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  1. To Nikolay Nikolayevitch Strachov
  2.  
  3. DRESDEN,
  4. May 18 [30], 1871.
  5.  
  6. MUCH-ESTEEMED NIKOLAY NIKOLAYEVITCH,
  7.  
  8. So you really have begun your letter with
  9. Bielinsky, as I foresaw. But do reflect on Paris and
  10. the Commune. Will you perchance maintain, as
  11. others do, that the whole thing failed simply because
  12. of the lack of men, and as a result of unfavourable
  13. circumstances ? Through the whole of this igih
  14. century, that school has dreamed of the setting-up of
  15. earthly paradises (for instance, the phalansteries), and
  16. then, directly it came to action (as in the years 1848,
  17. 1849, and now), has shown a contemptible incapacity
  18. for any practical expression of itself. At bottom, the
  19. entire movement is but a repetition of the Russian
  20. delusion that men can reconstruct the world by reason
  21. and experience (Positivism) . But we have seen enough
  22. of it by now to be entitled to declare that such im-
  23. potence as is displayed can be no chance phenomenon.
  24. Why do they cut off heads ? Simply because it's the
  25. easiest of all things to do. To say something sensible
  26. is far more difficult. Effort is, after all, a lesser
  27. thing than attainment. They desire the common
  28. good, but when it comes to defining " good," can
  29. only reiterate Rousseau's aphorism that " good " is
  30. a fantasy never yet ratified by experience. The
  31. burning of Paris is something utterly monstrous:
  32. " Since we have failed, let the whole world perish !"
  33. for the Commune is more important than the world's
  34. weal, and France's ! Yet they (and many others) see
  35. in that madness not monstrosity, but only beauty.
  36. Since that is so, the aesthetic idea must be completely
  37. clouded over in the modern mind. A moral basis
  38. (taken from Positivist teachings) for society is not
  39. only incapable of producing any results whatever, but
  40. can't possibly even define itself to itself, and so must
  41. always lose its way amid aspirations and ideals.
  42. Have we not sufficient evidence by this time to be
  43. able to prove that a society is not thus to be built up,
  44. that quite otherwhere lie the paths to the common
  45. good, and that this common good reposes on things
  46. different altogether from those hitherto accepted ?
  47. On what, then, does it repose ? Men write and write,
  48. and overlook the principal point. In Western Europe
  49. the peoples have lost Christ (Catholicism is to blame),
  50. and therefore Western Europe is tottering to its fall.
  51. Ideas have changed how evidently ! And the fall
  52. of the Papal power, together with that of the whole
  53. Romano-German world (France, etc.) what a co-
  54. incidence !
  55.  
  56. All this would take long wholly to express, but
  57. what I really want to say to you is: If Bielinsky,
  58. Granovsky, and all the rest of the gang, had lived to
  59. see this day, they would have said: " No, it was not
  60. to this that we aspired ! No, this is a mistake; we
  61. must wait a while, the light will shine forth, progress
  62. will win, humanity will build on new and healthier
  63. foundations, and be happy at last !" They would
  64. never admit that their way can lead at best but to the
  65. Commune or to Felix Pyat. That crew was so obtuse
  66. that even now, after the event, they would not be
  67. able to see their error, they would persist in their
  68. fantastic dreaming. I condemn Bielinsky less as a
  69. personality than as a most repulsive, stupid, and
  70. humiliating phenomenon of Russian life. The best
  71. one can say for it is that it's inevitable. I assure you
  72. that Bielinsky would have been moved, to-day, to
  73. take the following attitude : " The Commune has
  74. accomplished nothing, because before all things it was
  75. French that is to say, was steeped in nationalism.
  76. Therefore we must now seek out another people,
  77. which will not have the tiniest spark of national
  78. feeling, but will be ready, like me, to box its mother's
  79. (Russia's) ears." Wrathfully he would continue to
  80. foam forth his wretched articles; he would go on
  81. reviling Russia, denying Russia's greatest phenomena
  82. (such as Pushkin), so that he might thus make Russia
  83. seem to turn into an empty nation, which might take
  84. the lead in universal human activities. The Jesuitry
  85. and insincerity of our prominent public men, he would
  86. regard as great good fortune. And then, for another
  87. thing: you never knew him; but I had personal
  88. intercourse with him, and now can give his full
  89. measure. The man, talking with me once, reviled
  90. the Saviour, and yet surely he could never have
  91. undertaken to compare himself and the rest of the
  92. gentry who move the world, with Christ. He was
  93. not capable of seeing how petty, angry, impatient,
  94. base, and before all else covetous and vain, they,
  95. every one of them, are. He never asked himself the
  96. question: " But what can we put in His place ? Of
  97. a surety not ourselves, so evil as we are ?" No; he
  98. never reflected in any sort of way upon the possibility
  99. that he might be evil; he was to the last degree
  100. content with himself, and in that alone is expressed
  101. his personal, petty, pitiable stupidity.
  102.  
  103. You declare that he was gifted. He was not, in
  104. any way. My God, what nonsense Grigoryev did
  105. write about him ! I can still remember my youthful
  106. amazement when I read some of his purely aesthetic
  107. efforts (as, for instance, on " Dead Souls ") ; he treated
  108. Gogol's characters with incredible superficiality and
  109. lack of comprehension, and merely rejoiced insanely
  110. that Gogol had accused somebody. In the four years
  111. of my sojourn here abroad, I have re-read all his
  112. critical writings. He reviled Pushkin, when Pushkin
  113. dropped his false note, and produced such works as
  114. the " Tales of Bielkin," and " The Negro of Peter
  115. the Great." He pronounced the " Tales of Bielkin "
  116. to be entirely valueless. In Gogol's " Carriage/' he
  117. perceived not an artistic creation, but a mere comic
  118. tale. *He wholly abjured the conclusion of " Eugene
  119. Onegin." He was the first to speak of Pushkin as a
  120. courtier. He said that Turgenev would never make
  121. an artist ; and he said that after he had read Turge-
  122. nev's very remarkable tale of " The Three Portraits."
  123. I could give you, on the spur of the moment, count-
  124. less proofs that he had not an atom of critical sense,
  125. nor that " quivering sensibility " of which Grigoryev
  126. babbled (simply because he too was a poet) .
  127.  
  128. We regard Bielinsky and many another of our
  129. contemporaries through the still enduring glamour of
  130. fantastic judgments.
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