A Photo 3.2 A support group for family members of murdered people. than parents whose Tapper, Johnson, & Lohan, 2003). Other that are reminiscent of times spent with their now-deceased loved one. Homicide survivors also evince feelings of vulnerability, loss of control, loss of meaning, and self-blame. As you can now be certain, criminal victimization has wide-reaching effects on the victim, the system, and others Another form of vicariou receive through medi ious victimization occurs when a person is traumatized by the coverage violent acts occur when seven factors are present: (1) realistic threat of death to all members of the community, (2) extraordi- nary carnage, (3) strong community nificance of victims to community, (6) need for rescue workers, and (7) significant media attention (Young, 1989). Given these factors, traumatic events that do not directly affect a person or a person's loved ones may also cause harm such as PTSD. Events such as the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, are prime examples of traumas that can produce lasting, harmful consequences to people exposed to them. Other events, such as a serial killer operat- ing in a community, may also be a form of vicarious victimization that can produce PTSD in community members (Herkov&Biernat, 1997). You will read more about homicide victims in Section VI. or other outlets that provide information. This type of vicarious victimization is likely to affiliation, (4) witnessing of event by community members, (5) symbolic sig- Reporting All the consequences and outcomes we have discussed thus far are impacted by the victim reporting the offense to the police. Reporting may intensify some of these consequences, may moderate some of the impact, ormay be somewhat unrelated to the victim's experiences after the incident occurs. Reporting is important for several rea- sons. One important factor about reporting to the police is that it is the first essential step in activating the formal criminal justice system. Without a report to the police, the victim is left to deal with the aftermath through other channels, and the police will never begin an investigative process. Without this first critical step, it is extremely unlikely that an offender will ever be caught. consequences. When this occurs, the offender is learning that he or she can continue to freely offend-perhaps even against the same person or household. Conversely, an arrest or real threat of arrest may deter potential When an offender "gets away" with crime, it can have important offenders.


OE Victims may also be negatively impacted if they do not report. Many victims' services, as discussed in Section V are available only for victims who notify the police about their incident. For example, many district attorneys' offices have victim advocates, whose job it is to help victims navigate the criminal justice system and assist them with other programs such as receiving victim compensation. The ability to use these services is typically conditioned on report- ing because the district attorney's office would not even know about a crime victim who did not first come forward. To highlight the lack of use of victims' services, n2074, only 11 % of individuals who experienced a violent crime according to the NCVS indicated mate partner violence receive such services (28%) than other types of violent crime victims (Truman & Langton, 2015). With all these benefits to reporting, it is easy to forget that slightly less than half of all violent crime victims and just more than one-third of property crime than 60% of all robbery and aggravated assault victims and slightly less than one-third of all rape and sexual assault victims reported their incidents to the police. Reporting varies by crime type, but it also varies according to other characteristics (Langton, Berzofsky, Krebs, & Smiley-McDonald, 2012). Generally, violence against women and violence a likely to come to the that they received assistance froma victim service agency. A greater percentage of victims of inti- victims notify the police (Truman & Morgan, 2016). In 2016, more attention of the against older persons is more result in the victim suffering an inpolice than violence against men and younger persons. Victimizations that likely to be reported than those that do not result in injury are more an offender is armed and/or a stranger, the victim is more likely to call the police (Langton et al., 2012). Besides these incident characteristics, When victims also give tangible reasons for not reporting their incidents to the police. Overall, the most common reasons given by victims of violence for why they do not report include that was a private or personal matter, that it was dealt with in another way such as reported to another official, that the victimization was not important enough to report to the police, that the police would not or could not do anything to help, or for fear of reprisal or getting the offender in trouble (Langton et al., 2012). Table 3.2 the victimization Table 3.2 Reasons for Not Reporting Victimization to the Police (in percentage) Type of Crime Rape/Sexual Assault Aggravated Assault Reasons for Not Personal Household Larceny Motor Vehicle Reporting Simple Assault Robbery Burglary Theft Theft Dealt with in another way personal matter 20% 20% 31% 38% 17% 12% 16% 16% 13 Not important enough to victim to 6 16 21 24 27 26 31 report 34 17 43 35 Police would not or could not help 13 14 40 30 10 22 7 3 11 4 Fear of reprisal or getting offender in trouble 28 23 15 17 14 17 21 16 33 Other reason or not one most important reason SOURCE: Langton, L, Merzofsky, M., Krebs, C., & Smiley-McDonald, H. (2012). Victimizations not reported to the police, 2006-2010 Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics, Uu.S. Department of Justice


shows the reasons victims give for not reporting to the police for different victimization types. But some victimsdo in fact bring their incidents to the attention of the police. Most commonly, victims of violence report their incidents to prevent future violence, to stop the offender, because it was a crime, and to protect others (BJS, 2006a). Table 3.3 shows the common reasons that victims do report for different victimization types For victims of property crime, the most common reasons given for not bringing the incident to the attention of the police are that the object was recovered/the offender was unsuccessful, feeling the police would not want to be bothered, or lack of proof. Property crime victims property, because it was a crime, and to prevent further crimes against them by the offender (BJS, 2006a). were motivated to report because they wanted to recover stolen