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- DOES YALI'S QUESTION really need another book to answer it? Don't
- we already know the answer? If so, what is it?
- Probably the commonest explanation involves implicitly or explicitly
- assuming biological differences among peoples. In the centuries after A.D.
- 1500, as European explorers became aware of the wide differences among
- the world's peoples in technology and political organization, they assumed
- that those differences arose from differences in innate ability. With the rise
- of Darwinian theory, explanations were recast in terms of natural selection
- and of evolutionary descent. Technologically primitive peoples were con-
- sidered evolutionary vestiges of human descent from apelike ancestors.
- The displacement of such peoples by colonists from industrialized societies
- exemplified the survival of the fittest. With the later rise of genetics, the
- explanations were recast once again, in genetic terms. Europeans became
- considered genetically more intelligent than Africans, and especially more
- so than Aboriginal Australians.
- Today, segments of Western society publicly repudiate racism. Yet many
- (perhaps most!) Westerners continue to accept racist explanations pri-
- vately or subconsciously. In Japan and many other countries, such expla-
- nations are still advanced publicly and without apology. Even educated
- white Americans, Europeans, and Australians, when the subject of Austra-
- lian Aborigines comes up, assume that there is something primitive about
- the Aborigines themselves. They certainly look different from whites.
- Many of the living descendants of those Aborigines who survived the era
- of European colonization are now finding it difficult to succeed economi-
- cally in white Australian society.
- A seemingly compelling argument goes as follows. White immigrants to
- Australia built a literate, industrialized, politically centralized, democratic
- state based on metal tools and on food production, all within a century of
- colonizing a continent where the Aborigines had been living as tribal
- hunter-gatherers without metal for at least 40,000 years. Here were two
- successive experiments in human development, in which the environment
- was identical and the sole variable was the people occupying that environ-
- ment. What further proof could be wanted to establish that the differences
- between Aboriginal Australian and European societies arose from differ-
- ences between the peoples themselves?
- The objection to such racist explanations is not just that they are loath-
- some, but also that they are wrong. Sound evidence for the existence of
- human differences in intelligence that parallel human differences in tech-
- nology is lacking. In fact, as I shall explain in a moment, modern "Stone
- Age" peoples are on the average probably more intelligent, not less intelli-
- gent, than industrialized peoples. Paradoxical as it may sound, we shall
- see in Chapter 15 that white immigrants to Australia do not deserve the
- credit usually accorded to them for building a literate industrialized society
- with the other virtues mentioned above. In addition, peoples who until
- recently were technologically primitive — such as Aboriginal Australians
- and New Guineans — routinely master industrial technologies when given
- opportunities to do so.
- An enormous effort by cognitive psychologists has gone into the search
- for differences in IQ between peoples of different geographic origins now
- living in the same country. In particular, numerous white American psy-
- chologists have been trying for decades to demonstrate that black Ameri-
- cans of African origins are innately less intelligent than white Americans
- of European origins. However, as is well known, the peoples compared
- differ greatly in their social environment and educational opportunities.
- This fact creates double difficulties for efforts to test the hypothesis that
- intellectual differences underlie technological differences. First, even our
- cognitive abilities as adults are heavily influenced by the social environ-
- ment that we experienced during childhood, making it hard to discern any
- influence of preexisting genetic differences. Second, tests of cognitive abil-
- ity (like IQ tests) tend to measure cultural learning and not pure innate
- intelligence, whatever that is. Because of those undoubted effects of child-
- hood environment and learned knowledge on IQ test results, the psycholo-
- gists' efforts to date have not succeeded in convincingly establishing the
- postulated genetic deficiency in IQs of nonwhite peoples.
- My perspective on this controversy comes from 33 years of working
- with New Guineans in their own intact societies. From the very beginning
- of my work with New Guineans, they impressed me as being on the aver-
- age more intelligent, more alert, more expressive, and more interested in
- things and people around them than the average European or American
- is. At some tasks that one might reasonably suppose to reflect aspects of
- brain function, such as the ability to form a mental map of unfamiliar
- surroundings, they appear considerably more adept than Westerners. Of
- course, New Guineans tend to perform poorly at tasks that Westerners
- have been trained to perform since childhood and that New Guineans have
- not. Hence when unschooled New Guineans from remote villages visit
- towns, they look stupid to Westerners. Conversely, I am constantly aware
- of how stupid I look to New Guineans when I'm with them in the jungle,
- displaying my incompetence at simple tasks (such as following a jungle
- trail or erecting a shelter) at which New Guineans have been trained since
- childhood and I have not.
- It's easy to recognize two reasons why my impression that New Guin-
- eans are smarter than Westerners may be correct. First, Europeans have for
- thousands of years been living in densely populated societies with central
- governments, police, and judiciaries. In those societies, infectious epidemic
- diseases of dense populations (such as smallpox) were historically the
- major cause of death, while murders were relatively uncommon and a state
- of war was the exception rather than the rule. Most Europeans who
- escaped fatal infections also escaped other potential causes of death and
- proceeded to pass on their genes. Today, most live-born Western infants
- survive fatal infections as well and reproduce themselves, regardless of
- their intelligence and the genes they bear. In contrast, New Guineans have
- been living in societies where human numbers were too low for epidemic
- diseases of dense populations to evolve. Instead, traditional New Guineans
- suffered high mortality from murder, chronic tribal warfare, accidents,
- and problems in procuring food.
- Intelligent people are likelier than less intelligent ones to escape those
- causes of high mortality in traditional New Guinea societies. However,
- the differential mortality from epidemic diseases in traditional European
- societies had little to do with intelligence, and instead involved genetic
- resistance dependent on details of body chemistry. For example, people
- with blood group B or O have a greater resistance to smallpox than do
- people with blood group A. That is, natural selection promoting genes for
- intelligence has probably been far more ruthless in New Guinea than in
- more densely populated, politically complex societies, where natural selec-
- tion for body chemistry was instead more potent.
- Besides this genetic reason, there is also a second reason why New
- Guineans may have come to be smarter than Westerners. Modern Euro-
- pean and American children spend much of their time being passively
- entertained by television, radio, and movies. In the average American
- household, the TV set is on for seven hours per day. In contrast, traditional
- New Guinea children have virtually no such opportunities for passive
- entertainment and instead spend almost all of their waking hours actively
- doing something, such as talking or playing with other children or adults.
- Almost all studies of child development emphasize the role of childhood
- stimulation and activity in promoting mental development, and stress the
- irreversible mental stunting associated with reduced childhood stimula-
- tion. This effect surely contributes a non-genetic component to the supe-
- rior average mental function displayed by New Guineans.
- That is, in mental ability New Guineans are probably genetically supe-
- rior to Westerners, and they surely are superior in escaping the devastating
- developmental disadvantages under which most children in industrialized
- societies now grow up. Certainly, there is no hint at all of any intellectual
- disadvantage of New Guineans that could serve to answer Yali's question.
- The same two genetic and childhood developmental factors are likely to
- distinguish not only New Guineans from Westerners, but also hunter-gath-
- erers and other members of technologically primitive societies from mem-
- bers of technologically advanced societies in general. Thus, the usual racist
- assumption has to be turned on its head. Why is it that Europeans, despite
- their likely genetic disadvantage and (in modern times) their undoubted
- developmental disadvantage, ended up with much more of the cargo? Why
- did New Guineans wind up technologically primitive, despite what I
- believe to be their superior intelligence?
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