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- Paul Preston
- 'The answer lies in the sewers': Captain
- Aguilera and the mentality of the Francoist
- officer corps
- Article (Submitted version)
- (Pre-refereed)
- Original citation:
- Preston, Paul (2004) 'The answer lies in the sewers': Captain Aguilera and the mentality of the
- Francoist officer corps. Science and society, 68 (3). pp. 277-312. ISSN 0036-8237
- DOI:10.1521/siso.68.3.277.40298
- © 2004 Guilford Press
- Reprinted with permission of The Guilford Press
- This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/2711/
- Available in LSE Research Online: November 2012
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- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps 1
- On the day the Spanish Civil War broke out, an aristocratic landowner in the province
- of Salamanca, according to his own account, lined up the labourers on his estate, selected six
- of them and shot them as a lesson to the others.1 A retired army officer, his name was
- Gonzalo de Aguilera y Munro. His estate, called Dehesa del Carrascal de Sanchiricones, was
- located between Vecinos and Matilla de los Caños, two villages respectively thirty and thirty-
- five kilometres to the south-west of Salamanca. Although his atrocity was extreme, the
- sentiments behind it were not unrepresentative of the hatreds that had smouldered in the
- Spanish countryside over the previous years. Aguilera’s cold and calculated violence
- reflected an attitude common among the big landowners of the latifundio regions of Spain.
- The violent social conflicts of the period from 1918 to 1921, known as the trienio
- bolchevique, had been crushed by military repression but the consequent hatreds continued to
- smoulder on both sides. Previously, there had been an uneasy truce in which the wretched
- lives of the landless peasants were occasionally relieved by the patronising gestures of the
- owners – a blind eye turned to rabbit poaching and the gathering of wind-fall crops or even
- the gift of food. The violence of the trienio had outraged the landlords who could not forgive
- the insubordination of braceros whom they considered to be almost sub-human. Accordingly,
- the paternalism which had somewhat mitigated the daily brutality of the day-labourers’ lives
- came to an abrupt end.
- After April 1931, the Second Republic’s attempts at agrarian reform saw the
- landowners engaging in rural lock-outs and telling the hungry landless peasants to comed
- República (literally ‘eat the Republic’, or ‘let the Republic feed you’). The gathering of
- acorns, normally kept for pigs, or of windfall olives, the watering of beasts, or even the
- gathering of firewood were denounced as 'collective kleptomania'.2 Hungry peasants caught
- doing such things were likely to be given savage beatings by the Civil Guard or armed estate
- guards.3 In fact, in the latifundio areas of southern Spain, Republican legislation governing
- labour issues in the countryside was systematically flouted; unionised labour was ‘locked-out’
- either by land being left uncultivated or simply refused work; starvation wages were paid to
- those who were hired. In words of the newspaper of the principal rural union, the Socialist
- 1 Peter Kemp, Mine Were of Trouble (London: Cassell, 1957) p.50.
- 2 La Mañana (Jaen), 16 January 1934.
- 3 La Mañana (Jaen), 1 October 1932, 21, 27 January, 3, 18 February, 5 April 1933; El Adelanto (Salamanca),
- 19 October 1932; Región (Cáceres), 24 February 1933; El Obrero de la Tierra, 14 January, 4 March 1933, 6, 13,
- 20 January, 17 February 1934; El Socialista, 21 January, 20 April, 1 July 1933. See also Paul Preston,
- The Coming of the Spanish Civil War: Reform Reaction and Revolution in the Second Spanish Republic
- 1931-1936 2nd edition (London, Routledge, 1994) pp.101-2, 111, 134-5, 140, 148-9, 184-5.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps 2
- FNNTT or Landworkers’ Federation, ‘the owners are deliberately murdering by hunger
- thousands of men and their families for the crime of wanting to humanise a little their
- unfortunate lives. Who sows the wind… By the handful, in Spain the seeds of tragedy are
- being thrown into the wind. Let no one be surprised, let no one complain, let no one be
- scandalised and protest tomorrow, if these winds provoke a storm of blood.’4
- After the fall of the Republican-Socialist coalition in the autumn of 1933, the
- landowners had returned to the semi-feudal relations of dependence that had been the norm
- before 1931. Consistent infractions of labour legislation led eventually to the FNTT calling a
- national harvest strike in the summer of 1934. The procedures for the strike to be legal had
- been meticulously observed by the union leadership. However, the Minister of the Interior,
- Rafael Salazar Alonso, a representative of the landowners of one of the most conflictive
- provinces, Badajoz, saw an opportunity to smash the FNTT. He declared the harvest a
- national public service which effectively militarised the land-workers. Strikers were arrested
- by the thousands and imprisoned hundreds of miles from their homes. The harvest was
- brought in by machinery and cheap labour from Portugal and Galicia. The FNTT had been
- crippled, union members were harassed by the Civil Guard, and estate security was tightened
- to prevent hunger being alleviated by poaching or the theft of crops. The south was badly hit
- by drought in 1935, unemployment rose to more than 40% in some places and beggars
- thronged the streets of the towns. Hatred smouldered. Living in close proximity, the hungry
- and the well-to-do rural middle and upper classes regarded each other with fear and
- resentment. Hatreds were intensified during the right-wing campaign for the elections of
- February 1936 which prophesied that left-wing victory would mean ‘uncontrolled looting and
- the common ownership of women’. Even without such apocalyptic provocation, natural
- disaster intensified social tension. After the prolonged drought of 1935, early 1936 brought
- fierce rainstorms which ruined the olive harvest and damaged wheat and barley crops. Left-
- wing victory in the elections coincided with even higher unemployment. The local middle
- classes were appalled by signs of popular jubilation, the flying of red flags and attacks on
- landowners’ clubs (casinos). Labour legislation began to be reinforced and workers were
- ‘placed’ (alojados) on uncultivated estates. Landowners were infuriated by evidence that
- peasant submissiveness was at an end. Those that they expected to be servile were assertively
- demonstrating that they were no longer prepared to be cheated out of reform. The shift in the
- 4 El Obrero de la Tierra, 24 March 1934.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps 3
- balance of power provoked the anger and the fear of the latifundistas. Many of them joined,
- financed or expectantly awaited news of the military plot to overthrow the Republic. Even
- before 18 July, the situation in latifundio Spain had reached breaking point.5
- When the Civil War began, in latifundio areas of the Republican zone, repressive
- landlords were in serious danger of their lives from the landless labourers. Aguilera, like
- others, perceived himself to be taking retaliatory measures in advance. Many landowners
- joined the uprising, accompanied Franco’s columns and played an active role in selecting
- victims to be executed in captured villages. Their influence was reflected in the fact that,
- when peasants were shot, they were made to dig their own graves first, and Falangist
- señoritos shouted at them ‘(Didn’t you ask for a plot of land. Now you’re going to have one,
- and for ever!’ (¿No pedíais tierra? Pues la vais a tener; ¡y para siempre!).6 The hatred of the
- landowners for the rural proletariat found an appropriate instrument in Franco’s African
- columns. Explicit parallels were drawn at the time between the left in mainland Spain and the
- Riff tribesmen; the ‘crimes’ of the reds in resisting the military uprising seen as identical with
- the ‘crimes’ of the tribesmen who massacred Spanish troops at Annual in 1921. The role of
- the African columns in 1936 was seen as the same as that of the Regulares and Legionaries
- who relieved Melilla in 1921.7 As they moved north from Seville in early August, they used
- the techniques of terror which had been their regular practice against the subject population of
- Morocco. Word of their tactics spread a wave of fear before them and villages and towns in
- the provinces of Seville and Badajoz, El Real de la Jara, Monesterio, Llerena, Zafra, Los
- Santos de Maimona, easily fell before them. In addition to looting, they annihilated any
- leftists or supposed Popular Front sympathisers that they found, leaving a trail of bloody
- slaughter as they went. The execution of captured peasant militiamen was jokingly referred to
- as 'giving them agrarian reform'. After the capture of Almendralejo, one thousand prisoners
- were shot including one hundred women.8 After the shootings, the remaining women were
- raped.
- 5 Preston, The Coming of the Spanish Civil War, pp.147-53, 245, 259-60; Paul Preston, ‘The Agrarian War in
- the South’ in Paul Preston, Editor, Revolution and War in Spain 1931-1939 (London: Methuen, 1984) pp.159-
- 81.
- 6 Alfonso Lazo, Retrato de fascismo rural en Sevilla (Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, 1998) pp.11-14;
- Margarita Nelken, Las torres del Kremlin (México D.F.: Industrial y Distribuidora, 1943) p.259.
- 7 Manuel Sánchez del Arco, 2ª edición El sur de España en la reconquista de Madrid (Seville: Editorial
- Sevillana, 1937) pp.18-20.
- 8 Carlos Asensio Cabanillas, 'El avance sobre Madrid y operaciones en el frente del centro', La guerra de
- liberación nacional (Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza, 1961) pp.160-5; Servicio Histórico Militar (José
- Manuel Martínez Bande), La marcha sobre Madrid (Madrid: Editorial San Martín, 1968) pp.24-34; Sánchez del
- Arco, El sur de España, pp.62-81; Juan José Calleja, Yagüe, un corazón al rojo (Barcelona: Editorial Juventud,
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps 4
- The deliberate savagery constituted what one scholar has called ‘didactismo por el
- terror’ (education through terror). The aim was literally to bury for once and for all the
- aspiration of the landless peasants to collectivise the great estates. Using the excuse of the
- ‘red terror’, a vengeful bloodbath was unleashed by the rebel columns. These consisted either
- of the African columns heading for Madrid under the overall command of General Franco or
- those sent out from Seville by the ‘viceroy of Andalusia’, General Gonzalo Queipo de Llano.
- In most places, ‘the red terror’ was a feeble excuse. In a wealthy farming community,
- Cantillana (Seville), where there had been no history of social tension, Queipo de Llano’s
- forces appeared in the early hours of the morning of 26 July. In the course of the following
- three days, two hundred people were killed. In Carmona (Seville), for instance, there were
- two deaths under the Popular Front, which were revenged with the murder of 700. The
- owners’ view that their labourers were on a par with their livestock was illustrated in Castro
- del Río, where day labourers were slaughtered using the same technique as that employed
- with cattle.9 In Lora del Río, the Civil Guard, the priest and the local right-wingers had
- greeted the news of the military uprising by taking arms and creating a stronghold in the town
- church. It was quickly captured and they were all released except the notoriously brutal
- cacique. In revenge for his execution, a simulacrum of a trial was mounted in which the judge
- was a landowner and artillery reserve captain, who, according to an eye-witness, had
- pretensions to nobility equalled only by his ignorance and brutality. Three hundred labourers,
- including some women, were ‘tried’ en masse without defence. The crimes of which they
- were accused ranged from having flown a Republican flag from their balcony to having been
- heard expressing admiration for Roosevelt. Domestic servants were accused of having
- criticised their employers. All were found guilty and shot. The executions were followed by
- a great orgy with drink provided by grateful wine-producers. Advantage was taken of the
- town’s many recent widows to meet ‘the sexual excesses of that collectivity without women’
- (the occupying African columns).10
- 1963) pp.90-1, 94-6; Jesús Salas Larrazabal, La guerra de España desde el aire 2ª edición (Barcelona: Ariel,
- 1972) p.64; Herbert Rutledge Southworth, Le mythe de la croisade de Franco (Paris: Ediciones Ruedo Ibérico,
- 1964) p.215; Francisco Moreno Gómez. ‘La represión en la España campesina’ in José Luis García Delgado,
- editor, El primer franquismo: España durante la segunda guerra mundial (Madrid: Siglo XXI, 1989) p.192.
- 9 Antonio-Miguel Bernal, ‘Resignación de los campesinos andaluces: la resistencia pasiva durante el
- franquismo’, in Isidro Sánchez, Manuel Ortiz, & David Ruiz, editors, España franquista. Causa general y
- actitudes sociales ante la dictadura (Albacete: Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, 1993) pp.148-50; Antonio
- Rosado, Tierra y libertad. Memorias de un campesino anarcosindicalista andaluz (Barcelona: Crítica, 1979)
- pp.121-2.
- 10 An eye-witness account by a reluctant executioner was published anonymously as ‘El comienzo: 1936 La
- “liberación” de Lora del Río’, Cuadernos de Ruedo Ibérico (Paris), Nos 46-48, julio-diciembre 1975, pp.81-94.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps 5
- The near racist contempt of the southern landowners for their peasants had quickly
- been transmitted to the African Army which had rebelled in Morocco. Already, in the spring
- of 1936, when the rising was being prepared, General Emilio Mola, its director, and until
- recently, the commander-in-chief of the African Army, drew up a series of secret instructions.
- They summed up the extent to which the Army felt no sense of being the body whose job it
- was to protect the Spanish people from an external enemy. The Spanish proletariat was
- clearly ‘the enemy’. In that sense, the mentality of the Africanista high command reflected
- one of the major consequences of the colonial disaster of 1898. This was simply that the right
- coped with the loss of a ‘real’ overseas empire by internalising the empire, that is to say, by
- regarding metropolitan Spain as the empire and the proletariat as the subject colonial race.
- The first of Mola’s secret instructions, issued in April, declared ‘Se tendrá en cuenta que la
- acción ha de ser en extremo violenta, para reducir lo antes posible al enemigo, que es fuerte y
- bien organizado. Desde luego, serán encarcelados todos los directivos de los partidos
- políticos, sociedades o sindicatos no afectos al Movimiento, aplicándose castigos ejemplares a
- dichos individuos, para estrangular los moviminetos de rebeldía o huelgas.’ (‘It has to be
- born in mind that the action has to be violent in the extreme to reduce as soon as possible the
- enemy which is strong and well-organized. Of course, all leaders of political parties, societies
- and trade unions which are not linked to the movement will be imprisoned and exemplary
- punishment carried out on them in order to strangle any rebellion or strikes.’)11 In his
- proclamation of martial law in Pamplona on 19 July 1936, Mola said ‘Restablecimiento del
- principio de autoridad exige inexcusablemente que los castigos sean ejemplares, por la
- seriedad con se impondrán y la rapidez con que se llevarán a cabo, sin titubeos ni
- vacilaciones.’ (‘Re-establishing the principle of authority unavoidably demands that
- punishments be exemplary both in terms of the severity with which they will be imposed and
- the speed with which they will be carried out.’)12 Shortly afterwards, he called a meeting of
- all of the alcaldes (mayors) of the province of Pamplona and told them: ‘Hay que sembrar el
- terror… hay que dar la sensación de dominio eliminando sin escrúpulos ni vacilación a todos
- los que no piensen como nosotros. Nada de cobardías. Si vacilamos un momento y no
- procedemos con la máxima energía, no ganamos la partida. Todo aquel que ampare u oculte
- un sujeto comunista o del frente popular, será pasado por las armas’. (‘It is necessary to
- 11 Felipe Bertrán Güell, Preparación y desarrollo del alzamiento nacional (Valladolid: Librería Santarén, 1939)
- p.123.
- 12 Emilio Mola Vidal, Obras completas (Valladolid: Librería Santarén, 1940) p.1173.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps 6
- spread terror. We have to create the impression of mastery eliminating without scruples or
- hesitation all those who do not think as we do. There can be no cowardice. If we vacillate
- one moment and fail to proceed with the greatest determination, we will not win. Anyone
- who helps or hides a communist or a supporter of the Popular Front will be shot.’)13
- The savagery visited upon the towns conquered by Spanish colonial forces was simply
- a repetition of what they did when they attacked a Moroccan village. In a broadcast on 24
- July, Queipo de Llano commented ‘Al Arahal fué enviada una columna formada por
- elementos del Tercio y Regulares, que han hecho allí una razzia espantosa, sancionando con
- ejemplares castigos los excesos salvajes inconcebibles que se han cometido en aquel pueblo’
- (‘a column made up of elements of the Legion and the Regulares was sent to El Arahal where
- they carried out a terrifying razzia, responding with exemplary punishments to the
- unimaginably savage excesses that have been committed in that village’ and threatening that
- similar razzias would be carried out in surrounding towns. Queipo’s broadcast merely
- touched upon the bare bones of a complex story. When news of the military rebellion reached
- El Arahal, a small town of 12,000 inhabitants, the local right-wingers who supported the
- rising had been locked up in the town hall. On 22 July, when a Socialist town councillor tried
- to release them, some left and twenty three remained fearful that it was a ruse to shoot them.
- Some armed men from Seville then set fire to the building and twenty three died. When
- Queipo’s Nationalist column entered El Arahal, they reacted to what they had found with an
- orgy of indiscriminate violence. They killed one thousand, six hundred of the town’s
- inhabitants as well as repeatedly raping young women considered to be of the left.14
- The latifundio system, which was the dominant mode of landholding in Andalusia,
- Extremadura and Salamanca, made it easier for the owners to think of the bracero as
- subhuman, a piece of property and a ‘thing’ to be punished or annihilated for daring to rebel.
- To the owners, the entire experience of the Second Republic constituted a ‘rebellion’. The
- contiguity of Africa and Andalucia ensured that the prejudices of the southern landowners
- were implemented by Africanistas trained in murdering innocent civilians. The symbiosis
- between latifundistas and Africanistas was illustrated frequently in the early weeks of the civil
- 13 Juan de Iturralde, La guerra de Franco, los vascos y la Iglesia 2 vols (San Sebastián: Publicaciones del Clero
- Vasco, 1978) I, p.433. See also Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War 3rd edition (London: Hamish Hamilton,
- 1977) p.260.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps 7
- war. In the province of Cordoba, for instance, the cacique of Palma del Río, Don Félix
- Moreno, bred fighting bulls which limited the amount of work on his estates. He refused to
- cultivate his land, using the slogan ‘Comed República’ (let the Republic feed you). When the
- labourers demonstrated against him, he had shot one of them. Before the Civil War, Félix
- Moreno fled to his palace in Seville. When war broke out, the village was collectivised and
- food supplies rationed until fields could be tilled and the harvest came in. His fighting bulls
- were killed for food and the villagers tasted red meat for the first time in their lives. When the
- Nationalists captured the town on 27 August, their columns were accompanied by Félix
- Moreno driving a black Cadillac in which he was accompanied by the other prominent
- landowners of the area. When soldiers rounded up those of the village menfolk that had not
- fled, he selected ten men to be shot for each of his bulls that had been slaughtered. As
- desperate men pleaded with him on the grounds that they were his godson, his cousin, linked
- with him in some way, he just looked ahead and said ‘No conozco a nadie’. At least 87 were
- shot by the soldiers on that day and twice that many over the following days.15
- The hatred of the latifundistas paralleled that of the colonial officers for the subject
- tribesmen that it was their job to repress. General Sanjurjo had been one of the first Spanish
- soldiers to make the link between the subject tribes of Morocco and the Spanish left. He
- made a seminal speech on the subject in the wake of the atrocity at Castilblanco in Badajoz on
- 29 December 1931, when villagers had murdered in four Civil Guards in an outburst of
- collective rage at systematic oppression. Sanjurjo’s words and the subsequent revenge taken
- by the Civil Guard was but one of the ways in which the cruelty and savagery of the
- Moroccan Wars was imported into Spain and used against the working class. Sanjurjo,
- however, was not the first person to make the link. The Asturian miners’ leader, Manuel
- Llaneza, wrote after the repression of the revolutionary general strike of 1917 of ‘the African
- hatred’ with which the military columns had killed and beaten workers and wrecked and
- looted their homes.16
- 14 ABC (Sevilla), 24 July 1936; Ian Gibson, Queipo de Llano. Sevilla, verano de 1936 (Barcelona: Grijalbo,
- 1986) p.174; Carmen Muñoz, ‘Masacre fascista en Arahal (Sevilla)’, Interviu, No.91, 9-15 February 1978,
- pp.38-41.
- 15 Francisco Moreno Gómez, La guerra civil en Córdoba (1936-1939) (Madrid: Editorial Alpuerto, 1985)
- pp.375-82; Larry Collins & Dominique Lapierre, Or I’ll Dress You in Mourning (London: Weidenfeld &
- Nicolson, 1968) pp.62-9, 82-99.
- 16 Manuel Llaneza, Escritos y discursos (Oviedo: Fundación José Barreiros, 1985) pp.206-14.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps 8
- Another major stepping-stone from the terror of Morocco to the wartime terror
- exercised against the civilian population of the Republic was the repression after the events in
- Asturias in October 1934. There, the African Army had unleashed a wave of terror that had
- more to do with their normal practice when entering Moroccan villages than any threat from
- the defeated revolutionaries. Houses were looted, innocent men, women and children shot at
- random, women molested.17 The outbreak of the Civil War was to constitute a quantum leap
- in the savagery of the views of members of the military high command.
- The terror visited upon the rural working class of Andalusia and Extremadura by the
- Army of Africa revealed much about the attitudes of Spain’s colonial officers. On 7 August
- 1936, in General Mola’s headquarters in Burgos, a conversation took place between the
- recently appointed governor of Burgos, Lieutenant Colonel Marcelino Gavilán Almuzarza,
- and the Director General de Prisiones, Joaquín del Moral. Del Moral asserted that ‘España es
- el país donde la cobardía tiene vestidos más bonitos. El miedo en España se disfraza de
- pacificación de espíritus, de hechos diferenciales, de conllevancias, de fórmulas. Nadie se
- atrevió a dar la cara a los problemas fundamentales de la Patria.’ (‘Spain is the country where
- cowardice wears the nicest clothes. Fear in Spain is dressed up as resolving conflict,
- tolerance of the differences between people, coexistence and formulas. No one dared face up
- to the fundamental problems of the Fatherland.’) Gavilán declared ‘hay que echar al carajo
- toda esa monserga de Derechos del Hombre, Humanitarismo, Filantropía y demás tópicos
- masónicos’ (‘we must get rid of all that drivel about the Rights of Man, humanitarianism,
- philanthropy and other Masonic clichés’). A lively conversation followed on the need to
- exterminate in Madrid ‘tranviarios, policías, telegrafistas y porteros’ (‘tram workers,
- policemen, telegraph-operators and concierges’). One of those present suggested that the
- notice in apartment buildings that read ‘Speak to the concierge before entering’ should be
- changed to ‘Kill the concierge before entering’.18
- A couple of days later, Mola revealed even more about the military monarchy. He
- boasted that his father, who was a crack shot with a rifle, used his wife for his frequent
- 17 The literature on the atrocities committed by the African Army in Asturias is considerable. Among the most
- convincing testimonies are those assembled at the time by two relatively conservative individuals, Vicente
- Marco Miranda, a Republican prosecutor, and Félix Gordón Ordás, one-time Ministry of Industry with the
- Radical party. They are reproduced in Margarita Nelken, Por qué hicimos la revolución (Barcelona: Ediciones
- Sociales Internacionales, 1936) pp.172-255
- 18 José María Iribarren, Con el general Mola: escenas y aspectos inéditos de la guerra civil (Zaragoza: Librería
- General, 1937) pp.210-11.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps 9
- imitations of William Tell. The unfortunate woman was expected to balance pieces of fruit
- on her head and hold others in her hand as targets for her husband to show off his skill. He
- told his secretary, José María Iribarren, that ‘Una guerra de esta naturaleza ha de acabar por el
- dominio de uno de los dos bandos y por el exterminio absoluto y total del vencido. A mí me
- han matado un hermano, pero me la van a pagar.’ (‘A war of this kind has to end with the
- domination of one side and the total extermination of the defeated. They’ve killed one of my
- brothers but they’ll pay for it.’)19
- The major polemic on Guernica also threw up a number of astonishing insights into
- the mentality of the Francoist high command and, in particular, that of General Mola. The
- massacre of Badajoz was a message from Franco’s African columns to the people of Madrid
- about what they could expect if they resisted. Mola made it clear that the destruction of
- Guernica was a similar message to the people of Bilbao. On 31 March 1937, he had opened
- the campaign against the Basque Country with a proclamation which he broadcast and also
- had printed as a leaflet which was dropped on the principal Basque towns. ‘If submission is
- not immediate, I will raze all Vizcaya to the ground, beginning with the industries of war. I
- have the means to do so.’20 According to the U.S. Ambassador, Claude Bowers, the
- destruction of Guernica was ‘in line with Mola’s threat to exterminate every town in [the]
- province unless Bilbao surrenders’.21 Mola’s use of aircraft of the Luftwaffe revealed much
- of his attitude to the war and its purpose. He was obsessed with the total annihilation of
- Spanish industry as a prelude to building a ‘clean’ agrarian Spain. This is clear from his
- spine-chilling comments at the time. On 2 April 1937, he clashed with the commander of the
- Condor Legion, General Hugo Sperrle. Mola wanted Sperrle to destroy Basque industry.
- With Bilbao about to fall to the Nationalists, this request disconcerted the German. Mola said
- ‘if half of all Spanish factories were destroyed by our aircraft, the subsequent reconstruction
- of Spain would be greatly facilitated. However, the Nationalist government could not just
- destroy industry once victory was assured.’ ‘Spain is dominated in a totally sick way by the
- industries of Catalonia and the Basque Country. For Spain to be made healthy, they have to
- be destroyed. The German Chief of Staff Wolfram von Richthofen listened thunderstruck
- 19 Iribarren, Con el general Mola, p.223.
- 20 G.L. Steer, The Tree of Gernika: A Field Study of Modern War (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1938) p.159;
- Manuel.Aznar, Historia militar de la guerra de España (1936-1939) (Madrid: Ediciones Idea, 1940) p.398..
- 21 Bowers to Hull, 30 April 1937, Foreign Relations of the United States 1937 Vol.I (Washington: United States
- Government Printing Office, 1954) p.290.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 10
- then recited to Mola all the reasons why it was madness to destroy a country’s industrial base,
- telling him that ‘I have never in my life heard such idiocy’.22
- The attitude of the Nationalists to the left and to the rural and industrial working class
- made sense only in terms of the post-colonial mentality. The Africanistas and the landowners
- viewed the landless peasants and the industrial proletariat as a racially inferior, subject
- colonial race. When they talked about the left, they did so in pathological terms. It was
- brilliantly summed up by the correspondent of the Chicago Daily Tribune, Edmund Taylor:
- ‘The enemy was a complex molecule of a spiritual poison called communism for
- convenience, but liberalism was the most deadly individual element in it, and the most hated.
- Introduced into the human organism, this poison acted like a germ virus; not only incurable,
- but infectious. Certain men known as the Leaders had perversely inoculated themselves with
- the poison, and like Satan in Catholic mythology, were deliberately trying to spread the
- infection as widely as they could. As the incarnation of evil these men deserved punishment.
- Their victims who might have been good Spaniards if they had not had the bad luck to be
- infected by the Leaders, did not merit punishment properly speaking, but they had to be shot
- in a humane way because they were incurable and might infect others.’23 Another, John
- Whitaker of the Chicago Daily News, put it more bluntly; ‘The use of the Moors and the
- wholesale execution of prisoners and civilians were the trump cards of the “best” elements in
- Spain… I talked with all varieties of them by the hundreds. If I were to some up their social
- philosophy, it would be simple in the extreme – they were outnumbered by the masses; they
- feared the masses; and they proposed to thin down the numbers of the masses.’24
- The idea might have figured in such crude terms in the private conversations of army
- officers. In public, however, rebel propagandists thought it more respectable to talk of a
- ‘movement’ to put an end to the Jewish-Masonic-Bolshevik conspiracy in order to defend
- ‘Spain’, or to be more precise, a particular and partisan definition of Spain. From this had
- evolved the idea of a war to the death between España and the anti-España. A revealing gloss
- on this notion was given by a prosecutor during a court martial in Seville in late 1937.
- 22 Wolfram von Richthofen,. 'Spanien-Tagebuch', in Klaus A. Maier, Guernica 26.4.1937. Die deutsche
- Intervention in Spanien und der 'Fall Guernica' (Freiburg: Rombach, 1975) pp.86-7; Angel Viñas, Guerra,
- dinero, dictadura. Ayuda fascista y autarquía en la España de Franco (Barcelona: Crítica, 1984) pp.102-3.
- 23 Edmond Taylor, ‘Assignment in Hell’ in Frank C.Hanighen, Nothing but Danger (London: Harrap, 1940)
- p.63.
- 24 John Whitaker, ‘Prelude to World War. A Witness from Spain’ in Foreign Affairs, Vol.21, 1-4, October 1942
- – July 1943, p.107.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 11
- ‘Spanish grandeur was at its height in the Sixteenth Century, when the sun never set on her
- dominions. Our great century, the century of the mystics, the saints and the artists. The
- century of the Spanish Empire! Well, do you know how many inhabitants our fatherland had
- then when it was truly great? Twelve millions! What does it matter is half the population has
- to disappear if that is what is required for us to reconquer our Empire?’ (Fue el XVI el siglo
- de mayor grandeza de España. Entonces no se ponía el sol en sus dominios. Nuestra gran
- centuria. La de los místicos, santos y artistas. ¡El siglo del Imperio Español! Pues, ¿sabéis
- cuántos habitantes tenía entonces nuestra Patria, y era grande? ¡Doce millones! ¿Qué
- importa que ahora desaparezca la mitad de sus habitantes, si ello precisa para reconquistar
- nuestro Imperio?)25
- During the march of Franco’s troops to Madrid, the chief reporter of the United Press
- in Europe, Webb Miller, was deeply shaken by the atrocities that he witnessed at Santa Olalla
- between Talavera and Toledo. In Toledo, after the liberation of the Alcázar, there were pools
- of blood in the streets and the footprints of those who had tracked through it were evidence of
- the mass of summary executions. A Francoist officer explained the policy to him: ‘we are
- fighting an idea. The idea is in the brain, and to kill it we have to kill the man. We must kill
- everyone who has that “red” idea.’26 The most extreme version of that theory was expounded
- interminably by Captain Gonzalo Aguilera, the Salamanca landowner who had shot six of his
- peasants. He had come out of voluntary retirement, rejoined the army and had been assigned
- to Franco’s press and propaganda service. His ideas were outrageous, but because he
- expounded them so eloquently, in excellent English, and without inhibition, journalists found
- him compellingly quotable. Aguilera was a polo-playing cavalryman and convinced all of
- the journalists with whom he worked that he was a great all-round sportsman. He was also the
- fourteenth Conde de Alba de Yeltes, a Grande de España and a major landowner with estates
- in the provinces of Salamanca and Cáceres. ‘We’ve got to kill and kill and kill, you
- understand’, he told John Whitaker.27 He was merely expressing the views of his
- commanding officer, General Mola. Towards the end of July 1936, the French press reported
- that Indalecio Prieto had been encharged with negotiating with the Nationalists to put an end
- to the bloodshed. When the General’s secretary showed him the newspapers, he burst out
- angrily ‘Negotiate! Never! This war must end with the extermination of the enemies of
- 25 Francisco Gonzálbez Ruiz, Yo he creído en Franco. Proceso de una gran desilusión (Dos meses en la cárcel
- de Sevilla) (Paris: Imprimerie Coopérative Étoile, 1938) p.147.
- 26 Webb Miller, I Found No Peace (London: The Book Club, 1937) p.344.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 12
- Spain.’ (‘¿Parlamentar? ¡Jamás! Esta guerra tiene que terminar con el exterminio de los
- enemigos de España.’)28
- Aguilera recounted his biological theory of the origins of the war to Charles Foltz, the
- correspondent of the Associated Press: ‘”Sewers!” growled the Count. “Sewers caused all our
- troubles. The masses in this country are not like your Americans, nor even like the British.
- They are slave stock. They are good for nothing but slaves and only when they are used as
- slaves are they happy. But we, the decent people, made the mistake of giving them modern
- housing in the cities where we have our factories. We put sewers in these cities, sewers which
- extend right down to the workers’ quarters. Not content with the work of God, we thus
- interfere with His Will. The result is that the slave stock increases. Had we no sewers in
- Madrid, Barcelona, and Bilbao, all these Red leaders would have died in their infancy instead
- of exciting the rabble and causing good Spanish blood to flow. When the war is over, we
- should destroy the sewers. The perfect birth control for Spain is the birth control God
- intended us to have. Sewers are a luxury to be reserved for those who deserve them, the
- leaders of Spain, not the slave stock.’ One journalist who laughed at these bizarre notions,
- was expelled from Nationalist Spain after Captain Aguilera denounced him ‘a dangerous
- Red’.29
- Aguilera was far from unique. Four officers in charge of the foreign press figure
- frequently in the later accounts of correspondents. The most frequently named were the head
- of Franco’s press service, Luis Bolín, and, of course, Aguilera. Bolín had been given an
- honorary captaincy in the Foreign Legion as a reward for his role in securing Franco’s
- passage from the Canary Islands to Morocco. Wearing breeches and high boots, against
- which he would rap a riding crop, he strode menacingly among the correspondents with a
- fierce scowl. Despite the fact that ‘he couldn’t fix a bayonet or put a clip into a rifle’, he wore
- the uniform always and behaved in a boorish manner that embarrassed the real officers of the
- corps. According to Sir Percival Phillips of the Daily Telegraph, they despised and detested
- him ‘They think he has no right to be strutting about in their uniform.’30 Bolín, according to
- Noel Monks of the Daily Express, would spit on piles of freshly executed Republican
- 27 Whitaker, ‘Prelude to World War’, p.107.
- 28 José María Iribarren, Con el general Mola: escenas y aspectos inéditos de la guerra civil (Zaragoza: Librería
- General, 1937) pp.168-9.
- 29 Charles Foltz Jr., The Masquerade in Spain (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1948) p.116.
- 30 Francis McCullagh, In Franco’s Spain (London: Burns, Oates & Washbourne, 1937) pp.104-7
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 13
- prisoners, many of them mere boys, saying ‘Vermin!’31 He was loathed and feared by the
- foreign press corps because of his frequent threats to shoot newspapermen.32 He would gain a
- kind of fame by dint of his arrest and mistreatment of Arthur Koestler shortly after the
- Nationalist capture of Malaga in February 1937.33
- Of the rest of Bolín’s subordinates, one, Lieutenant Colonel Manuel de Lámbarri y
- Yanguas, was a rather amiable man who, in civilian life, had worked for the magazine
- Vogue.34 Another, a Captain Ignacio Rosales, held views only slightly more refined than
- those of Aguilera.35 According to Virginia Cowles, Rosales was a Barcelona millionaire.36
- He explained to his charges that ‘the masses cannot be taught; that they need a touch of the
- whip for they are like dogs and will mind only the whip. There is no understanding in such
- people, they must be got in hand. Held in hand where they belong.’ Like many officers, from
- Mola downwards, Rosales also had a biological explanation of class conflict in Spain: ‘an
- influx of strains inimical to Spain through the industrial cities of the coast; of this taint in her
- bloodstream Spain must cleanse herself. She is purifying herself and will rise up from this
- trial new and strong. The streets of Madrid will run red with blood, but after – after – there
- will be no unemployment problem.’37 In fact, ‘organic determinism’ was a central part of
- Spanish right-wing thinking from José Ortega y Gasset’s España invertebrada to Ernesto
- Giménez Caballero’s Genio de España. It was central to the mind-set of army officers.38
- Franco himself told a the correspondent of the French newspaper Candide, in August
- 1938, that fascism varied according to national characteristics because each nation was an
- organism and each national fascism its immune system’s reaction ‘a defence mechanism, a
- sign of wanting to live, of not wanting to die, that, at certain times, takes over an entire
- 31 Noel Monks, Eyewitness (London: Frederick Muller, 1955) p.73.
- 32 McCullagh, In Franco’s Spain pp.104-29; Arthur Koestler, Spanish Testament (London: Victor Gollancz,
- 1937) p.220; Monks, Eyewitness, pp.80-2.
- 33 Koestler, Spanish Testament, pp.223-31; Arthur Koestler, The Invisible Writing 2nd Edition (London:
- Hutchinson, 1969) pp.413-20, 427; Sir Peter Chalmers-Mitchell, My House in Malaga (London: Faber & Faber,
- 1938) pp.269-89; Luis Bolín, Spain: The Vital Years (Philadelphia: J.B.Lippincott, 1967) pp.247-9.
- 34 Virginia Cowles, Looking for Trouble (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1941) pp.90-4; Harold G.Cardozo, The
- March of a Nation. My Year of Spain’s Civil War (London: The Right Book Club, 1937) p.301.
- 35 Although he is mentioned by several correspondents, only Virginia Cowles seemed to know his Christian
- name which she gave as Ignacio, Cowles, Looking for Trouble, p.70. He does not figure in the Anuario Militar
- 1936, pp.323, 399. It is possible that the Rosales who acted as a press officer had taken retirement on full pay
- under the Azaña reforms of 1931 or, like Bolín, simply been given the honorary rank of captain.
- 36 Cowles, Looking for Trouble, p.70.
- 37 Frances Davis, My Shadow in the Sun (New York: Carrick & Evans, 1940) p.136
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 14
- people’.39 The most extreme version of the doctrine came, as might be expected from the pen
- of Ernesto Giménez Caballero. In a pamphlet published in the Nationalist zone in 1938, he
- wrote: ‘Nosotros los combatientes hemos visto a Franco en las altas horas de la madrugada,
- en medio del calor o de la nieve – en páramos, en rinconces abruptos, en mitad de un
- campamento – tendida su alma, distendidos sus nervios sobre el plano de combate, sobre el
- Mapa de España, “operando en vivo sobre el cuerpo de España”, con urgencia y tragedia de
- quirurgo que opera a su propia hija, a su propia madre, a su propia mujer amada. Nosotros
- hemos visto caer las lágrimas de Franco sobre el cuerpo de esta madre, de esta mujer, de esta
- hija suya que es España, mientras en las manos le corría la sangres y el dolor del sacro cuerpo
- en estertores’ (‘we have seen Franco in the early hours of the morning, in the midst of heat or
- of snow, his soul and his nerves stretched to breaking point, leaning over the battle plan or the
- map of Spain, operating on the living body of Spain with the urgency and tragedy of a
- surgeon who operates on his own daughter, on his own mother, on his own beloved wife. We
- have seen Franco’s tears fall on the body of this mother, of this wife, of this daughter, while
- over his hands runs the blood and the pain of the sacred body in spasms.’)40 For Franco, as
- for Aguilera and Rosales, the logic of this argument was that any individual whose ideas did
- not fit with their conception of the patria was a symptom of a disease and therefore had to be
- eradicated.
- Aguilera gave a slightly different version of the organicist theory to Whitaker. ‘You
- know what’s wrong with Spain? Modern plumbing! In healthier times – I mean healthier
- times spiritually, you understand – plague and pestilence used to slaughter the Spanish
- masses. Held them down to proper proportions, you understand. Now with modern sewage
- disposal and the like, they multiply too fast. They’re like animals, you understand, and you
- can’t expect them not to be infected with the virus of Bolshevism. After all, rats and lice
- carry the plague. Now I hope you can understand what we mean by the regeneration of
- Spain.’41 Whitaker travelled with the senior staff of the African columns that marched on
- Madrid. His daily conversations with them convinced him that Aguilera was completely
- representative of their mentality, differing only in that he spoke perfect English and had no
- 38 Michael Richards, A Time of Silence: Civil War and the Culture of Repression in Franco’s Spain, 1936-
- 1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) p.18; Juan Carlos Losada Malvárez, Ideología del
- Ejército franquista 1939-1959 (Madrid: Ediciones Istmo, 1990) pp.28-30
- 39 [Francisco Franco Bahamonde,]. Palabras del Caudillo 19 abril 1937 - 31 diciembre 1938 (Barcelona:
- Ediciones Fe, 1939) p.261.
- 40 Ernesto Giménez Caballero, España y Franco (Cegama, Guipúzcoa: Ediciones Los Combatientes, 1938)
- pp.30-1.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 15
- inhibitions about recounting his theories to any journalist that he could back into a corner.
- ‘Aguilera would wet his throat with another tumbler of brandy and proceed, to the approving
- nods and comments of other leading officers of Franco’s army. “It’s our program, you
- understand, to exterminate a third of the male population of Spain. That will clean up the
- country and rid us of the proletariat. It’s sound economically, too. Never have any more
- unemployment in Spain, you understand. We’ll make other changes. For instance, we’ll be
- done with this nonsense of equality for women. I breed horses and animals generally, you
- understand. I know all about women. There’ll be no more nonsense about subjecting a
- gentleman to court action. If a woman’s unfaithful to him, he’ll shoot her like a dog. It’s
- disgusting, any interference of a court between a man and a wife.’42
- Captain Aguilera was the son of the thirteenth Conde de Alba de Yeltes, Lieutenant
- Colonel Agustín Aguilera y Gamboa of the Spanish Cavalry, and a Scottish mother, named
- Mary Munro. Born on 26 December 1886, he was educated first at Wimbledon College. He
- followed in his father’s footsteps when, on 5 October 1897, he entered Stonyhurst College,
- the Jesuit public school in Lancashire, which he attended until 10 July 1904.43 His school
- career was singularly undistinguished. Despite his later reputation as a gentleman scholar, he
- was always in the lower part of his class and he left no mark of achievement in sport.44 After
- Stonyhurst, he spent some time studying science and philosophy in Germany. Of that period,
- he recalled in his autobiography, that he had been much influenced by Kant’s Critique of
- Pure Reason.45
- Aguilera became, after the death of his father on 1 December 1919, the fourteenth
- Conde de Alba de Yeltes and married Magdalena Álvarez y Ruiz.46 The fact of being a
- Count was something that he made sure was known to every journalist in his charge although,
- ironically, for some reason, several of them came away with the idea that he was the
- seventeenth Count. Given that he was prone to boasting, perhaps he hoped thereby to imply
- 41 Whitaker, ‘Prelude to World War’, p.108.
- 42 Whitaker, ‘Prelude to World War’, p.108.
- 43 Letter from Father F.J.Turner S.J., Stonyhurst College Archivist; to the author, 19 May 1999; Arnold Lunn,
- Spanish Rehearsal (London: Hutchinson, 1937) p.70.
- 44 Letter from Father Turner to the author.
- 45 Conde de Alba de Yeltes, Cartas a un sobrino (n.p., n.d.) p.28.
- 46 Juan Ximénez Embún, & Angel González Palencia, Catálogo alfabético de los documentos referentes a
- títulos del Reino y Grandezas de España conservados en la sección de Consejos Suprimidos (Madrid:
- Patronato Nacional de Archivos Históricos, 1951) pp.36-7, 51; J.Atienza, Nobiliario español: diccionario
- heráldico de apellidos españoles y títulos nobiliarios 3ª edición (Madrid: Aguilar, 1959) p.790. Curiously,
- Gonzalo referred to himself variously as sixteenth and seventeenth count.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 16
- that his title was even older than it was. Similarly, he led his friends in the press corps to
- believe that he had served with great gallantry in the Moroccan War fighting at the head of a
- unit of mounted Regulares and had distinguished himself because of his courage and a
- recklessness bordering on the suicidal. One admirer described him as ‘a hard-bitten ex-
- cavalryman of what I believe is known as ‘The Old School’.47 There is no reason to dispute
- either that he saw action or shared to the full the prejudices of his peers. However, in a war in
- which the rewards for courage and temerity were significant, as the meteoric career of
- Francisco Franco showed, his military records show little of significance. He had joined the
- Spanish Army on 25 February 1908 as a private in the cavalry and was posted to an army stud
- farm. He took immediate leave of absence until August 1908. When he entered the cavalry
- academy in Valladolid. To the intense annoyance of his father, he did not use his intellectual
- ability and was a lazy student. Nevertheless, he graduated as a second lieutenant (alférez) in
- June 1911.48
- In 1910, Gonzalo had fallen in love with a celebrated beauty in Salamanca, Inés Luna
- Terrero. She was extremely rich and, like Gonzalo, spoke English, French and German. She
- was a progressive feminist who shocked local opinion because she smoked and wore trousers.
- She was devastated when, in 1911, Gonzalo broke off the engagement in favour of Magdalena
- Álvarez Ruiz, the daughter of a cochero (a man who hired out carriages and cars). Inés Luna
- Terrero never married and apparently, for the rest of her life, carried a torch for the dashingly
- handsome cavalry officer. Gonzalo’s father was furious and forbade him to see Magdalena.49
- Gonzalo was posted to Melilla in February 1912, where he spent a month on the staff of the
- ‘Captain General of the Territory’ before being posted to a series of fighting units. After
- seeing action, he was awarded the Cruz primera clase del Merito Militar on 10 November
- 1912. He was promoted to first lieutenant on 13 July 1913. He was then posted to the
- mainland, remaining in Alcalá de Henares and Madrid. He seemed to lead a relatively
- privileged existence, spending two months leave in London in the summer of 1914 and taking
- part in horse trials in Badajoz in 1915. In October 1915, he was posted to the staff of the
- 47 Kemp, Mine Were of Trouble, p.49; Lunn, Spanish Rehearsal, pp.42, 50.
- 48 Hoja de servicios de Gonzalo Aguilera y Munro, Archivo General Militar de Segovia. The information on his
- father’s attitude derives from the testimony to the author, 30 July 1999, of the Cronista de la Ciudad de
- Salamanca, Dr Salvador Llopis Llopis, who has had access to the correspondence between Gonzalo de Aguilera
- and Inés Luna Terrero.
- 49 Testimony to the author, 30 July 1999, of the Cronista de la Ciudad de Salamanca, Dr Salvador Llopis Llopis,
- biographer of Inés Luna Terrero.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 17
- Ministry of War.50 He had continued to see Magdalena Alvarez whom he had set up in an
- apartment in Madrid. In awe of his father, he kept the relationship a secret. Eventually in
- 1916, Magdalena became pregnant and bore him a son, Gonzalo, out of wedlock. He
- continued to support her in the Madrid apartment. Only after his father died was he able to
- marry her in 1920.51
- On 19 June 1916, because of his fluent German, English and French, he was sent to
- Berlin where, as a junior military attaché, he assisted in the Spanish Embassy’s work
- protecting prisoners of war until 20 November 1917. What he saw on the both the Eastern
- and Western fronts, profoundly affected him. However, he seems to have internalised his
- reactions. At the time, and until thirty years later, it did nothing to diminish his enthusiasm
- for the military life. He wrote of it in the late 1940s or early 1950s in his autobiographical
- ‘letters to a nephew’, (‘Como sabes, durante la I Guerra Mundial me tocó estar en Alemania y
- vi de cerca aquellas montañas de dolor y sufrimiento que lleva consigo la guerra moderna y
- de las que el individuo no tiene escape posible aquellos montones de cadaveres de hombres,
- mujeres y niños por las carreteras heladas de Polonia, aquellas ingentes matanzas del Oeste
- donde además pude observar de cerca las primeras victimas de gases, que al toser arrancaban
- tejidos mucosos bronquiales. Aix la Chapelle casi entero era un hospital de sangre y en días
- de gran batalla veía cargar los camiones de brazos y piernas para llevarlos a enterrar, y en la
- retaguardia los dolores familiares y la ruina económica. Allí empecé a dejar de ser Cristiano;
- porque no cabe que una deidad omnisciente y amorosa no tuviera otros medios para conseguir
- sus fines que a través del martirio y perdición de sus criaturas.’ (‘I saw up close those
- mountains of pain and suffering that modern war brings in its wake and which no individual
- can possibly escape. Those piles of corpses of men, women and children at the side of the
- frozen roads of Poland, that huge massacres in the West where I could also observe the first
- victims of poison gas who coughed up thick bronchial mucous. Aix-la-Chapelle in its entirety
- was a field hospital and on the days of major battles, I saw lorries being loaded with arms and
- legs to be taken for burial. In the rearguard, I saw the sorrows of families and economic ruin.
- There I began to cease being a Christian; for it is not possible that a loving and omniscient
- deity could not find other means to fulfil its ends than through the martyrdom and perdition of
- 50 Hoja de servicios de Gonzalo Aguilera y Munro, Archivo General Militar de Segovia.
- 51 Testimony to the author, 30 July 1999, of the Cronista de la Ciudad de Salamanca, Dr Salvador Llopis Llopis,
- biographer of Inés Luna Terrero. She died in Barcelona in 1953.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 18
- its creatures.’)52 This experience may well have brutalised him. Certainly, his enthusiasm for
- the slaughter of the ‘Reds’ during the Spanish Civil War suggested that it had done nothing to
- humanise him.
- On his return from Germany to Spain, he served in mainland posts, in Madrid and
- Salamanca. He was promoted to Captain in July 1919. He often spent lengthy periods of
- leave in Paris and London. He took eighteen months leave of absence from March 1924 to
- August 1925, during which time his second son, Agustín, was born. At some point in his
- career, he was aide de camp to General Sanjurjo. He was not involved in the successful
- pacification of Morocco in 1925, although he served again briefly in Africa. In December
- 1926, he was posted to Tetuán where he was involved at the head of a Tabor of mounted
- Regulares patrolling and protecting the roads surrounding the town – which could be the basis
- of his boasts of courageous exploits.53 He remained in Morocco until August 1927, after
- which he passed into the reserve (situación de disponible) having been seconded to the
- Military Household of Alfonso XIII and became a personal friend of the King. He retired
- from the Army in protest at the requirement that officers swear an oath of loyalty to the
- Republic. He took advantage of the generous voluntary retirement terms of the decrees of 25
- and 29 April 1931 promulgated by the newly installed Minister of War, Manuel Azaña.54
- On the outbreak of war, Aguilera came out of retirement and volunteered for the
- nationalist forces. He was informally attached to the general staff of General Mola,
- commander of the Army of the North. Because he spoke fluent English, French and German,
- he had been given the task of supervising the movements and the production of the foreign
- press correspondents – sometimes serving as a guide, others as a censor. According to Sefton
- Delmer, he ‘spoke the best English of all the officers on Mola’s staff’.55 His English was so
- good that, according to Harold Cardozo of the Daily Mail, he could easily have been taken for
- 52 Alba de Yeltes, Cartas, p.101.
- 53 Hoja de servicios de Gonzalo Aguilera y Munro, Archivo General Militar de Segovia; Archivo General
- Militar de Segovia; Índice de expedientes personales (Madrid: Ediciones Hidalguía, 1959) I, p.57. His service
- with General Sanjurjo is not specified in his military records. It is mentioned in La Gaceta Regional, 30 August
- 1964.
- 54 Ministerio de la Guerra, Sección Personal, 21 November 1932, Legajo 416, Gonzalo Aguilera Munro, Archivo
- General Militar de Segovia. Michael Alpert, La reforma militar de Azaña (1931-1933) (Madrid: Siglo XXI,
- 1982) pp.133-49.
- 55 Informe sobre el Capitán de Caballería retirado, D.Gonzalo de Aguilera Munro, Ministerio de la Guerra,
- Sección Personal, Legajo 416, Gonzalo Aguilera Munro, Archivo General Militar de Segovia (henceforth
- Informe GAM, leg.416, AGMS); Sefton Delmer, Trail Sinister. An Autobiography London: Secker & Warburg,
- 1961) p.277.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 19
- an Englishman.56 Despite his position as liaison with the press, he lost no opportunity to join
- in the fighting. He was involved in the Nationalist capture of Irún on 4 September. The
- entire, and extremely bloody, combat was witnessed by the foreign press corps which he led
- into the town as if they were a unit of the conquering Nationalist forces.57 He had also taken
- part in action in the Guadarrama and Somosierra passes to the north of Madrid as Mola’s
- forces threatened the capital. When Mola’s Army of the North finally made contact with
- Franco’s African columns in early September, Aguilera moved south to take the press corps to
- cover the attacks on Toledo and Madrid. On one occasion, during that advance, Aguilera and
- Captain Roland von Strunk, a German military observer, in Spain under the cover of being
- correspondent of the Nazi Völkischer Beobachter, fought off Republican militiamen with
- rifle fire until they were rescued from a perilous position. They were commended for the
- number of the enemy that they killed. During the siege of Madrid, Aguilera took part in
- combat action in the Casa de Campo, Pozuelo, Aravaca and Jarama.58
- Unlike most press officers who felt responsible for the safety of the journalists
- assigned to them, Aguilera operated on the principle that, if risks had to be taken to get stories
- then, so long as they were favourable to the Nationalists, he would help the reporters taken
- them. He regularly took his charges into the firing line and was ‘bombed, machine-gunned
- and shelled’ with them.59 It was the most frequent complaint of the journalists in the
- Nationalist zone that they were expected to publish anodyne communiqués while being kept
- away from hard news. This was more often the case when the Nationalists were doing badly
- and especially so for journalists regarded as too ‘independent’. Even favoured individuals
- were subjected to humiliating delays while waiting to be issued with passes for accompanied
- visits to the front.60 Accordingly, Aguilera was extremely popular with the right-wing
- journalists that met him because he was prepared to take them dangerously near to the front
- and would use his influence with the censor to help them get their stories through. He drove a
- 56 Harold G.Cardozo, The March of a Nation. My Year of Spain’s Civil War (London: The Right Book Club,
- 1937) p.63.
- 57 Informe GAM, leg.416, AGMS; Cardozo, The March of a Nation, pp.78-87. On the battle for Irún see Hugh
- Thomas, The Spanish Civil War 3rd ed. (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1977) pp. 377-9; Servicio Histórico Militar
- (Coronel José Manuel Martínez Bande), Nueve meses de guerra en el norte (Madrid: Editorial San Martín,
- 1980) pp.82-4.
- 58 Informe GAM, leg.416, AGMS. Lunn, Spanish Rehearsal, pp.42, recounts a similar incident in which
- Aguilera’s companion was ‘a French journalist’. It is entirely possible that the anecdote was slightly distorted in
- being relayed.
- 59 H.R.Knickerbocker, The Siege of the Alcazar (London: Hutchinson, n.d. [1937]) p.136; Cardozo, The March
- of a Nation, pp.284-6.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 20
- Mercedes despite having a chauffeur named Tomás Santos at his disposal. According to
- Harold Cardozo, ‘it was one of the most temperamental cars I have ever seen. It either rushed
- ahead at some seventy miles an hour, taking corners in hair-raising style, or else it sulked and
- the whole line of Press cars was reduced to following it at not much faster than a walking
- pace.’61 Arnold Lunn found Aguilera’s skilful but carefree driving a terrifying yet
- exhilarating experience, the key to which he thought was a typically Spanish oriental fatalism
- and indifference to death. Junkets to the front organized by Aguilera were regarded as
- particularly exciting given his delight at being under fire and his assumption that the
- journalists shared his addiction to danger.62 Cardozo, for instance, despite his ‘hair-raising’
- driving, regarded him as ‘often a good friend to journalists’.63 H.R.Knickerbocker of the
- International News Service thought him ‘our best friend of all the White officers… Captain
- Aguilera is fifty-two, looks forty, acts thirty, and is the best press officer it has ever been my
- pleasure to meet, because he really takes us to the news, namely the front.’64 Sefton Delmer,
- despite being expelled from Nationalist Spain by Aguilera, wrote later he would ‘always have
- the warmest affection’ for him. While in Burgos, he called him ‘Aggy’ and they remained
- friends after the war.65 More liberal journalists were nauseated by the Count’s political
- attitudes – a mixture of callous cruelty and high-minded snobbery. In addition to his racism
- and his sexism, Aguilera was convinced that a crucial issue which would influence the
- outcome of the war was ‘the existence and the influence of satanic powers’.66
- According to the American correspondent, Edmond Taylor, Aguilera was ‘a cultured
- man with the mannerisms and trick of speech of an officer in the Indian army.’67 That was
- not uncommon in the Nationalist press apparatus. At its Burgos headquarters, the fledgling
- American journalist, Frances Davis, encountered an officer who spoke Oxford English as he
- smacked his boots with a riding crop – probably Bolín or Aguilera. After explaining to her
- that the press would be at the orders of the army, he changed the subject and asked if she had
- 60 Davis, My Shadow, pp.130-1, 165, 171. Francis McCullagh, In Franco’s Spain (London: Burns, Oates &
- Washbourne, 1937) pp.111-12, Cardozo, The March of a Nation, pp.220-1.
- 61 See safe conduct issued Salamanca, 23 November 1936, Legajo 416, Gonzalo Aguilera Munro, Archivo
- General Militar de Segovia; Cardozo, The March of a Nation, p.286.
- 62 Lunn, Spanish Rehearsal, pp.50-1, 70; Edmond Taylor, ‘Assignment in Hell’ in Frank C.Hanighen, Nothing
- but Danger (London: Harrap, 1940) p.61, 64; Miller, I Found No Peace, p.322; Whitaker, ‘Prelude to World
- War’, pp.108-9.
- 63 Cardozo, The March of a Nation, pp.63, 285-6. Cardozo was addressed as ‘Major’ by the other journalists.
- 64 Knickerbocker, The Siege of the Alcazar, p.136.
- 65 Delmer, Trail Sinister, p.278.
- 66 Lunn, Spanish Rehearsal, p.46.
- 67 Taylor, ‘Assignment in Hell’, p.61.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 21
- The New Yorker, ‘Dashed amusing publication. If you have any copies to spare bring them
- in with you when you come, eh? Cheerio.’68 In the evening, over a drink, Aguilera, in his
- upper-class English growl, would mesmerise the journalists in his care with his racist
- interpretation of the war. One dimension of his theory was that ‘the war was a conflict
- between Nordic and Oriental ideologies, the Oriental element, represented by the Reds,
- naturally, having been introduced into Spain by the Moors, who in the course of time became
- the slaves of the northern Spaniards and thus begat the proletariat. The proletariat having
- been converted to Marxism, an Oriental doctrine which was in their blood anyhow, were now
- trying to conquer Spain for the Orient, and the insurrection was quite literally a second
- reconquista by the Christian Nordics.’69
- Arnold Lunn, old Harrovian, prominent Tory and Catholic, thought Aguilera ‘not only
- a soldier but a scholar’. In the Sierra de Gredos, Aguilera said to Lunn: ‘The Reds are always
- ranting about the illiteracy in Spain, but if they’d spend a few months living among the
- mountains they might begin to understand that the people who can’t read are often wiser than
- the people who can. Wisdom isn’t the same thing as education. I have got shepherds on my
- farms who are immensely wise, perhaps because they read the stars and the fields and perhaps
- because they don’t read newspapers.’ He was clearly an element of social discrimination in
- his views since he also boasted of having a library of three thousand books. He believed it to
- have been vandalised by the mob in Madrid, a cause of understandable bitterness.70 After the
- Civil War, he wrote two books himself. Only the first, on the atom, was published in 1946. It
- carried on its frontispiece a note stating that ‘Toda vez que el producto económico que
- pudiera sacarse de esta obra es destinado a beneficio de las Hermanitas de los Pobres de una
- determinada provinicia, no se regalan ejemplares’ (‘Given that the profits, such as they are, of
- this book are intended to benefit The Little Sisters of the Poor of a certain province, there will
- be no complimentary copies’).71 The second, written in the early 1950s, did not find a
- publisher. It was an idiosyncratic and autobiographical work in which he developed ideas not
- dissimilar to those with which he had regaled journalists during the war.72
- 68 Frances Davis, My Shadow in the Sun (New York: Carrick & Evans, 1940) pp.98-9.
- 69 Taylor, ‘Assignment in Hell’, p.61.
- 70 Lunn, Spanish Rehearsal, pp.50, 59, 70.
- 71 Conde de Alba de Yeltes, El átomo. Sus componentes, energía y medio (Madrid: Talleres M.Rollán, 1946).
- 72 Conde de Alba de Yeltes, Cartas a un sobrino (n.p., n.d.). The book was poorly type-set, presumably at
- Aguilera’s own expense, but not published. The copy in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid contains the later
- addition of several typescript pages, pasted in, presumably by Aguilera himself.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 22
- An English volunteer on Franco’s side, Peter Kemp, also asserted that Aguilera was
- widely read, very knowledgeable about literature, history and science, with a brilliant if
- eccentric intellect and a command of vituperation that earned him the nickname during the
- Civil War of El Capitán Veneno (Captain Poison).73 He had a long historical view of why
- the Western democracies were decadent: ‘The people in Britain and America are beginning to
- go Communist the way the French have gone. There’s that man Baldwin in England.
- Doesn’t even know he is a red, but the reds control him. And, of course, that man Roosevelt
- is a howling red. But it goes back further than Baldwin and Roosevelt. It begins with the
- Encyclopedists in France - the American and French revolutions. The Age of Reason indeed!
- The Rights of Man! Does a pig have rights? The masses aren’t fit to reason and to think.
- Then you pick up with the liberal Manchester school in England. They are the criminals who
- made capitalism. You ought to clean up your own houses. If you don’t, we Spaniards are
- going to join the Germans and Italians in conquering you all. The Germans have already
- promised to help us get back our American colonies which you and your crooked Protestant
- imperialism robbed us of. And we’re going to act pretty soon, you understand.’74
- Despite his adventurism, Aguilera expected ‘his’ journalists to toe the line. On 11
- September 1936, F.A.Rice, the correspondent of the conservative Morning Post, went to
- Burgos to seek a pass to the front. He was detained and interrogated by Aguilera. He had
- first met Aguilera on 25 August and had posted a despatch that sought to give a picture of the
- Stonyhurst old-boy that would appeal to the paper’s predominantly Public School readership.
- He wrote about Aguilera, without mentioning his name, merely as ‘a Spanish captain’:
- ‘Tremendously efficient, almost impossibly brisk, a good man, one would imagine, in a tight
- place; I can see him as a prefect at Stonyhurst, greatly respected and not very popular’. In
- another piece, sent from France and not therefore subjected to the rebel censorship, Rice had
- used the phrase ‘insurgent frightfulness’ in relation to the rebel attack on Irún on 1 September.
- Aguilera objected to both articles. He accused Rice of divulging his name in the first
- despatch – which he had not done. Nonetheless, Aguilera judged Rice’s references to him to
- indicate ‘a not wholly respectful attitude’. Rice pointed out to Aguilera ‘that the information
- that he was an old Stoneyhurst boy had been volunteered by himself and was clearly of
- interest to an English correspondent and that I had not been given it in confidence. He
- 73 Kemp, Mine Were of Trouble, p.50.
- 74 Whitaker, ‘Prelude to World War’, p.108; John T.Whitaker, We Cannot Escape History (New York:
- Macmillan, 1943) pp.108-110.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 23
- suggested that the doubt thrown on his popularity at school twenty years ago, was damaging
- and actionable.’ What Rice referred to later as ‘these singularly humourless exchanges’
- continued with Aguilera’s outrage at the use of the phrase ‘insurgent frightfulness’. He
- reminded Rice that the journalists would ‘be seriously dealt with’ if they referred to the rebels
- as ‘insurgents’ or to the Republicans as ‘loyalists’ or ‘Government troops’ instead of ‘Reds’.
- Aguilera gave Rice a stark choice. He could leave Spain or remain under strict vigilance,
- without permission to cross the frontier – which was the only way of filing a story outside the
- Francoist censorship. ‘My messages would be heavily censored and twisted to the insurgent
- view. Those correspondents who represent journals of policy wholly favourable to the
- insurgents would have priority in the sending of messages, and as one who hitherto has been
- admitted to both sides, I had no guarantee when I should be allowed out.’ Rice chose to
- leave. He was searched at Pamplona, his films confiscated and personal letters read, then
- escorted to the frontier. Rice’s newspaper, the Morning Post commented on his expulsion in
- an editorial. ‘It proclaims urbi et urbi that any news emanating from Right sources belongs
- rather to the realm of propaganda than to that of fact.’ 75
- Aguilera had Sefton Delmer expelled from Nationalist Spain on the grounds that his
- dispatches published information likely to be of use to the enemy and also were ‘calculated to
- make the Spanish armed forces look ridiculous’. The report in question had recounted a
- Republican air raid on Burgos. Delmer had described how a small British plane had
- inadvertently arrived in the midst of it, attracted the anti-aircraft fire of the Burgos batteries
- and still landed unscathed. The dispatch, Aguilera told him over a drink, ‘not only
- encourages the Reds to attack Burgos again. But it makes our ack-ack gunners look
- inefficient’. Aguilera liked Delmer and so confided in him that he did not give a damn what
- the reporter said about the artillery since he was a cavalry man himself.76
- In the case of John Whitaker, whom Aguilera had every reason to regard as hostile to
- the Nationalist cause, the treatment was altogether more sinister. At first, Aguilera had been
- sympathetic to Whitaker because he had been decorated with the Italian Croce di Guerra in
- Ethiopia. He had taken Whitacker on trips which the Nationalist propaganda bureau had
- vetoed. However, having got to know a number of the field commanders of the African
- 75 ‘A Journalist’, Foreign Journalists under Franco’s Terror (London: United Editorial, 1937) pp.26-30.
- Cf.Herbert R.Southworth, Guernica! Guernica!: A Study of Journalism, Propaganda and History (Berkeley:
- University of California Press, 1977) pp.52, 420, n.62.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 24
- columns, Whitacker had begin to evade the ministrations of Aguilera and the press staff. He
- began to visit the front to see things for himself. Aguilera felt that Whitaker was seeing
- Francoist methods that he was not meant to. In the early hours of one morning during the
- march on Madrid, Aguilera turned up at Whitaker’s lodgings with a Gestapo agent and
- threatened to have him shot if he went near the front except on accompanied tours. ‘Next
- time you’re unescorted at the front, and under fire, we’ll shoot you. We’ll say that you were a
- casualty to enemy action. You understand!’77 From a Francoist point of view, Aguilera was
- entirely correct in his instinct that Whitaker was dangerous. His recollections of what he saw
- in Spain are among the most blood-curdling, and convincing, accounts of the behaviour of the
- Army of Africa.
- After Franco’s armies were halted at Madrid, Aguilera both accompanied journalists
- and took up arms in the various battles around the capital in early 1937 that followed.
- During the Francoist effort to close the circle around Madrid, he fought in the battle of
- Jarama. He also played a duel role throughout the Nationalist campaign against the Basque
- country during the spring of 1937. He took part in fighting having attached himself to the
- Brigadas de Navarra and he also continued to watch over the press corps. During the attack
- on Bilbao, he entered the city before the bulk of Mola’s forces accompanied by some of the
- more hot-blooded and reckless members of the press corps. Aguilera, his colleague Major
- Lambarri and a group of journalists including Harold Cardozo of the Daily Mail, were
- mobbed by an enthusiastic pro-Nationalist crowd. Cardozo and the other journalists were
- wearing the red berets of the Carlist requeté and felt embarrassed to have been fêted under
- false pretences. Major Lambarri merely laughed saying ‘I was kissed by much prettier girls
- than you’. Cardozo felt that, in contrast, Aguilera was seriously displeased. ‘His strict
- military mind and his personal political tendencies made him view this involuntary
- association of foreigners in what he looked upon as an occasion for intimate Spanish patriotic
- rejoicing with rather a jaundiced eye, and he was somewhat sarcastic and biting in his
- comments.’78
- 76 Delmer, Trail Sinister, pp.277-8.
- 77 Whitaker, ‘Prelude to World War’, p.109.
- 78 Informe GAM, leg.416, AGMS; Cardozo, The March of a Nation, pp.286-301. In civilian life, Lambarri was
- a designer for Vogue, Reynolds & Eleanor Packard, Balcony Empire (New York, Oxford University Press,
- 1942) p.54.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 25
- Like the entire Francoist press service, Aguilera was involved in the cover-up after the
- bombing of Guernica. This involved the intense vigilance of ‘untrustworthy’ journalists who
- tried to get near the ruins of the town and the expulsion of those who wrote unwelcome
- reports. It also extended to giving strong guidance to sympathetic journalists as to how their
- articles should be written.79 In this regard, there took place an incident that was to cause him,
- and his superiors, some embarrassment. This was the arrest of Hubert Knickerbocker during
- the campaign against the Basque country in April 1937. Knickerbocker was a journalist who,
- through his articles in the Hearst press chain, had done much for the Francoist cause.80 He
- was halted at the frontier when he attempted to cross from France into Spain. This sign of
- growing intolerance of foreign correspondents on the Francoist side was interpreted by the
- American Ambassador, Claude Bowers, as meaning that ‘there must be something in the
- present situation that General Franco does not care to have blazoned to the world.’81 Despite
- being told that he could not proceed into Spain, Knickerbocker sneaked over the frontier. He
- was caught and imprisoned in San Sebastián for thirty six hours. He was released only after a
- considerable fuss was made by Randolph Churchill. Knickerbocker was then expelled from
- Spain. Believing that his plight was the consequence of a denunciation by Captain Aguilera,
- Knickerbocker exacted revenge in a highly effective devastating fashion. He simply
- published, in the Washington Times on 10 May 1937, an account of Aguilera’s anti-Semitic,
- misogynistic, anti-democratic opinions and, in particular, his claim that “We are going to
- shoot 50,000 in Madrid. And no matter where Azaña and Largo Caballero (the Premier) and
- all that crowd try to escape, we’ll catch them and kill every last man, if it takes years of
- tracking them throughout the world.”
- Knickerbocker’s article was quoted extensively in the U.S. Congress on 12 May 1937.
- It may be presumed to have been a significant propaganda blow against the Francoists,
- coming as it did shortly after the bombing of Guernica. Aguilera, rendered as a mythical
- Captain Sánchez, was quoted as saying ‘It is a race war, not merely a class war. You don’t
- understand because you don’t realize that there are two races in Spain – a slave race and a
- ruler race. Those reds, from President Azaña to the anarchists, are all slaves. It is our duty to
- put them back into their places – yes, put chains on them again, if you like.’ Furious about
- 79 Herbert R.Southworth, Guernica! Guernica!: A Study of Journalism, Propaganda and History (Berkeley:
- University of California Press, 1977) pp.64-7, 334-5, 337.
- 80 Foreign Journalists, p.7.
- 81 Bowers to Hull, 12 April 1937, Foreign Relations of the United States 1937 Vol.I (Washington: United States
- Government Printing Office, 1954) pp.279-80.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 26
- F.D.Roosevelt’s election, he said ‘All you Democrats are just handmaidens of bolshevism.
- Hitler is the only one who knows a “red” when he sees one.’ His most commonly used
- expression was ‘take ‘em out and shoot ‘em!’ He believed that trade unions should be
- abolished and membership of them be punishable by death. His beliefs on the pernicious
- effects of education had also been expounded to Knickerbocker: ‘We must destroy this spawn
- of “red” schools which the so-called republic installed to teach the slaves to revolt. It is
- sufficient for the masses to know just enough reading to understand orders. We must restore
- the authority of the Church. Slaves need it to teach them to behave.’ He had repeated to
- Knickerbocker views about women roughly similar to those to which he had treated Whitaker:
- ‘It is damnable that women should vote. Nobody should vote – least of all women.’ Liberty
- was ‘a delusion employed by the “reds” to fool the so-called democrats. In our state, people
- are going to have the liberty to keep their mouths shut.’ The Jews, he believed, were ‘an
- international pest’.82
- After the excitement of the Basque campaign, Aguilera was transferred from Mola’s
- general staff to the Delegación del Estado para Prensa y Propaganda.83 It made little
- difference to his readiness to be directly involved at the front. He took part in the subsequent
- assault on Santander, again accompanying the Navarrese Brigades. He actually entered the
- defeated city on 24 August 1937, accompanied by the correspondent of the Times two hours
- before any other Nationalist forces. He drove through thousands of Republican militiamen,
- still armed but utterly paralysed and dejected by the rapidity of their defeat.84 Shortly after,
- Virginia Cowles found herself in the recently captured city. Captain Aguilera offered to drive
- her to León where she would be nearer Franco’s headquarters as he continued with his attack
- on Asturias. He still had the pale yellow Mercedes on the back seat of which he kept two
- large rifles and ‘a chauffeur who drove so badly he was usually encouraged to sleep’.
- Wearing cavalry boots and spurs, a cap from which a blue tassel swung, he drove as if riding
- a race-horse. Since the roads were clogged by refugees and Italian troops, he would drive
- along cursing at other traffic. He occasionally complained ‘You never see any pretty girls.
- Any girl who hasn’t got a face like a boot can get a ride in an Italian truck.’ He gave little
- sign of being on his best behaviour for a foreign correspondent. If anything, the brutality of
- 82 Southworth, Guernica! Guernica!, pp.52, 419-20, nn.59, 60.
- 83 Informe GAM, leg.416, AGMS.
- 84 Informe GAM, leg.416, AGMS; Kemp, Mine Were of Trouble, pp.99-101; General Sagardía, Del Alto Ebro a
- las Fuentes del Llobregat. Treinta y dos meses de guerra de la 62 División (Barcelona: Editora Nacional,
- 1940) p.106.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 27
- his speech was inflamed by the presence of Miss Cowles, an attractive woman who looked a
- little like Lauren Bacall. On stopping to ask the way and asking someone who turned out to
- be German, he said ‘Nice chaps, the Germans, but a bit too serious; they never seem to have
- any women around, but I suppose they didn’t come for that. If they kill enough Reds, we can
- forgive them anything.”85 ‘Blast the Reds!’ he said to Virginia Cowles, ‘Why did they have to
- put ideas into people’s heads? Everyone knows that people are fools and much better off told
- what to do than trying to run themselves. Hell is too good for the Reds. I’d like to impale
- every one and see them wriggling on poles like butterflies…’ The Captain paused to see what
- impression his speech had made, but I gave no reply, which seemed to anger him. ‘There’s
- only one thing I hate worse than a Red,’ he blazed. ‘What’s that?’ ‘A sob-sister!’86
- During the attack on Gijón, Aguilera spotted a long line of men with picks and
- shovels. ‘Red prisoners, captured at Santander’, he told his journalistic charges. I hear they
- built one of the mountain roads in eight days. Not much chance for sleep, eh? That’s the way
- to treat them. If we didn’t need roads I would like to borrow a rifle and pick off a couple’.87
- Virginia Cowles asked another officer if the ordinary soldiers in the Nationalist Army knew
- why they were fighting. Keen to oblige, the officer amiably picked a young soldier at random
- and asked him. The boy replied ‘We are fighting the Reds’. She asked him what he meant by
- ‘the Reds’, and he said, ‘The people who have been misled by Moscow.’ Why did he think
- they had been misled? And he answered: ‘They are very poor. In Spain it is easy to be
- misled”. This innocuous answer infuriated Aguilera who was listening. He rounded on the
- boy, ‘So you think people aren’t satisfied?’ The terrified boy stammered ‘I didn’t say that,
- Señor’ to which Aguilera replied brutally ‘You said they were poor. It sounds to me as
- though you are filled with Red ideas yourself.’88 By now, Captain Aguilera regarded Virginia
- Cowles as a Red herself as a result of a slight remark. When he was ranting about the sheer
- destructiveness of the ‘Reds’ beause they had blown up a bridge, she had observed that
- perhaps they were simply trying to block the Nationalist advance. The suggestion that the
- ‘Reds’ were motivated by military logic rather than intrinsic evil provoked him to glare at her
- and snap ‘You talk like a Red’. With a hostile report on her unreliability, he put events into
- 85 Virginia Cowles, Looking for Trouble (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1941) pp.86-7.
- 86 Virginia Cowles, Looking for Trouble (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1941) p.90.
- 87 Cowles, Looking for Trouble, p.92.
- 88 Cowles, Looking for Trouble, p.93.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 28
- train for her to be arrested. Fortunately, for her, a chain of chance encounters permitted to get
- to the French border.89
- Aguilera’s English admirer, Peter Kemp, wrote after the war ‘Loyal friend, fearless
- critic and stimulating companion that he was, I sometimes wonder if his qualities really fitted
- him for the job he was given of interpreting the Nationalist cause to important strangers. For
- example, he told a distinguished English visitor about shooting six of his farm labourers –
- ‘Pour encourager les autres, you understand.’ Kemp’s doubts derived from Aguilera’s
- ‘original ideas on the fundamental causes of the Civil War. The principal cause, if I
- remember rightly, was the introduction of modern drainage. Prior to this, the riff-raff had
- been killed off by various useful diseases; now they survived and, of course, were above
- themselves. Another entertaining theory was that the Nationalists should shoot all the boot-
- blacks.’ ‘My dear fellow’, Aguilera explained to Kemp, ‘it only stands to reason! A chap
- who squats down on his knees to clean your boots at a café or in the street is bound to be a
- Communist, so why not shoot him right away and be done with it? No need for a trial – his
- guilt is self-evident in his profession.’90 After Peter Kemp’s memoirs were published,
- Aguilera took out a writ against him because of the story about shooting the farm labourers.
- According to his publishers, Kemp withdrew the story – to little avail, since the book was
- already out of print. In any case, he had repeated the story to others, including the
- correspondent of the French Havas Agency, Jean d’Hospital.91 Clearly, it never occurred to
- him that his disquisitions were sufficiently remarkable to find their way into print.
- Although Aguilera was uninhibited when talking with journalists, particularly if he
- thought they were right-wing sympathizers of the Francoist cause, he never forgot his job as a
- propagandist for that cause. When the Nationalist armies conquered Asturias, the repression
- carried out by the Moorish Regulares and the Legion was particularly fierce.92 It is hardly
- surprising that Aguilera was anxious to ensure that no photographs were taken of soldiers
- carrying umbrellas or pushing bicycles lest it give the impression that they were looting.
- Nevertheless, he was not above a little looting himself, and ‘was heard murmuring that there
- 89 Cowles, Looking for Trouble, pp.95-9.
- 90 Kemp, Mine Were of Trouble, p.50.
- 91 Letter from Cassell & Co. to Herbert R.Southworth, 27 March 1968, and interview of Southworth with
- d’Hospital, 14 September 1968, Southworth, Guernica! Guernica!, p.418, nn.47, 48.
- 92 Juan Antonio Sacaluga, La resistencia socialista en Asturias 1937-1962 (Madrid: Editorial Pablo Iglesias,
- 1986) pp.5-6.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 29
- was something very thrilling and tempting about it, and that after all it was not a bit like
- ordinary robbery’.93
- On one occasion, while driving Arnold Lunn, Aguilera was incensed by a pedestrian
- who was too slow in getting out of the way when he blew the horn of the speeding Mercedes.
- He simply accelerated towards the young man, who leapt for safety. ‘A fellow did that to me
- the other day’, he told Lunn, ‘but luckily for him my brakes are good. While he was
- recovering from the shock of being missed by inches, I jumped out, seized him by the scruff
- of the neck and bundled him into the car. The village was near the top of the mountain pass,
- and I drove downhill for eight miles while he whimpered beside me. I then turned him out of
- the car, and left him to walk home. I bet he sweated before he got there. That chap was a
- typical Iberian. You know your Don Quixote, don’t you? Well, Quixote is the conquering
- Franco-Norman type, tall, fair, blue eyes, and so on. Sancho Panza, on the other hand, is a
- sturdy, thick-set Iberian. There was nothing wrong with the Sancho Panzas until the Reds got
- hold of them, but of course they’ll never produce leaders.’94 On another occasion, he shot his
- chauffeur for running his car off the road. ‘He was a red all the time’, he explained.95
- Aguilera told Lunn one day ‘It is the melancholy duty of our generation to act as the
- ministers of exemplary justice. We can only save Spain from a repetition of these horrors if
- we impress upon the minds of this generation a fact of supreme importance, the fact that there
- is a God in heaven and justice on earth.’96 Aguilera was wonderfully complacent. On the
- Moors, he said, ‘We are proud to fight side by side with them, and they are proud to fight with
- us. After the Moroccan War we sent soldiers to govern them, and had no trouble until the
- Spanish Republic started sending politicians. If that had lasted, we should have lost
- Morocco.’97 His view of the Moors of the Regulares and the Legion was not shared by other
- observers. Edmund Taylor wrote ‘they had carried with them out of Africa a spiritual
- atmosphere like the stench in the den of a beast of prey, stench of carrion and of the beast.’98
- 93 Cecil Gerahty, The Road to Madrid (London: Hutchinson, 19370 p.35.
- 94 Lunn, Spanish Rehearsal, p.62.
- 95 Whitaker, We Cannot Escape History, p.115.
- 96 Lunn, Spanish Rehearsal, p.63.
- 97 Lunn, Spanish Rehearsal, p.66.
- 98 Edmond Taylor, ‘Assignment in Hell’ in Frank C.Hanighen, Nothing but Danger (London: Harrap, 1940)
- p.68.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 30
- John Whitaker regarded Captain Aguilera as merely the mouthpiece for many on the
- Nationalist side. Indeed, precisely for this reason, Luis Bolín kept a tight rein on the press
- officers. According to Sir Percival Phillips of the Daily Telegraph, the majority of them ‘are
- young grandees or diplomats, amiable weaklings for the most part, ruled by Bustamente [a
- pseudonym for Bolín] with a rod of iron. He telephones them at all hours of the day and
- night, scolding, ordering but never advising, and, as a result of this drilling, they never
- express an opinion, even on the weather, lest some correspondent should cable that such-and-
- such a view is held “in G.H.Q.” or “in well-informed circles” or “by spokesmen of the
- Generalísimo”… they also keep all officers away from us as carefully as if we had the
- plague”.99 Despite Bolín’s efforts, it was not difficult to find many with views similar to
- those of Aguilera. Rosales’ theories were like those that Taylor, Knickerbocker, Whitaker
- and others had heard from Aguilera.
- If the views of Aguilera could be dismissed as simply the exaggerations of a bluff
- soldier, perhaps more significance could be attributed to the writings of a man like Dr Enrique
- Suñer, who had been professor of pediatry at Madrid University (catedrático de Pediatría de la
- Universidad Central) before the war and was vice-president of the Education and Culture
- Committee of Franco’s military government, the Junta Técnica del Estado (vice-presidente de
- la Comisión de Educación y Cultura de la Junta Técnica del Estado). In 1937, he surveyed
- the blood shed during the war. He saw two kinds of blood. On the one hand, there was that
- ‘of conscious criminals, authors of the blood sacrifices that we suffer, of vile brutes, with
- worse instincts that those of wild beasts’ (de conscientes criminales, autores de las
- hecatombes que padecemos, de viles brutos, con instintos peores que las fieras). On the other,
- blood flowed ‘from noble Spanish breasts – soldiers and militiamen – generous youth, full of
- an abnegation and a heroism so immense that their wounds lift them to the status of the
- demigods of Greek myth’ (de hidalgos pechos españoles – militares y milicianos – jóvenes
- generosos, llenos de abnegación y de heroismo tan inmensos, que sus heridas los elevan a la
- altura de los semidios de las leyendas helénicas). P.5 Then he asked ‘And all this horrific
- mortality, must it go without its just punishment? Our spirit rebels against a possible
- impunity of the pitiless individuals who caused our tragedy. It is just not possible that
- Providence and man leave without punishment so many murders, rapes, cruelties, pillages and
- destructions of artistic wealth and the means of production. It is necessary to swear before
- 99 McCullagh, In Franco’s Spain, p.112.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 31
- our beloved dead that the deserved sanctions will be executed with the most holy of violence’
- (Y toda esta espantosa mortandad ¿ha de quedar sin el justo castigo? Nuestro espíritu se
- rebela contra una posible impunidad de los despiadados causantes de nuestra tragedia. No es
- posible que la Providencia y los hombres dejen sin castigar tantos asesinatos, violaciones,
- crueldades, saqueos y destrucciones de la riqueza artística y de los medios de trabajo. Es
- menester, con la más santa de las violencias, jurar ante nuestros muertos amados la ejecución
- de las sanciones merecidas.’100
- Referring to Republican politicians, Suñer wrote ‘these horrific, truly devilish men.
- Sadists and madmen working with professional thieves, fraudsters, armed robbers and
- murderers have occupied the posts of ministers, undersecretaries, senior civil servants and all
- kinds of important jobs’ (estos hombres horrendos, verdaderamente demoniacos. Sádicos y
- vesánicos unidos a profesionales del hurto, de la estafa, del atraco a mano armada y del
- homicidio con alevosía, han ocupado carteras de Ministros, Subsecretarías, Consejos,
- Direcciones Generales y toda clase de puestos importantes). ‘Wild boars and cloven-hoofed
- beasts running through parliament, in such of sacrificial victims to bite with their fangs or
- smash with their hooves. ... Monsters in the style of Nero, leaders of sects and their agents,
- murdered the greatest hope of the Fatherland: Calvo Sotelo. … Galarza, Casares Quiroga:
- these are his most symbolic executioners! Behind them stand the freemasons, the socialists,
- the communists, the Azañistas, the anarchists, all the Jewish leaders of the black Marxism that
- has Russia for its mother and the destruction of European civilization for its motto. Spain has
- been before and is once again the theatre of an epic combat, cyclopean, the action Titans
- against apocalyptic monsters. The programmes laid out in the “Protocols of the Elders of
- Sabios de Zion” have began to become reality’ (‘“jabaliés” y “ungulados” corriendo por el
- que fué Congreso de los Diputados, en busca de víctimas propiciatorias de sus colmilladas y
- de sus golpes de solípedos… Monstruos neronianos, directores de sectas y ejecutores de las
- mismas, han asesinado a la máxima esperanza de la Patria: Calvo Sotelo…. Galarza, Casares
- Quiroga: ¡he aquí sus más simbólicos verdugos! Detrás de ellos quedan los masones, los
- socialistas, los comunistas, los azañistas, los anarquistas, todos los judíos dirigentes del negro
- marxismo que tiene por madre a Rusia y por lema la destrucción de la civilización europea.
- España ha sido y es teatro de un combate épico, ciclópeo, acción de titanes contra monstruos
- 100 Enrique Suñer, Los intelectuales y la tragedia española 2ª edición (San Sebastián: Editorial Española, 1938)
- pp.5-6, 166-7, 171.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 32
- apocalípticos. Los programas expuestos en los “Protocolos de los Sabios de Sión” han
- empezado a cumplirse).101
- The final objective of this war, wrote Suñer without conscious irony, was ‘to a achieve
- a just, moral life, aimed at strengthening the race. For this it is necessary to flee all kind of
- intolerance and sectarianism, seeking inspiration only in equity and the benefit of all our
- citizens. … For this ideal programme to come about, it is necessary to bring about the total
- extirpation of our enemies, of those front-line intellectuals who brought about the catastrophe’
- (lograr una vida justa, moral y encaminada a la fortaleza de la raza. Para ello hay que huir de
- toda clase de intolerancias y de sectarismos, inspirándose solamente en la equidad y en el
- beneficio de todos los ciudadanos…. Para que este programa ideal pueda cumplirse, hace
- falta practicar una extirpación a fondo de nuestros enemigos, de esos intelectuales, en primera
- línea, productores de la catástrofe).102
- The desire to eliminate any intellectuals that could remotely have contributed to the liberal
- culture of the Republic led Suñer to send numerous denunciations to the rebel intelligence
- service, the Servicio de Información Militar. At the end of June 1937, he denounced the
- family of the distinguished medievalist and philologist Ramón Menéndez Pidal, President of
- the Spanish Academy (Academia de la Lengua). A conservative, Menéndez Pidal was in
- exile, terrified of being the victim of the left. Suñer also denounced Menéndez Pidal’s wife,
- the feminist and philologist María Goyri, who had been the first woman in Spain to earn a
- university degree (1896) and later a doctorate (1909). Suñer claimed that she had perverted
- her husband and children and was one of the most dangerous people in Spain ‘de las personas
- más peligrosas de España. Es sin duda una de las raíces más robustas de la revolución’. He
- denounced their son-in-law, the physicist Ramón Catalán, as a Communist and demanded that
- he be placed under police surveillance.103
- After the civil war, Gonzalo Aguilera went to London, possibly on some sort of
- espionage mission. He regularly wrote articles on scientific subjects, especially the atom, for
- his local Salamanca newspaper, La Gaceta Regional. He retired from the army as a
- Lieutenant Colonel and returned to his estates and his books. He summarised his findings on
- 101 Suñer, Los intelectuales, pp.166-7.
- 102 Suñer, Los intelectuales, p.171.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 33
- the atom into a book. He also wrote a set of ‘letters to a nephew’, a remarkably erudite
- mixture of oblique memoirs and philosophy written in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The
- range of reference was staggering, from the Osservatore Romano to the reports of the
- American Psychiatric Association, from Greek myth to Leibnitz 104 Their virulent
- anticlericalism confirmed the process of disenchantment with the Catholic Church that
- apparently began on the Eastern front during the First World War. Together with his savage
- account of the golden age of Spanish history so dear to Francoist rhetoric, it also accounts for
- the fact that they were not published.105 The work was riddled with signs that he found the
- return to civilian life extremely difficult. It began bitterly with the statement that his life had
- taken place in isolated meditation and surrounded by mistrust. He attributed this to ‘la
- desgracia de usualmente haber sabido más que el corro en que circunstancialmente nos
- encontrábamos o por siempre haber manifestado el disgusto o menosprecio que nos producían
- las descabaladas opiniones de los osados y de los arbitristas’ (‘the misfortune of having
- usually known more than the chorus in which we found ourselves and of always having
- expressed the disgust or the contempt provoked in us by the half-formed opinions of the
- daring and crackpots’. He claimed to have been accused of being a rebel and unadaptable
- which he thought inevitable since he felt himself to be surrounded by ‘de hipocresía, mentira,
- envidias y chicanería’ (‘hypocrisy, lies, envy and trickery’). He was disgusted with the
- political context, feeling that the moral certainties of the war had been replaced by
- compromise and the emasculation of ‘principios firmes’ (‘firm principles’). In a reference to
- his retirement from the army in 1931 and his war service, he wrote: ‘Toda la vida hemos
- procurado servir a la Patria de balde y sin ulterior intención de prebendas y emolumentos.
- Varias veces por hacer frente a la corriente desorbitada y a la injusticia hemos afrontado
- graves perjuicios propios y con la tristeza de no haber conseguido gran cosa.’ (‘All my life, I
- have tried to serve the Patria freely and without any ulterior motives of prebends or
- emoluments. Several times, by dint of opposing the tide and injustice, I have faced serious
- personal disadvantage and the sadness of not having achieved much.’) In this regard, he was
- delighted that a friend had told him that he was ‘más loco que don Quijote’ (‘crazier than Don
- Quijote’) for criticising the Catholic Church106
- 103 Diego Catalán, El archivo del romancero: historia documentada de un siglo de historia (2 tomos) (Madrid:
- Fundación Ramón Menéndez Pidal, 2001) pp.256-9.
- 104 They are undated but there are internal references to the international press which make it clear that he was
- writing until, at least 1953, Cartas, pp.110, 123, note to p.126.
- 105 He demolishes the Francoist glorification of Spanish history in Cartas, pp.151-76. The work is informed by
- anticlericalism throughout but see especially nota del asterisco de la página 218.
- 106 Cartas, pp.1-2, 91.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 34
- The ideas with which he had regaled the members of the press corps in his charge
- during the civil war were now refined. He was profligate with extremely erudite references
- to Aristotle, Cicero, the fathers of the Church, a host of medieval philosophers, Calvin,
- Galileo, Spinoza and Descartes. These were juxtaposed to bizarre statements such as the
- following: ‘lo que aquí llamamos higiene política es lo que los Ingleses dicen “Wisdom”’ (‘by
- political hygiene, I mean here what the English call wisdom’) and ‘la palabra revolución es de
- significado esencialmente Satánico, el primer revolucionario en el mito cristiano fue Luzbel’
- (‘the word of revolution is of essentially Satanic significance since the first revolutionary was
- Lucifer’).107 He was particularly proud of his readings in English literature, philosophy and
- history, making ample reference to Shakespeare, Marlowe, Hume, Adam Smith, Gibbon,
- Buckle, Darwin, J.S.Mill, Bentham and George Bernard Shaw. He made comparisons
- between the Spanish Inquisition and Soviet Communism, linking the Holy Office and the
- GPU. This did not imply any softening of his views on communism – it remained ‘la negra
- nube de Oriente’ (‘the black cloud from the east’) and ‘inmenso tumor maligno’ (‘immense
- malignant tumour’). The problem was rather the communist elements of early christianity.108
- In politics, in the midst of a discussion on the relative merits of different races, he
- wrote of the ‘patente superioridad’ (‘patent superiority’) of the white man. In a variant on the
- racist ideas purveyed to Whitaker and his colleagues, he divided humanity into the ‘Nordic-
- European races’ and ‘the Afro-Asiatic masses’, indicating that ‘el estado centralista, como su
- nombre indica, es el más adecuado para regir los destinos de las masas inferiores’ (‘the
- centralist state, as its name suggests, is the most appropriate to rule over the destinies of
- inferior masses’). ‘En África, con el sistema nervioso particular de la raza negra, en que las
- excitaciones adquieren formas más o menos epilépticas, solamente el ritmo continuado
- acompañado de un pandero o tambor produce unas formas místicas extasiales muy curiosas y
- como son gentes simplistas su misticismo degenero en lubricidad sexual.’ (‘In Africa, with
- the nervous system peculiar to the black race, in which excitement acquires more or less
- epileptic forms, it requires only a continual rhythm accompanied by a tambourine or a drum
- to produce mystical forms of ecstasy, and since they are simplistic people, their mysticism
- degenerates into sexual lubricity.’)109 He was particularly interested in proving the ‘las
- 107 Cartas, p.6.
- 108 Cartas, pp.32, 71, 97.
- 109 Cartas, pp.66-8, 114.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 35
- anormalidades sexuales en las gentes inclinadas al sacerdocio’ (‘sexual abnormalities of
- people inclined to the priesthood’) and that ‘al cristianismo siempre se han sentido atraídos las
- mujeres y los eunucos’ (‘Christianity has always attracted women and eunuchs’). Misogyny
- abounded: he claimed that a woman who reached thirty still a virgin becomes a ‘soltera agria,
- que para la tranquilidad de todos está mucho mejor detrás de unas rejas de clausura’ (‘bitter
- spinster who, for the peace of everyone else, is better behind the bars of a cloister’). Echoing
- his remarks to Whitaker about a man’s right to kill his wife, he wrote ‘el adulterio toma
- características de crimen cuyo inmediato castigo con muerte de los culpables por el esposo
- ultrajado ha sido aceptado como ley natural en todas las sociedades hasta que aparecen los
- síntomas decadentes de las civilizaciones.’ (‘adultery is a crime whose immediate punishment
- by the death of the guilty pair at the hands of the outraged husband has always been accepted
- as the natural law in all societies until the appearance of the symptoms of the decadence of the
- civilization’.) He also produced a defence of the chastity belt as a necessary weapon against
- female promiscuity, on which he blamed the degeneration of the race in terms of the
- introduction of cancer, sexual perversion, mental instability and abnormal skin
- pigmentation.110 The central theme was, however, anti-clericalism: ‘ahí está nuestra España y
- los países cristianos en que las órdenes han ejercido casi un monopolio de la educación y
- cuanto más en sus manos, mayor ha sido la decadencia material y ética y más propensa la
- corrupción’ (‘in Spain and other Christian countries where the religious orders have exercised
- a near monopoly of education, the more control they have had of education, the greater has
- been the material and ethical decadence and the greater the tendency to corruption.’)111
- Gonzalo became a well-known ‘character’ in Salamanca. He was an assiduous
- member of a tertulia of doctors which used to meet at the Café Novelty in the Plaza Mayor in
- Salamanca. He would make the daily journey to the provincial capital on a motorcycle
- wearing a crash helmet and his uniform trousers. He was considered to be a local eccentric.
- All the bookshops of Salamanca used to keep interesting new books for him on the reasonable
- assumption that he would buy them. To the booksellers and the doctors alike, he was known
- for his bottomless erudition. Apart from the doctors, he had hardly any friends. He had
- acquaintances among other landowners but none ever achieved any kind of closeness with
- him. His conversation was considered fascinating although his irritability did not encourage
- friendship or intimacy of any kind. He was spoke often of writing a book about ‘a strange
- 110 Cartas, pp.82-3, 88-9, 92-5.
- 111 Cartas, pp.91
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 36
- personage in Africa’.112 He could not reconcile himself to civilian life and, as he got older,
- became increasingly difficult, abrasive and bad-tempered. He neglected his estates and his
- house, both of which were badly run down.
- He developed persecution mania. His wife became so afraid of his violent rages that,
- in late 1963, for her own protection, she asked her two sons to come and live at home at the
- Dehesa del Carrascal de Sanchiricones in Matilla de los Caños in the province of Salamanca.
- The elder, aged forty-seven, Gonzalo Aguilera Alvarez, was a retired cavalry captain. He had
- fought in the Civil War and been badly wounded. While in hospital, he had fallen in love
- with Manuela Lodeiro, a nurse at the military hospital in Lugo. In an echo of his own father’s
- reaction to his relationship with the socially inferior Magdalena Alvarez, the Conde had
- reacted furiously and forbidden them to marry. They did so anyway and settled in Lugo,
- where they had a daughter, Marianela. The younger son, Agustín Aguilera Alvarez, a thirty-
- nine year-old farmer, also had a difficult relationship with his father. Accordingly, he had
- settled first in Zamora where had married Angelines Núñez. More recently, they had moved
- to Jérez de la Frontera with their two daughters and young son. Knowing only too well the
- irascibility of their father, and despite the inconvenience for their own families, the two sons
- agreed to their mother’s request and spent as much time as possible in Sanchiricones watching
- over their father.
- After a year, things had not improved. The family reluctantly discussed having
- Gonzalo declared mentally incapacitated and placing him in psychiatric care. For fear of
- scandal and with a natural horror of seeing the head of the household declared insane, they
- hesitated. Finally, they put the matter in the hands of a lawyer in Salamanca. Given that
- Gonzalo now suffered bronchial problems and rarely attended the tertulia in the café in the
- Plaza Mayor, it was possible to fabricate the pretext of a visit of two medical friends in order
- to have him diagnosed. A psychiatrist, Dr Prieto Aguirre, accompanied by another doctor,
- Emilio Firmat, came to the conclusion that Gonzalo was paranoiac. He became so difficult
- that his sons rearranged the house to provide him with a separate apartment with his own
- television and his books. They hid all the many guns and knives, which, as an assiduous
- hunter, he possessed. He believed himself to have been kidnapped and imprisoned by his
- family. At the beginning of August 1964, he had even written a letter to this effect to the
- 112 El Caso, 5 September 1964.
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 37
- judicial authorities in Salamanca. He had wild fits of rage, shouting threats and insults from
- his solitary apartment. He would occasionally find weapons and, in mid-August, his sons
- took a flick-knife away from him. The legal process to have him committed, however, was
- lengthy and tortuous.
- Before anything could be done, Gonzalo completely lost his mind. After lunch, at 4
- o’clock on the sultry afternoon of Friday 28 August 1964, his younger son Agustín went into
- the Count’s room to look for some papers. When his father complained of sore feet, Agustín
- knelt and started to massage his feet. Bizarrely echoing his beliefs on how to deal with
- bootblacks, Don Gonzalo began to abuse his son, pulled out a rusty Colt revolver that he had
- hidden and shot Agustín without warning. Badly wounded in the chest, Agustín turned and
- staggered out of the room. His brother Gonzalo, alerted by the sound of the shots, ran into the
- room and the Conde shot him full in the chest and in the arm. Stepping over his elder son’s
- corpse, he then set off in search of Agustín in order to finish him off. He found him lying
- dead at the door of the kitchen. He then calmly reloaded his revolver. His widow, Magdalena
- Alvarez, aged seventy-two, came out of her room. When she saw him glaring at her while
- reloading his pistol over the body of his son, she locked herself in another room as her
- husband came looking for her. Since the farm labourers stood back, frightened by the sight of
- Gonzalo waving his revolver threateningly, she was obliged to escape through a window. The
- Civil Guard was called by the estate workers and they ordered Gonzalo to throw down his gun
- and come out with his hands in the air, which, his fury spent, he did.
- After surrendering, still in his pyjamas, he sat outside the house for more than three
- hours quietly awaiting the arrival of the investigating judge from Salamanca. His wife, beside
- herself with grief and rage, screamed at him ‘¡Asesino, criminal!’ (‘Assassin! Murderer!’)
- Until calmed down by the farm workers, she shouted to the Civil Guards, ‘¡Matarlo que es un
- salvaje’ (‘Kill him, he’s a savage’). He was arrested and taken to the Provincial psychiatric
- sanatorium of Salamanca where he was detained. He and his Civil Guard escort were taken
- to Salamanca in the car in which the reporters of the local newspaper, La Gaceta Regional,
- had arrived at the house. Those journalists who interviewed him recounted that, en route, he
- chatted amiably to the driver. He spoke about various cars that he had had at different times,
- about the traffic system established in France and about the poor state of the roads – ‘hablo
- para no acordarme de lo sucedido’ (‘I’m talking to put what had happened out of my mind’),
- he said. When he was told that he was being taken to a psychiatric clinic, he commented that
- Slaves, Sewers and Captain Aguilera: Racism, colonialism and sexism in the Mentality of the Nationalist Officer Corps
- 38
- psychiatrists are not usually in their right minds (en sus cabales) and said ‘ a los que fueron a
- verme les llamé médicos de pueblo y se enfadaron conmigo’ (‘I called the ones that visited
- me village quacks and they got angry with me’).113 During his time in the psychiatric
- hospital, he apparently entertained himself by loudly insulting the nuns who staffed it.114 His
- daughter-in-law, Concepción Lodeiro López, and granddaughter, Marianela de Aguilera
- Lodeiro, escaped the carnage because they had gone to Lugo to make the arrangements for the
- girl’s wedding. The wife and three children of Agustín were in southern Spain. Gonzalo
- never stood trial and died in the hospital nearly eight months later on 15 May 1965.115
- It would be wrong to believe that Aguilera’s earlier rantings were simply the fruit of
- the extraordinary psychological disturbance which finally emerged in the tragic denouement
- of this family. There is little doubt that he was utterly typical of others such as Bolín and
- Rosales who had been chosen by Mola, and accepted by Franco, as appropriate spokesmen for
- their cause. One officer had told Webb Miller that ‘“we must kill everyone who has that ‘red’
- idea.” Another amiable, attractive, intelligent young insurgent officer told me he had
- himself executed seventy-one men.’116 There is even less doubt that Aguilera’s views were
- close to those of Mola, Franco, Queipo de Llano and other senior Nationalists. Rather than
- simply concluding that Aguilera was mad, it would be more fruitful to consider the extent to
- which his – and their – psychological disturbance derives from the internalisation of such
- ideas.
- 113 Documentación sobre Gonzalo de Aguilera y Munro, remitida a su viuda, Legajo 416, Archivo General
- Militar de Segovia; El Adelanto (Salamanca), 29, 30 August, 1 September 1964; El Caso, 5 September 1964; La
- Gaceta Regional, 30 August, 1 September 1964.
- 114 Testimony to the author, 30 July 1999, of the Cronista de la Ciudad de Salamanca, Dr Salvador Llopis Llopis,
- biographer of Inés Luna Terrero.
- 115 Interview of Mariano Sanz González with the Director of the Hospital, Dr Desiderio López, 27 October 1999.
- 116 Miller, I Found No Peace, p.344.
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