Advertisement
Guest User

Untitled

a guest
Jun 30th, 2015
234
0
Never
Not a member of Pastebin yet? Sign Up, it unlocks many cool features!
text 30.95 KB | None | 0 0
  1. The Heysel Stadium
  2. 1.6 It was opened in 1930. It has been regularly used for football matches, including an international
  3. football match a few weeks before the 29 M ay, between Belgium and France, at which the attendance was
  4. about the same as at the Liverpool/Juventus game.
  5. 1.7 The Stadium is owned by the City of Brussels and leased to the Belgian Football Association. There
  6. had been no criticism by the Belgian Football Association nor by UEFA, who are the body controlling
  7. European football, of the facilities at the ground or of the structure.
  8. 1.8 A plan of the Stadium is at Appendix C. There are two open terraces at each end of the ground
  9. marked “X”, “Y ” and “Z” and “O”, “N” and “M ” respectively. Between the two sets of terraces are two
  10. stands. The stand marked Tribune 2 was built in about 1980. Apart from that, the Stadium is as it was
  11. constructed in 1930. It is the largest of its kind in Belgium and provides facilities not only for football
  12. matches but for athletics.
  13. 1.9 The terraces at “X”, “Y ” and “Z” were formed of a slope of approximately 1 in 10 at the shallowest
  14. and about 1 in 6 at the steepest. The surface of the terraces was earth with only the nosing of the steps
  15. being formed in concrete. Over the years the concrete nosing has deteriorated, and rusted re-inforcing bars
  16. have been exposed. The edges were uneven and jagged where pieces of concrete had broken off. The general
  17. condition of the terracing may be described as poor. The crush barriers showed signs of deterioration to
  18. both the concrete uprights and the re-inforcement. On the day of the match the perimeter fence consisted
  19. basically of two barriers. One was a brick structure; the other, on the terrace side, was wire fencing about
  20. two metres high.
  21. 1.10 There was a barrier dividing Block i4Y ” from Block “Z”. It consisted of two lines of tubular steel
  22. hand rail fixed by metal straps to the top of the existing concrete crush barrier uprights. It thus formed a
  23. passageway from top to bottom of the terrace. To one of the continuous hand rails were fixed fairly
  24. lightweight steel posts approximately 2.5-3 metres high. Tied to the steel posts was plastic coated wire
  25. 3
  26. mesh fencing. This composite construction, whilst forming a physical barrier, was not of sufficient strength
  27. to resist the determined efforts to breach it. It was removed by physical force during the charge by English
  28. fans from Block “Y ” into Block “Z”.
  29. 1.11 The flank wall where the disaster occurred was about three metres high at its maximum, reducing
  30. to just under two metres adjacent to the terrace. The brickwork wall did not appear to have been bedded
  31. in mortar nor fixed in any other way to the concrete wall. The buttresses of the wall were such that they
  32. would not assist in restraining the wall from movement when subjected to crowd pressure. It was not
  33. constructed as a crush barrier. Not surprisingly, it was not adequate to act as such. The wall and perimeter
  34. fence in front of the terrace were of fairly light construction which readily collapsed under the forward
  35. pressure of the crowd.
  36. 1.12 There were three places of entry and exit at the back of Blocks “X”, “Y ” and “Z” and three single
  37. access doors from the terraces onto the pitch. There were no turnstile controlled access points, but some
  38. control was exercised by gatemen. It was thus impossible to know the numbers going into each block or
  39. to prevent overcrowding in one block. In addition there were gaps in the boundary walls through which
  40. entry was effected by a number of spectators into Blocks “X” and “Y”.
  41. 1.13 Having regard to the state of the crush barriers and fences, and the general condition of the terraces
  42. it seems unlikely, had it been located in this country, that a certificate would have been issued under the
  43. Safety of Sports Grounds Act 1975 for this part of the ground. However, the poor state of the terraces
  44. played no part in the tragedy.
  45. The Arrangements for the Game
  46. 1.14 By 24 April 1985 the finalists were known. A meeting was held by the Belgian Football Association
  47. at its own Headquarters. There were present M. Roosens, the Secretary of the Belgian Football Association,
  48. a number of police officers, a member of the gendarmerie and representatives of Liverpool Football Club.
  49. 1.15 In Belgium the policing is carried out by both the local police force and by the gendarmerie, who
  50. are a national body organised on military lines. The Brussels police were to be responsible for the area
  51. including Blocks “O”, “N” and “M ”, and the gendarmerie for Blocks “X ”, “Y ” and “Z”.
  52. 1.16 It was agreed that the distribution and the positioning of spectators should be organised so that
  53. English fans would be positioned in Blocks “X” and “Y ” of the terraces, in “U ”, “V” and “W ” (in Tribune
  54. 2) and in “A”, “F”, "B” and “D” (in Tribune 1). Juventus were to be accommodated in Blocks “O” and
  55. “N” of the terraces, in “Q”, “P” and “W ” (in Tribune 2) and in “G”, “L”, “I” and “K” (in Tribune 1).
  56. It was agreed that each side would be issued with some 14,500 tickets of which 11,000 were for the terraces.
  57. 1.17 It was arranged by the Belgian Football Association that Block “Z” and Block “M ” would be
  58. allocated to neutral spectators, and Liverpool Football Club officials were told that a maximum of five
  59. tickets per person would be sold to spectators. There was agreement that there should be a barrier put up
  60. between Block “Y ” and Block “Z’\ and another barrier between Block “N” and Block “M ”. The Belgian
  61. Football Association had agreed with the authorities that there should be at least one gendarme on each
  62. of the steps of the segregation gangway between Block “Z” and the English fans in Block “Y ”. These and
  63. other matters were discussed, including the times of opening the ground and how English fans should
  64. arrive. There were further meetings during M ay in Belgium and England. One matter which was agreed
  65. was that there should be a ban on the sale of alcohol around the ground.
  66. 1.18 Thus it was hoped that the English fans and Juventus supporters would be properly segregated and
  67. that they would be physically prevented from being able to get at or to throw missiles at each other. They
  68. would be contained within their own areas. However, the officer-in-charge of the gendarmerie at the ground
  69. did not fully understand what his instructions were, nor unfortunately had he attended any of the meetings
  70. preceding the game. In the result, for a number of different reasons, the gendarmerie presence between
  71. Blocks “Y ” and “Z” was insufficient.
  72. 1.19 The advance intelligence was, broadly, that the English fans would present little or no trouble. This
  73. had a marked effect on the precautions which were taken. Liverpool have a good record, so far as European
  74. competitions, in which they have played for some 22 years, are concerned. Their management has long
  75. experience and they sought to take the normal precautions to prevent the unauthorised acquisition of
  76. tickets, to co-ordinate travel arrangements and to liaise with the Belgian authorities.
  77. 4
  78. 1.20 So far as the sponsored travel arrangements were concerned, supporters were accompanied by
  79. officers of the British Transport Police. That generally seems to have gone off without difficulty. However,
  80. one group of unsponsored supporters were refused passage by a Belgian vessel and there was a further
  81. group of 400 unsponsored coach travellers who had apparently had a great deal too much to drink.
  82. The Sale of Tickets for Block “Z”
  83. 1.21 There were various alarms about the sale of black market tickets and forged tickets. One of the
  84. matters of concern for the Liverpool Club was the sale of tickets for Block “Z”. By the UEFA instructions,
  85. no blocks of tickets were to be sold at the venue of the match except in small quotas. What happened to
  86. the sale of some of the tickets for Block “Z” was described by M. Roosens. He said that there were some
  87. 3,000 tickets available for sale on the first day and they were put in the hands of a M. Desment who had
  88. been selling tickets for the last twenty years. The sale took place at the Heysel Stadium, and a notice was
  89. put up saying that they were available for 300 Belgian francs each and that the maximum which could be
  90. purchased was five per person. When the staff arrived there was already a massive queue before sales had
  91. started. M. Desment later walked through the crowds and noticed that there were more tickets being sold
  92. to foreigners than to Belgians. He enquired from M. Roosens whether the sale should be stopped. The sale
  93. was in fact stopped. By then they had sold 2,000 to 3,000 tickets.
  94. 1.22 Because tickets were being sold from five different windows it was impossible to control who bought
  95. them. It was quite clear from all the evidence that some organisations had been buying large quantities of
  96. tickets. They did this by using a large number of their employees to take it in turns to go to the ticket
  97. windows. M. Roosens agreed in evidence that people had left the Stadium with whole rolls of tickets.
  98. Additionally, M. Roosens allowed 1,000 tickets to be sold to a director of a sports club committee who
  99. apparently sold them to an insurance company which sponsored the club. One witness spoke of a travel
  100. agent from Sicily with 60 tickets for Block “Z” which he was selling outside the ground at 100 times the
  101. official price.
  102. 1.23 It is quite clear that whether the tickets found their way onto the black market or not, a large
  103. number of tickets for Block “Z” came into the hands of Juventus supporters. The effect was, therefore,
  104. that all the careful preparations for the segregation of the English and Italian fans were rendered useless.
  105. The events of 29 May
  106. 1.24 It is not surprising that there is a great deal of conflicting evidence about the events of this day even
  107. from experienced witnesses such as police officers. Contradictions about the behaviour of the English fans
  108. before the game abound. I set out here as best I can some of the evidence presented to me.
  109. 1.25 Elaborate arrangements were made within the Belgian authorities for meeting and escorting the
  110. English supporters after their arrival in Belgium and on the train. Unfortunately, because of the timetable
  111. which the shipping companies operated, large numbers of English fans arrived in Brussels well before kick-
  112. off.
  113. 1.26 The behaviour of the English fans in the centre of Brussels gave a foretaste of what was to happen
  114. later in the day. It is only necessary to refer to one or two incidents so as to give an idea of how some,
  115. albeit a small minority of the English supporters, were behaving. It is said that about 2,000 supporters had
  116. taken over the Grand’ Place and the surrounding area. They were throwing beer bottles at the Belgian
  117. Police, they were spitting, they were hurling beer at cars. One witness described the Grand' Place as looking
  118. like a broken glass factory. One supporter, who had drunk too much and was wearing a toy British police
  119. helmet, stood at a nearby cross-roads directing traffic, thereby causing severe dislocation of traffic. A
  120. jeweller’s shop was robbed by English fans. Other fans were bathing in the fountains. A witness described
  121. a grocer’s shop being pillaged. The steps of the Stock Exchange were invaded. A number of English fans
  122. arrived at Jette from the train. They already had drink with them, although a good deal of it was
  123. confiscated. They tried to get into the buses provided for them without paying. In this they were unsuccessful
  124. because the bus driver simply refused to drive them. A very experienced senior British police officer
  125. described the conduct of the English fans as the worst he had ever seen.
  126. 1.27 Other witnesses, however, gave a totally different picture. Some supporters have written to say that
  127. while there was some noise, the general behaviour was good, the atmosphere friendly and relaxed, and that
  128. far from the police standing by while something akin to a riot was taking place, the police were heavy
  129. handed, interfering with people who were merely singing and enjoying themselves and treating both sets
  130. of supporters to an excessive display of authority.
  131. 5
  132. 1.28 Yet other witnesses talk of a carnival atmosphere with British and Italian fans fraternising freely
  133. with each other, taking photographs and exchanging mementoes and favours. This view was supported by
  134. a senior police officer to whom I spoke when I was in Belgium.
  135. Events at the Stadium
  136. 1.29 The first incident recorded in the Brussels Police Report took place at 3.55 pm when some of the
  137. temporary fencing, which had been erected all round the Stadium, was knocked down by Juventus
  138. supporters. It was erected to enable the Police more easily to search fans. It was about a kilometre long,
  139. comprising fifty sections. By about 4 pm about thirty or more sections had already been knocked down.
  140. This was not, apparently, considered serious by the police, because it was only intended to provide a buffer
  141. between ihe supporters and the ticket barrier. The police and gendarmes intended to search fans near the
  142. outside fence with a view to confiscating sticks or other weaponry. It is perfectly clear from all the evidence
  143. that there were insufficient police or gendarmes to search all spectators. Additionally it was wholly
  144. impossible to search people and at the same time to make sure that they did not retrieve weapons that had
  145. been confiscated.
  146. 1.30 There is a great body of evidence that the searching was perfunctory; that because of the absence
  147. of turnstiles and the presence of holes in the perimeter wall, a large number of people got into the Stadium
  148. without tickets; that those who had tickets inside were able to pass them back to those outside who did
  149. not. Weapons which were confiscated earlier were retrieved. The weapons varied. There were sticks used
  150. to carry flags, pieces of tree trunks, bottles and stones. Additionally, it is clear that a number of spectators
  151. had had too much to drink and a ban on the sale of alcohol outside the ground was not enforced. Bottles
  152. of drink were on sale at a number of stalls, thus providing more ammunition for the fans.
  153. 1.31 At 5.15 pm there was a police report that some of the perimeter fence in Block “N”, occupied by
  154. Juventus supporters, had been cut. At 5.46 pm there was a report that Italian supporters were beginning
  155. to vent their anger on the police. At 5.55 pm there was a report that there was general disorder in Block
  156. “O”, that supporters were becoming agitated and that 200 of them were beginning to get worked up,
  157. hurling insults at the police in the segregation gangway. A few minutes later there was a mass invasion of
  158. Block tfcM ” by supporters because Blocks “O” and “N” were full.
  159. 1.32 Commissioner Meura of the Brussels City Police said that some of his officers inside the stadium
  160. were pelted with missiles by the Italians, who were attempting to use riot tactics, surging forward en masse
  161. and retreating. He decided that what he must do was to protect the pitch and, although some of the
  162. perimeter fencing intended to protect the pitch was knocked over, he succeeded in preventing a pitch
  163. invasion. However, some 27 police were injured as a result of concrete and metal objects being thrown at
  164. the Juventus end of the ground.
  165. 1.33 The Police report records a request at 7.06 pm for re-inforcements in the gangway of Blocks “N”
  166. and “M ”, where the situation suddenly took a turn for the worse. And the report continues:
  167. “It should be noted that the relative calm in the upper parts of sections “N”, “M” and “O” only served
  168. to camouflage the jeers and provocation which a few hundred Juventus fanatics were directing at the
  169. police lower down. They began to cause trouble between 5.55 pm and 7.25 pm; initially in a fairly
  170. moderate way, there was a
  171. \
  172. hour during which insults were being hurled at the police and the supporters
  173. were trying to break through the fencing (Heras fencing shaken several times). The police in the gangway
  174. could not prevent 5 to 6 metres of fencing from being torn down at about 7 pm. Then 30 metres were
  175. forced and trampled down so as to give direct access to the track. All this despite the use of shields and
  176. truncheons by the police, several of whom were injured. It should also be noted that stones and/or lumps
  177. of concrete and some beer bottles, 20 in all, were raining down onto the track. Some hooligans from
  178. amongst the supporters were even running up to the police with sticks and iron bars.”
  179. 1.34 The report describes one hooligan at the Juventus end getting through the fencing and onto the
  180. pitch itself and sprinkling salt between the goal-posts; and there is a report of another incident when a pair
  181. of hand-cuffs were taken from a police officer by a hooligan who got onto the pitch; subsequently they
  182. were returned. Although it had been arranged that Juventus supporters should have Blocks “O” and “N”
  183. and that kkM ” should be allocated to neutral supporters, it is clear that Block “M ” was occupied by
  184. Juventus supporters. Both the police and the gendarmerie described to me the behaviour of the Italian fans
  185. up to this stage as worse than that of the English fans.
  186. 1.35 What meanwhile was happening at the other end of the ground, in Blocks “X”, “Y ” and “Z”? The
  187. first signs of unrest among the English fans appeared during the youth match which had been organised
  188. 6
  189. to keep the spectators occupied; this occurred somewhere between 6.15 pm and 6.30 pm. The English fans
  190. fired flares and rockets and threw stones into Block “Z”, which was beginning to be occupied by what
  191. were clearly Italian supporters. There was also a number of English fans in Block “Z” who sought to
  192. escape into Block “Y” . According to Captain Mahieu, who was in charge of the gendarmerie responsible
  193. for patrolling the area between Block “Y ” and Block “Z”, everything was calm between 6.15 pm and 7
  194. pm. Accordingly he had gone out of the Stadium; so too had Lieutenant Bonnet who was his second-in-
  195. command, to investigate a criminal complaint and to see about closing Block “X”. It appears there were
  196. about 15,000 spectators in Blocks “X” and “Y ” and about 5,000 in Block “Z”.
  197. 1.36 There is no doubt but that somewhere between 7.15 pm and 7.30 pm English fans charged Block
  198. “Z”. Preceding this there had been an exchange of missiles between Blocks “Z” and “Y”. There were three
  199. charges by English fans. The first two seemed to have been repulsed; the third resulted in the Italian
  200. supporters in Block “Z”, who were seeking to escape towards the perimeter, being squashed and suffocated
  201. by the press of large numbers.
  202. Extreme Political Parties
  203. 1.37 There was evidence about the presence of supporters from the extreme right. The Mayor gave
  204. evidence at the Inquiry that he had seen British and Italian spectators wearing the political insignia of
  205. parties of the extreme right and carrying flags. One British supporter, himself a referee, said that the ground
  206. outside the Stadium was littered with British National Front leaflets, some overprinted by the British
  207. National Party with their address. One witness spoke of passengers on the boat crossing the Channel with
  208. National Front insignia singing songs of hatred and exhibiting violence.
  209. 1.38 Mr John Smith, Chairman of Liverpool Football Club, spoke of how six members of Chelsea
  210. National Front had boasted to him of their part in provoking the violence and said that they seemed proud
  211. of their handiwork. Mr Bob Paisley, a former manager of Liverpool Football Club, said that he was forced
  212. to leave the Directors’ Box at the start of the game as dozens of fans poured over the dividing wall and
  213. that the person next to him claimed that he was a Chelsea supporter and was wearing a National Front
  214. badge. A number of banners decorated with swastikas were recovered after the match, including one
  215. marked “Liverpool Edgehill”. There was also evidence that the flag of a right wing organisation, "New
  216. Order”, was being flown by a small group of Juventus fans. A banner with “England for the English” and
  217. “Europe for the English” was observed and a contingent of the National Front were clearly seen in Blocks
  218. “X” and “Y ”. One party leaving Brussels main station was observed to be Londoners wearing Liverpool
  219. colours, carrying Union Flags and having National Front and swastika tattoos.
  220. 1.39 Apart from their presence, there is very little hard evidence that they caused any of the violence.
  221. Commissioner Meura said that he had not seen anyone from any extreme right wing organisation wearing
  222. any insigna. On 5 July a press statement was issued by the Merseyside Police which said:
  223. “There is no evidence to suggest that any National Front members were involved in the riot at the Heysel
  224. Stadium in Brussels.”
  225. What lessons are to be learned?
  226. 1.40 A Parliamentary Commission of Enquiry was set up in Belgium on 12 June 1985. It reported on 9
  227. July 1985.
  228. 1.41 The Commission concluded in this way:
  229. “It should be emphasised from the outset that it was the British supporters who mounted the disastrous
  230. charge into Section “Z”. They bear the main responsibility for the terrible events that followed and this
  231. must remain the case for whatever blame might be attributed to others as having aggravated the matter.”
  232. An extract from their conclusions appears in Appendix D.
  233. 1.42 When I spoke with M. Collignon, the Chairman of the Parliamentary Commission of Enquiry in
  234. Brussels in November, he told me that the only matter in his report that on reflection he might like to alter
  235. was to make rather more criticism of the Belgian and European football authorities and less of the individual
  236. members of the gendarmerie.
  237. 1.43 In his principal statement to Parliament about the Heysel disaster, the Belgian Minister of the
  238. Interior said:
  239. 7
  240. “Everyone knows that those guilty of the violence, those responsible for the deaths of the victims, are
  241. the violent groups among the English supporters/’
  242. He also referred to the
  243. “collective responsibility of English society which tolerates this violence and tries to channel it without
  244. wanting to eliminate it.”
  245. He said that the organisers of the match were the second group of people responsible. With regard to
  246. the role of the police and gendarmerie, he said that the overall plan had been adequate. He acknowledged
  247. that there had been errors in execution and announced measures to improve training and equipment to
  248. remedy these deficiencies. He added that if in future a larger police deployment was necessary, he would
  249. prefer to ban matches. He did not want to turn Brussels, even for a day, into a police state, for the sake
  250. of those who liked to manifest their violence.
  251. 1.44 The lessons to be learned from the disaster can be summarised in this way:
  252. (a) It is essential that opposing fans at matches such as this should be properly segregated so that there
  253. is no possibility of their being within attacking distance of each other. Missiles from rival supporters
  254. caused enormous problems and contributed in no small way to the disorder which occurred. So far
  255. as domestic football is concerned, that means ensuring either that there is an unoccupied space
  256. between opposing factions or that the physical method of securing segregation is such that they are
  257. unable to attack or bombard each other with missiles.
  258. (b) Sales of tickets need to be properly controlled so that segregation can be effectively enforced. One of
  259. the problems of all-ticket matches is that ticket touts may be able to purchase numbers of tickets and
  260. sell them indiscriminately; the effect of this is to put the whole segregation policy at risk. Police need
  261. to be aware if this occurs. In Scotland any person who in a public place touts for the purpose of
  262. selling so as to give another person cause for annoyance commits a criminal offence under the Civic
  263. Government (Scotland) Act 1982.
  264. (c) It is clear that a large number of spectators, particularly the English, had consumed substantially too
  265. much drink, and that they were able to take drink into the ground. This is now covered by the
  266. provisions of the Sporting Events (Control of Alcohol etc) Act 1985 in England and Wales and by
  267. the Criminal Justice (Scotland) Act 1980.
  268. (d) In addition to the fact that a number of fans were able to get into the ground without paying, most
  269. of them were also able to get in without being effectively searched; if they were searched, they were
  270. able to recover weapons which they subsequently used. This is particularly relevant to the power of
  271. the police to search at sports grounds in the United Kingdom.
  272. (e) While the structure of the police in Belgium is different from that in Britain there was obviously a
  273. breakdown in communications and instructions both prior to and during the course of the match. It
  274. was accepted by the Commandant of the gendarmerie that mistakes had been made. The important
  275. lesson for us to learn is that there needs to be strict co-operation between the football club and the
  276. police; that the police need to lay down and observe fixed procedures and that the communications
  277. need to be efficient. There was also criticism at the lack of liaison between the Headquarters outside
  278. the ground and those inside the ground. There needs to be good early planning with close co-operation
  279. between all the relevant authorities and clear decisions made. Those who are to be in charge on the
  280. day need to have taken part in the planning and to clearly understand their role.
  281. (0 Another lesson which can be learnt is that in order to enforce segregation, apart from physical
  282. barriers, it is necessary to have present a sufficient number of properly instructed police to take
  283. effective action at the first sign of trouble. If there are perimeter fences, they should contain an
  284. adequate number of doors in them; they need to be manned and to be opened immediately in the
  285. event of an emergency.
  286. (g) It is clear that, notwithstanding the previous good record of any particular club, those who go to see
  287. that club play can readily behave like hooligans, particularly when affected by drink. Unfortunately
  288. a previous good record is no guarantee of good behaviour in the future.
  289. (h) The final and most important lesson, which I cannot too strongly or too frequently emphasise is that
  290. if hooligans did not behave like hooligans at football matches there would be no such risk of death
  291. or injury.
  292. 8
  293. EUROPEAN CONVENTION
  294. 1.45 In August 1985 “The European Convention on Spectator Violence and Misbehaviour at Sports
  295. Events and in Particular at Football Matches” was agreed. It has at the moment been signed by ten of the
  296. parties. It has been ratified by four.
  297. 1.46 The key points are that the Contracting Parties shall:
  298. 1. co-ordinate the policies and actions of Government Departments and other public agencies against
  299. spectator violence and misbehaviour (Article 2);
  300. 2. secure that adequate public order resources are employed to counter outbreaks of violence and
  301. misbehaviour near and inside grounds and along transit routes used by spectators; and facilitate co­
  302. operation and exchange of information between police forces of different localities (Article 3.1);
  303. 3. seek to ensure that offenders (especially visiting supporters) are identified, prosecuted and that they
  304. receive appropriate penalties (Articles 5 and 3.1(c));
  305. 4. encourage the co-ordination of travel arrangements to inhibit potential troublemakers from leaving to
  306. attend matches (Article 3.3);
  307. 5. introduce procedures to identify problem matches in advance and for effective co-operation between
  308. authorities and clubs on precautions and measures to be taken (Article 4);
  309. 6. encourage the use of stewards in supporters9 clubs for crowd control and information (Article 3.2);
  310. 7. press football and local authorities and stadium owners and clubs to take the necessary practical
  311. measures for problem matches, eg in the design, improvement and selection of stadia, segregation, alcohol
  312. control, ticket sales, the exclusion of drunks and troublemakers etc (Article 3.4);
  313. 8. encourage football authorities to review their regulations continuously (Article 6.3);
  314. 9. looking further ahead, take social and educational measures to promote the more positive side of
  315. sport, eg fair play and active participation (Article 3.5); and
  316. 10. establish a standing committee to police the operation of the Convention and to propose improvements
  317. (Article 8).
  318. 1.47 This is a blueprint for European football, which has lessons for our domestic game.
  319. 9
Advertisement
Add Comment
Please, Sign In to add comment
Advertisement