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Sparta (Classics)

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  1. Introduction
  2.  
  3. Alongside Athens, Sparta is considered as the second mighty polis in the Greek world and has always attracted admiration as well as criticism, so that its image has undergone many transformations. Sparta was time and again represented as the counterpart of Athens and assigned the role of a backward oligarchy and legally, rigidly regulated military state. In Antiquity (as we read in Xenophon and Plato) the political stability and military efficiency of Sparta were declared an ideal and traced back to the system of public education (agoge). In the course of the 4th century BCE, Aristotle finally proclaimed Sparta a pattern for a “mixed constitution,” which contains monarchic as well as aristocratic and democratic elements (kings, gerontes, and ephors or the leaders of the popular assembly). Following this outline, it later became also a model for the Romans (Polybius, Book 6). On the other hand, the “equality” of the Spartans, who termed themselves homoioi (“equals”), has always been fascinating. Connected with this equality was the communal life of Spartan men in the form of a permanent military-style camp. The idea of severe regulation of all facets of life and its orientation toward the state resulted in the early 20th century in the denotation of the Spartan community as a “kosmos,” so that Sparta also became a modern myth. Yet the Spartan “mirage” has been continuously deconstructed since the publication of Ollier 1933–1943 of (see Spartan Tradition and Research History Post-1900). Recently, there has been ongoing debate between researchers who think Sparta was more like other Greek states than sources note, and those who think it was unique.
  4.  
  5. General Overviews
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  7. Although there are many general overviews of the Spartan history, none of them covers the whole span from earliest times to the Roman epoch, nor does any include all political and social aspects. Most of them concentrate on the Archaic and Classical periods, and some end with the defeats of Sparta in 371 and 362 BCE. Cartledge 1979 begins with the Mycenaean epoch; Oliva 1971, Lévy 2003, and Welwei 2004 include the Hellenistic period, and the somewhat outdated Michell 1952 only parts of it. Thommen 2003 and Kennell 2010 include a short look into Roman times; Cartledge 2001 concentrates on selected aspects of Spartan society.
  8.  
  9. Cartledge, Paul. 1979. Sparta and Lakonia: A regional history 1300–362 BC. London and New York: Routledge.
  10. DOI: 10.4324/9780203472231Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  11. Standard work for the history of Sparta. Reprinted with additions in 2002.
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  13. Cartledge, Paul. 2001. Spartan reflections. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.
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  15. A collection of essays about central issues like literacy, pederasty, women, and the hoplite phalanx; also important is the chapter “City and Chora in Sparta” (pp. 9–20).
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  17. Kennell, Nigel. 2010. Spartans: A new history. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.
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  19. New overview of Spartan history, with a useful chapter on Roman Sparta.
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  21. Lévy, Edmond. 2003. Sparte: Histoire politique et sociale jusqu’à la conquête romaine. Paris: Éditions du Seuil.
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  23. Offers useful basic information on the history, society, and government of Sparta.
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  25. Michell, Humfrey. 1952. Sparta: To krypton tês politeias ton Lakedaimonion. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.
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  27. A survey of Spartan government and society still worth reading.
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  29. Oliva, Pavel. 1971. Sparta and her social problems. Prague: Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences.
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  31. Explores important issues of Spartan history in clearly arranged chronological chapters.
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  33. Thommen, Lukas. 2003. Sparta: Verfassungs- und Sozialgeschichte einer griechischen Polis. Stuttgart: Verlag J.B. Metzler.
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  35. Overview of the history and the political and social conditions from the beginnings to the Roman epoch; vast, thematically arranged bibliography.
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  37. Welwei, Karl-Wilhelm. 2004. Sparta: Aufstieg und Niedergang einer antiken Grossmacht. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta.
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  39. Reliable up-to-date narrative of Spartan history.
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  41. Primary Sources
  42.  
  43. In the case of Sparta, modern research is confronted with serious source problems. At the moment when we get the first detailed knowledge of Sparta in the second half of the 5th century BCE, the city had already been assigned a typical character and described by outsiders in an exaggerated way (Starr 1965). Sparta never developed its own tradition of historiography (Thommen 2000, see Literacy and Brachylogia). Until Hellenistic times, historical descriptions came only from outside, perceived especially from an Athenian point of view (Schmal 1996). For Roman Sparta, which is topographically described in Pausanias’s Book 3, only a few literary sources are extant. In contrast, there is a large number of inscriptions from Hellenistic and Roman times (Inscriptiones Graecae V,1), which again have to be complemented by archaeological remains (see Topography of Sparta and Laconia).
  44.  
  45. Schmal, Stephan. 1996. Sparta als politische Utopie. In Hellenismus: Beiträge zur Erforschung von Akkulturation und politischer Ordnung in den Staaten des hellenistischen Zeitalters. Edited by Bernd Funck, 653–670. Tübingen, Germany: J.C.B. Mohr.
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  47. Argues that the idealized picture of Sparta was created in Athens as a utopian counterpart.
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  49. Starr, Chester G. 1965. The credibility of early Spartan history. Historia 14.3: 257–272.
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  51. Overview of the source problems for early Sparta. German translation, “Die Glaubwürdigkeit der frühen spartanischen Geschichte,” in Christ 1986 (cited in Spartan Tradition and Research History Post-1900), pp. 264–289.
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  53. Archaic Authors
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  55. Mainly just the verses of Alcman (Calame 1983; see Page 1951 and Ferrari 2008 on the outstanding Partheneion fragment) and of Tyrtaeus (Meier 1998, see Archaic Sparta; Luginbill 2002), which reflect the festivals as well as the military sphere of Sparta of the second half of the 7th century BCE and contain information from a Spartan point of view, but without marking two distinct steps of the state’s historical development.
  56.  
  57. Calame, Claude. 1983. Alcman. Rome: Edizioni dell’Ateneo.
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  59. Edition of the fragments of Alcman, with commentary.
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  61. Ferrari, Gloria. 2008. Alcman and the cosmos of Sparta. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.
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  63. New interpretation of Alcman’s Partheneion poem, stressing the cosmological aspects as a symbol for the society.
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  65. Luginbill, Robert D. 2002. Tyrtaeus 12 West: Come join the Spartan army. Classical Quarterly 52.2: 405–414.
  66. DOI: 10.1093/cq/52.2.405Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  67. Argues that this outstanding poem is a sophisticated call to arms due to a manpower shortage.
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  69. Page, Denys L. 1951. Alcman. The Partheneion. Oxford: Clarendon.
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  71. Standard edition of the most important poem of Alcman, with commentary. Reprinted in 1979 (New York: Arno).
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  73. Classical Authors
  74.  
  75. Herodotus’s Histories, our main source for Sparta in late Archaic times, in contrast to Thucydides’s Peloponnesian War (Cartledge and Debnar 2006), do not yet depict a unique military society (Cragg 1976)—apart from Spartan kingship and obedience to law (Millender 2002). Only with Xenophon’s Lakedaimonion politeia in the early 4th century BCE do we get more detailed information on the political system of Sparta (Lipka 2002). In addition to Xenophon’s contemporary history, Hellenika (cf. Tuplin 1993, Agesilaos and the Spartan Hegemony), and his encomium Agesilaos, in the 4th century BCE, there is the Hellenika Oxyrhynchia and the Universal History of Ephorus (known through Diodorus and Strabo). Sparta is also treated with a critical approach in Attic comedy (Harvey 1994) and by the Athenian philosophers Plato (Powell 1994) and Aristotle (David 1982–1983, Herrmann-Otto 1998) see also Hodkinson 2004 under Government).
  76.  
  77. Cartledge, Paul A., and Paula Debnar. 2006. Sparta and the Spartans in Thucydides. In Brill’s companion to Thucydides. Edited by Antonios Rengakos and Antonis Tsakmakis, 559–587. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.
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  79. A sound analysis of Thucydides’s ideas about Sparta.
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  81. Cragg, Kevin M. 1976. “Herodotus’ Presentation of Sparta.” PhD diss., Univ. of Michigan.
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  83. Argues that Herodotus had no consistent general attitude toward Sparta, either negative or positive.
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  85. David, Ephraim. 1982–1983. Aristotle and Sparta. Ancient Society 13–14:67–103.
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  87. Emphasizes that Aristotle, like Plato, praises several aspects of the Spartan constitution but also criticizes contemporary Sparta.
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  89. Harvey, David F. 1994. Lacomica: Aristophanes and the Spartans. In The shadow of Sparta. Edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson, 35–58. London and New York: Routledge.
  90. DOI: 10.4324/9780203299920Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  91. Demonstrates that Aristophanes treated the Spartans more gently than is usually supposed.
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  93. Herrmann-Otto, Elisabeth. 1998. Verfassung und Gesellschaft Spartas in der Kritik des Aristoteles. Historia 47.1: 18–40.
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  95. Analyzes Aristotle’s critique of contemporary Sparta and argues that it was meant to serve the realization of the presumed best government.
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  97. Lipka, Michael, ed. 2002. Xenophon’s Spartan constitution: Introduction, text, commentary. Texte und Kommentare 24. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter.
  98. DOI: 10.1515/9783110887242Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  99. New edition of Xenophon’s Lakedaimonion politeia with comprehensive commentary.
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  101. Millender, Ellen. 2002. Herodotus and Spartan despotism. In Sparta: Beyond the mirage. Edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson, 1–61. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
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  103. Argues that Sparta’s kings conform to the Athenian image of the barbarian autocrat.
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  105. Powell, Anton. 1994. Plato and Sparta: Modes of rule and of non-rational persuasion in the Laws. In The shadow of Sparta. Edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson, 273–321. London and New York: Routledge.
  106. DOI: 10.4324/9780203299920Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  107. Emphasizes that criticism of Sparta is central to the Laws of Plato.
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  109. Hellenistic and Roman Authors
  110.  
  111. Books 3 and 4 of Pausanias’s Description of Greece (second half of the 2nd century BCE) contain mythical stories about Sparta’s beginnings as well as historical reports on later times (Meadows 1995) and provide the only extensive topographical exploration of the region (Musti and Torelli 1991). The most detailed description of Spartan society is to be found in Plutarch’s biography of Lycurgus (Manfredini and Piccirilli 1990), a work mainly based on Hellenistic authors and therefore correspondingly unreliable. Of great importance for the late 5th to 3rd centuries BCE are Plutarch’s biographies of Lysander and Agesilaos (Shipley 1997) as well as of the reforming kings Agis and Cleomenes (Marasco 1981); the latter are based on different Hellenistic sources (for Phylarchus, cf. Africa 1961, Agis, Cleomenes, and the Spartan Reform; see also Erskine 1990) and can be supplemented by Polybius of Megalopolis, who witnessed Sparta’s quarrels with the Achaean League until its reception into the Roman Empire in 146 BCE. From late Classical to early Roman times, some lesser-known authors from Sparta and Laconia wrote about its memorable institutions (Boring 1979, cited under Literacy and Brachylogia; see also Figueira 2007).
  112.  
  113. Erskine, Andrew. 1990. The Hellenistic stoa: Political thought and action. London: Duckworth.
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  115. Has a useful chapter “The Spartan Revolution” (pp. 123–149) dealing with Phylarchus and Sphaerus as sources for Cleomenes’s reforms.
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  117. Figueira, Thomas J. 2007. Spartan “constitutions” and the enduring image of the Spartan ethos. In The contribution of ancient Sparta to political thought and practice. Edited by Nikos Birgalias, Paul Cartledge, and Kostas Buraselis, 143–157. Papers read at a Conference Held at the International Institute of Ancient Hellenic History “Sosipolis”, Sparta, Greece, 26 August-1 September 2002. Athens, Greece: Alexandria.
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  119. Offers an overview of Hellenistic writings on the Spartan constitution.
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  121. Manfredini, Mario, and Luigi Piccirilli, eds. 1990. Plutarco: Le vite di Licurgo e di Numa. 2d ed. Milan: Fondazione Lorenzo Valla.
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  123. Edition of Plutarch’s Lycurgus and Numa, with commentary.
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  125. Marasco, Gabriele. 1981. Commento alle biografie plutarchee di Agide e di Cleomene. 2 vols. Rome: Edizioni dell’Ateneo.
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  127. Commentary on Plutarch’s Agis and Cleomenes.
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  129. Meadows, Andrew R. 1995. Pausanias and the historiography of Classical Sparta. Classical Quarterly 45.1: 92–113.
  130. DOI: 10.1017/S0009838800041720Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  131. Argues that Pausanias used contemporary authors (with the exception of Herodotus) for Spartan history.
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  133. Musti, Domenico, and Mario Torelli, eds. 1991. Pausania: Guida della Grecia. Libro III, La Laconia. Milan: Mondadori.
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  135. Edition of Pausanias’s Periegesis in Sparta and Laconia, with commentary and helpful archaeological information.
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  137. Shipley, Donald R. 1997. Plutarch’s life of Agesilaos: Response to sources in the presentation of character. Oxford: Clarendon.
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  139. Detailed commentary on Plutarch’s Agesilaos.
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  141. Spartan Tradition and Research History Post-1900
  142.  
  143. The analysis of the process of transformation beginning with the ancient authors sets in with Ollier 1933–1943 and was completed by Tigerstedt 1965–1978. The further reception of Sparta during the Middle Ages and modern times is described by Rawson 1969, and more recently by Losemann 2003, and Hodkinson and MacGregor Morris 2010 (cf. MacGregor Morris 2004 on the 18th century). The history of research has been summarized by Christ 1986. The excavations in the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia in the years 1906–1910 disproved the idea of a materially limited society, hostile to art, in Archaic times (see Dawkins 1929 under Topography of Sparta and Laconia). Ehrenberg’s work (Ehrenberg 1925 under Chilon and Dorieus) therefore supposed a reform in the mid-6th century BCE, for which he made Chilon responsible, and developed a rigorous image of the “kosmos” of Sparta, which was also strongly propagated during the Third Reich (see Thommen 2004 under Spartiates [Homoioi]; and Rebenich 2002). After World War II, British research took a leading role. Cartledge’s works (cited under Agesilaos and the Spartan Hegemony and General Overviews) have treated all aspects of Spartan society and government and emphasized the social and political elitism of the system, whose establishment he conceived as a continuous development (cf. Cartledge 1979 in General Overviews). Hodkinson 1983 and Hodkinson 2000 (see Spartiates [Homoioi])—in the tradition of Moses I. Finley, who introduced the term “sixth-century revolution” (see Archaic Sparta)—profoundly deal with Sparta’s social values; the author characterizes material conditions in the Spartan state and makes the long-term concentration of land in the hands of a few people responsible for the decline of the city. The description of Hellenistic and Roman Sparta is owed to Cartledge and Spawforth (see Hellenistic Sparta and Roman Sparta). Many important contributions on Spartan society are also to be found in the compendia of the International Sparta Seminar, edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson.
  144.  
  145. Christ, Karl. 1986. Spartaforschung und Spartabild: Eine Einleitung. In Sparta. Edited by Karl Christ, 1–72. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.
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  147. Survey of the history of research. Reprinted in 1996 in Griechische Geschichte und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, Historia Einzelschrift 106, pp. 9–57, and Nachtrag, pp. 219–221 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag).
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  149. Hodkinson, Stephen, and Ian MacGregor Morris, eds. 2010. Sparta in modern thought. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
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  151. Traces the impact of images of ancient Sparta on Western thought.
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  153. Losemann, Volker. 2003. Sparta (I. Bild und Deutung). In Der Neue Pauly (Rezeptions- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte). Edited by Manfred Landfester, 154–171. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler.
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  155. Lexicographical survey of the history of the Spartan tradition.
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  157. MacGregor Morris, Ian. 2004. The paradigm of democracy: Sparta in Enlightenment thought. In Spartan society. Edited by Thomas J. Figueira, 339–362. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
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  159. Analyzes the role of Sparta in 18th-century social thought as a paradigm for political organization.
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  161. Ollier, François. 1933–1943. Le mirage spartiate: Étude sur l’idéalisation de Sparte dans l’antiquité grecque de l’origine jusqu’aux cyniques. 2 vols. Paris: Boccard.
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  163. First coverage of how the picture of Sparta was transfigured in ancient sources. Reprinted in 1973 (New York: Arno).
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  165. Rawson, Elizabeth. 1969. The Spartan tradition in European thought. Oxford: Clarendon.
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  167. Pioneering study of the history and reception of the Spartan tradition.
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  169. Rebenich, Stefan. 2002. From Thermopylae to Stalingrad: The myth of Leonidas in German historiography. In Sparta: Beyond the mirage. Edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson, 323–349. London: Classical Press of Wales.
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  171. Demonstrates that the veneration of Leonidas and Sparta had already set in by the mid-19th century and was connected with racist theories from 1933 until it broke down with the end of World War II. German edition published as “Leonidas und die Thermopylen: Zum Sparta-Bild in der deutschen Altertumswissenschaft” in Meier 2006 (cited under Spartiates (Homoioi)).
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  173. Tigerstedt, Eugène N. 1965–1978. The legend of Sparta in classical Antiquity. 3 vols. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell.
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  175. Full-scale description of the images of Sparta created by the ancient authors.
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  177. Topography of Sparta and Laconia
  178.  
  179. The topography of Sparta and Laconia is still generally little explored. Archaeological excavations in these areas are sparse (see Dawkins 1929 for the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia; Raftopoulou 1998 and Gengler and Marchetti 2000 for recent activities), and survey activites not yet finished (Cavanagh, et al. 1996–2002). Annual reports of the investigations of the Fifth Ephoreia for Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities appear in Archaiologikon Deltion, accompanied by the Archaeological Reports of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies and the British School at Athens. A comprehensive description, besides the preliminary studies of Stibbe 1989, is to be found only in the barely available work of Kourinou 2000, and a short summary in Waywell 1999.
  180.  
  181. Cavanagh, William G., Pamela Armstrong, and Deborah Miles-Williams. 1996–2002. The Laconia Survey: Continuity and change in a Greek rural landscape. 2 vols. BSA Supplement 26/27. London: British School of Athens.
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  183. Research on the settlements of the territory northwest of Sparta, which received a fresh impetus in the 5th century BCE. Inscriptions are reported online.
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  185. Dawkins, Richard M., ed. 1929. The sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta. London: Macmillan.
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  187. Results of the excavations of 1906–1910; art objects are described according to types.
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  189. Gengler, Oliver, and Patrick Marchetti. 2000. Sparte hellénistique et romaine: Dix années de recherche (1989–1999). Topoi 10:57–86.
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  191. Research report that also includes archaeological and topographical works.
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  193. Kourinou, Helenê. 2000. Spartê: Symvolê stê mnêmeiakê tropgraphia tês. Athens, Greece: Eoros.
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  195. Full-scale survey with English summary.
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  197. Raftopoulou, Stella P. 1998. New finds from Sparta. In Sparta in Laconia. Edited by William G. Cavanagh and Susan E. C. Walker, 125–140. London: British School of Athens.
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  199. Summary of recent archaeological activities and finds.
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  201. Stibbe, Conrad M. 1989. Beobachtungen zur Topographie des antiken Sparta. Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 64:61–99.
  202. DOI: 10.2143/BAB.64.0.2012548Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  203. First overview of the different city areas and their archaeological remains.
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  205. Waywell, Geoffrey. 1999. Sparta and its topography. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, University of London 43.1: 1–26.
  206. DOI: 10.1111/j.2041-5370.1999.tb00477.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  207. Short survey of archaeological and topographical research on Sparta.
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  209. Archaic Sparta
  210.  
  211. The history of Sparta in Archaic times begins with the so-called Dorian invasion, which led to a new settlement of the Peloponnese in the early 1st millenium BCE. These early times following the Mycenaean epoch have been treated by Huxley 1962, Kiechle 1963 (see Conquest), and Cartledge 1979 and Cartledge 2001 (see General Overviews) and have recently been described by Eder 1998 and Schnapp-Gourbeillon 2002 (both cited under Conquest). The beginnings of the city and its social and political constitution are still under debate. The role of the presumed lawgiver Lycurgus (allegedly 9th or 8th century BCE) was increasingly questioned because this figure evidently gained significance only in the 5th century BCE (see David 2007 under Lycurgus). Connected with him was the idea of an equal distribution of land (9,000 kleroi: Plutarch, Lyc. 8) as well as of an early and extensively regulated community, both notions that have been disproved (Thommen 1996; see also Hodkinson 1983 and Hodkinson 2000 under Spartiates [Homoioi]). Therefore, research on the act of constitution became more directed toward the Great Rhetra, which may have arisen only in the 7th century BCE. This document is still interpreted in different ways: either as pure incitement for military fighting, or as a witness to the policy of the damos and his ephors, which according to Maffi 2002 (cited under The Great Rhetra) was especially directed to the prevention of tyranny. The establishment of the Spartan community was considered as a flowing process: Finley 1975 identifies a “sixth-century revolution,” and Thommen 1996 describes it as a continuous development that experienced a decisive impulse as late as the mid-5th century BCE. Against this, Link 2000 insists on a date around 600 BCE as the endpoint of the process of political formation, while Kõiv 2003, especially based on the Great Rhetra, puts the decisive steps of the establishment of the community as far back as the 8th century BCE. Nafissi 1991 still believes in Chilon as a reformer. Alcman and Tyrtaeus reflect the ethical values of the Archaic society that have not yet assumed a uniform character (see Calame 1983 under Archaic Authors; and Meier 1998). Sparta in Archaic times had a rich cultural life and art production that underwent some decline, but did not come to a sudden end (see Förtsch 2001 under Art).
  212.  
  213. Finley, Moses I. 1975. Sparta. In The use and abuse of history. Edited by Moses I. Finley, 161–177. London: Chatto & Windus.
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  215. Examines the organization of Sparta, which according to Finley was fundamentally institutionalized during the 6th century BCE. German translation published in 1986 in Sparta (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft).
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  217. Huxley, George L. 1962. Early Sparta. London: Faber & Faber.
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  219. Narrative of the beginnings and the Dorian invasion down to 490 BCE.
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  221. Kõiv, Mait. 2003. Ancient tradition and early Greek history: The origins of states in early-Archaic Sparta, Argos and Corinth. Tallinn, Estonia: Avita.
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  223. Connects the decisive steps of the consolidation of the community with the Great Rhetra in the 8th century BCE, attributing to later tales many kernels of truth.
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  225. Link, Stefan. 2000. Das frühe Sparta: Untersuchungen zur spartanischen Staatsbildung im 7. und 6. Jahrhundert v.Chr. St. Katharinen, Germany: Scripta Mercaturae Verlag.
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  227. Insists on a final point of constitutional development around 600 BCE.
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  229. Meier, Mischa. 1998. Aristokraten und Damoden: Untersuchungen zur inneren Entwicklung Spartas im 7. Jahrhundert v.Chr. und zur politischen Funktion der Dichtung des Tyrtaios. Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag.
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  231. Contains new chronological arrangements of the events of the 7th century BCE and detailed interpretations of the poems of Tyrtaeus.
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  233. Nafissi, Massimo. 1991. La nascita del kosmos: Studi sulla storia e la società di Sparta. Perugia and Naples, Italy: Edizioni scientifiche italiane.
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  235. Important interpretation of several social phenomena (hippotrophia, syssitia, commerce, funerals); regards the presumed reformer Chilon as a decisive figure for the institutional formation of the Spartan community.
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  237. Thommen, Lukas. 1996. Lakedaimonion politeia: Die Entstehung der spartanischen Verfassung. Historia Einzelschrift 103. Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag.
  238. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  239. Explains the rise of the constitution as a continuous process occurring from the 7th to the 5th century BCE, during which many presumably early phenomena of the Spartan state were formed only in Classical times.
  240. Find this resource:
  241. Conquest
  242.  
  243. According to the archaeological findings, the so-called Dorian invasion, which has been associated with the myth of the Return of the Heraclids (Prinz 1979, Schnapp-Gourbeillon 2002), can be interpreted as a new settlement of the Peloponnese during the 10th and 9th centuries BCE (Parker 1995, Eder 1998), where the settlers developed their own identity (Hall 2002). Sparta formed a new political center and conquered southern Laconia (Kiechle 1963 insists on the inclusion of Amyclae), degrading the indigenous population to the status of helots; however, Luraghi and Alcock 2003 (see Helots) shows that the helots were characterized as a uniform group only from a later perspective.
  244.  
  245. Eder, Birgitta. 1998. Argolis, Lakonien, Messenien: Vom Ende der mykenischen Palastzeit bis zur Einwanderung der Dorier. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.
  246. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  247. Discusses the immigration of Dorian groups of tribes into Laconia during the 10th century BCE.
  248. Find this resource:
  249. Hall, Jonathan M. 2002. Hellenicity: Between ethnicity and culture. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.
  250. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  251. Traces the origins of Dorian self-consciousness and shows how Greek identity emerged.
  252. Find this resource:
  253. Kiechle, Franz. 1963. Lakonien und Sparta: Untersuchungen zur ethnischen Struktur und zur politischen Entwicklung Lakoniens und Spartas bis zum Ende der archaischen Zeit. Vestigia 5. Munich: Verlag C.H. Beck.
  254. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  255. Research on pre-Dorian and Dorian Sparta, whose constitutional formation by the Great Rhetra is put in the context of the conquest of Amyclae in the first half of the 8th century BCE.
  256. Find this resource:
  257. Parker, Victor. 1995. Zur Datierung der dorischen Wanderung. Museum Helveticum 52:130–154.
  258. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  259. Argues that the Proto-Geometric vase fragments of the 10th and 9th centuries BCE in Sparta and Amyclae indicate a new Dorian settlement in that period.
  260. Find this resource:
  261. Prinz, Friedrich. 1979. Gründungsmythen und Sagenchronologie. Zetemata 72. Munich: Verlag C.H. Beck.
  262. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  263. Fundamental analysis of the origins and development of the story of the return of the Heraclids, pp. 206–313.
  264. Find this resource:
  265. Schnapp-Gourbeillon, Annie. 2002. Aux origines de la Grèce (XIIIe–VIIIe siècles avant notre ère): La genèse du politique. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
  266. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  267. Overview of the problem of the Dorian invasion in chapter 3 (pp. 131–182), “Les ‘invasions’ doriennes revisitées.”
  268. Find this resource:
  269. Expansion, Colonization, and Messenian Wars
  270.  
  271. As Sparta did not belong to the major colonizing cities (contra Malkin 1994), the wars against neighboring Messenia can be judged an attempt to gain new territories in the Peloponnese (Thommen 2006); these wars (analyzed by Kiechle 1959 in their different phases) have recently been low-dated into the 7th century BCE (Parker 1991) and all the political and ideological consequences analyzed (Luraghi 2008), also with attention to Messenian propaganda after the liberation of 370–369 BCE (Siapkas 2003, Ogden 2004).
  272.  
  273. Kiechle, Franz. 1959. Messenische Studien: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Messenischen Kriege und der Auswanderung der Messenier. Kallmünz, Germany: Lassleben.
  274. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  275. Argues that the conquest of Messenia occurred in several stages during the 8th and 7th centuries BCE; around 500 BCE an insurrection under Aristomenes took place (the third Messenian War).
  276. Find this resource:
  277. Luraghi, Nino. 2008. The ancient Messenians: Constructions of ethnicity and memory. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.
  278. DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511481413Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  279. An overview of Messenian history, including the Messenian Wars and the subordination of the Messenians.
  280. Find this resource:
  281. Malkin, Irad. 1994. Myth and territory in the Spartan Mediterranean. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.
  282. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  283. Describes the colonizing activities of Sparta, using the myths in a less critical way.
  284. Find this resource:
  285. Ogden, Daniel. 2004. Aristomenes of Messene: Legends of Sparta’s nemesis. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
  286. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  287. Analyzes the legend of the war hero Aristomenes, which was constructed after Messenia’s liberation in 370–369 BCE.
  288. Find this resource:
  289. Parker, Victor. 1991. The dates of the Messenian Wars. Chiron 21:25–47.
  290. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  291. Propagates the following low dates: c. 690–670 BCE (first Messenian War); c. 635–625 to 610–600 BCE (second Messenian War).
  292. Find this resource:
  293. Siapkas, Johannes. 2003. Heterological ethnicity: Conceptualizing identities in ancient Greece. Boreas: Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civilizations 27. Uppsala, Sweden: Uppsala Univ.
  294. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  295. Uses social theory to demonstrate that ethnicity was introduced as a strategy in connection with the Spartan occupation of Messenia.
  296. Find this resource:
  297. Thommen, Lukas. 2006. Das Territorium des frühen Sparta in Mythos, Epos und Forschung. In Das frühe Sparta. Edited by Andreas Luther, Mischa Meier, and Lukas Thommen, 15–28. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
  298. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  299. Emphasizes that after the expansion into the south, a vast conquest of Messenia began during the late 8th century BCE.
  300. Find this resource:
  301. Lycurgus
  302.  
  303. The historical existence of the presumed Spartan lawgiver Lycurgus was already questioned by Meyer 1892; the literary construction of this figure has recently also been traced by David 2007. Following Ehrenberg 1925 (see Chilon and Dorieus), some scholars still posit a late reformer of the 6th century BCE (see Nafissi 1991 under Archaic Sparta); Forrest 1963 proposes the first half of the 7th century BCE.
  304.  
  305. David, Ephraim. 2007. Myth and historiography: Lykourgos. In Greeks between East and West: Essays in Greek literature and history in memory of David Asheri. Edited by Gabriel Herman and Israel Shatzman, 115–135. Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Science and Humanities.
  306. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  307. A recent work about the rise of the legend of Lycurgus.
  308. Find this resource:
  309. Forrest, William G. 1963. The date of the Lykourgan reforms in Sparta. Phoenix 17.3: 157–179.
  310. DOI: 10.2307/1086717Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  311. Argues for a date under the kings Theopompos and Polydoros in the first half of the 7th century BCE.
  312. Find this resource:
  313. Meyer, Eduard. 1892. Lykurgos von Sparta. In Forschungen zur Alten Geschichte. Vol. 1, Zur älteren griechischen Geschichte. Edited by Eduard Meyer, 211–286. Halle, Germany: Niemeyer.
  314. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  315. Groundbreaking analysis of the origins and development of the legend of Lycurgus. Reprinted in 1966 (Hildesheim, Germany).
  316. Find this resource:
  317. The Great Rhetra
  318.  
  319. The so-called Great Rhetra recorded by Plutarch (Lyk. 6) is an oracle given at Delphi, allegedly addressed to Lycurgus, which outlines the basic political constitution; it is reproduced by Tyrtaeus (fragment 14G–P) in a comparable poetic version (see Meier 2002 and Link 2003, contra van Wees 1999). It can be assumed that fundamental public regulations strengthening the damos (Welwei 1979) took place on the level of the eunomia, which focused on legal security and a generally “good” constitutional order, whereas no extensive legal regulations are recognizable (Dreher 2006). Date and content remain debated (Maffi 2002); on the “rider,” see Ogden 1994; on philological and historical problems, Musti 1996.
  320.  
  321. Dreher, Martin. 2006. Die Primitivität der frühen spartanischen Verfassung. In Das Frühe Sparta. Edited by Andreas Luther, Mischa Meier, and Lukas Thommen, 43–62. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
  322. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  323. Stresses that the early Spartan constitution was formally and institutionally little developed and has to be interpreted against the background of Homeric society.
  324. Find this resource:
  325. Link, Stefan. 2003. Eunomie im Schoss der Rhetra? Zum Verhältnis von Tyrt. frgm. 14W und Plut. Lyk. 6,2 und 8. Göttinger Forum für Altertumswissenschaft 6:141–150.
  326. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  327. Demonstrates, in addition to the response of Meier 2002 to van Wees 1999, that Tyrtaeus’s Eunomia presupposes the Great Rhetra.
  328. Find this resource:
  329. Maffi, Alberto. 2002. Studi recenti sulla Grande Rhetra. Dike 5:195–236.
  330. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  331. Interprets the Great Rhetra as a document of the policy of the damos that aimed especially at the prevention of tyranny.
  332. Find this resource:
  333. Meier, Mischa. 2002. Tyrtaios fr. 1b G/P bzw. fr. 14G/P (= fr. 4W) und die Grosse Rhetra—kein Zusammenhang? Göttinger Forum für Altertumswissenschaft 5:65–87.
  334. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  335. Refuses the suggestion of van Wees 1999 to separate the Great Rhetra and Tyrtaeus’s Eunomia in regard to time and content.
  336. Find this resource:
  337. Musti, Domenico. 1996. Regole politiche a Sparta: Tirteo e la Grande Rhetra. Rivista di filologia e istruzione classica 124:257–281.
  338. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  339. Emphasizes that the sources for the Great Rhetra reflect a constitutional process down to the 5th century BCE.
  340. Find this resource:
  341. Ogden, Daniel. 1994. Crooked speech: The genesis of the Spartan Rhetra. Journal of Hellenic Studies 114:85–102.
  342. DOI: 10.2307/632735Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  343. Argues against the tradition that the rider to the Rhetra is older than the main text.
  344. Find this resource:
  345. van Wees, Hans. 1999. Tyrtaeus’ Eunomia: Nothing to do with the Great Rhetra. In Sparta: New perspectives. Edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson, 1–41. London: Duckworth.
  346. DOI: 10.4324/9780203299920Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  347. Points out that the Great Rhetra cannot have been the pattern for Tyrtaeus’s Eunomia, for it was intended to avert conflicts by change, whereas the Eunomia still wanted to abolish social tensions and demanded obedience to the kings.
  348. Find this resource:
  349. Welwei, Karl-Wilhelm. 1979. Die spartanische Phylenordnung im Spiegel der Grossen Rhetra und des Tyrtaios. Gymnasium 86:178–196.
  350. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  351. Emphasizes that after the first Messenian War, the Great Rhetra put the phylai in order as organically grown personal units and revalorized the damos against the aristocracy. Reprinted in 1986 in Sparta (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft).
  352. Find this resource:
  353. The Peloponnesian League
  354.  
  355. The Peloponnesian League is a net of contracts created in the Peloponnese beginning in the mid-6th century BCE, which promoted Sparta to a hegemonic power and gave it corresponding military strength (Wickert 1961). There is debate over to what extent the League was directed against the danger of the helots (Baltrusch 2001), whether it gave rise to a new Spartan foreign policy (see Braccesi 1999 under Chilon and Dorieus; Yates 2005), and when it became a full symmachic League (Cawkwell 1993, Kimmerle 2005). On a presumed treaty, see Gschnitzer 1978, on general interstate policy in the Peloponnese, see Wolff 2010.
  356.  
  357. Baltrusch, Ernst. 2001. Mythos oder Wirklichkeit? Die Helotengefahr und der Peloponnesische Bund. Historische Zeitschrift 272.1: 1–23.
  358. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  359. Deduces from the structure and the treaties of the Peloponnesian League that the helots represented a real danger for the Spartans.
  360. Find this resource:
  361. Cawkwell, George L. 1993. Sparta and her allies in the sixth century. Classical Quarterly 43.2: 364–376.
  362. DOI: 10.1017/S0009838800039896Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  363. Shows that the 6th-century Peloponnesian League was a set of defensive alliances (epimachies); the full symmachic League was created only in the early years of the first Peloponnesian War.
  364. Find this resource:
  365. Gschnitzer, Fritz. 1978. Ein neuer spartanischer Staatsvertrag und die Verfassung des Peloponnesischen Bundes. Beiträge zur Klassischen Philologie 93. Meisenheim a.G., Germany: Verlag Anton Hain.
  366. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  367. Revised edition of the inscription of the treaty with the Aitoloi Erxadieis.
  368. Find this resource:
  369. Kimmerle, Ralph. 2005. Völkerrechtliche Beziehungen Spartas in spätarchaischer und frühklassischer Zeit. Münster, Germany: LIT.
  370. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  371. Argues that the Peloponnesian League is based on gradually developed legal relationships that were only during the Persian Wars converted into firm interstate connections.
  372. Find this resource:
  373. Wickert, Konrad. 1961. “Der peloponnesische Bund von seiner Entstehung bis zum Ende des archidamischen Krieges.” PhD diss., Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg.
  374. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  375. Pioneering study of the origins of the Peloponnesian League.
  376. Find this resource:
  377. Wolff, Christina. 2010. Sparta und die peloponnesische Staatenwelt in archaischer und klassischer Zeit. Munich: Herbert Utz Verlag.
  378. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  379. Analyzes interstate policy in the Peloponnese from the 6th century to the 3rd century BCE.
  380. Find this resource:
  381. Yates, David C. 2005. The Archaic treaties between the Spartans and their allies. Classical Quarterly 55:65–76.
  382. DOI: 10.1093/cq/bmi004Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  383. Argues that until 451 BCE the Spartans had a system of different treaties that did not yet oblige the allied cities to follow Sparta’s foreign policy.
  384. Find this resource:
  385. Chilon and Dorieus
  386.  
  387. The ephor Chilon (c. 556–553 BCE) was repeatedly connected with a change in Spartan foreign policy that is said to have led to an anti-tyrannical movement in connection with the Peloponnesian League; moreover, he was held responsible for internal reforms (limitation of luxury) and for the revalorization of the ephorate (Stibbe 1985). According to Ehrenberg 1925, he was responsible for the reforms connected with Lycurgus in the mid-6th century (see also Nafissi 1991 under Archaic Sparta). As Chilon was numbered among the Seven Sages of Antiquity, information about him is to be judged cautiously (see Bernhardt 1987 under Cleomenes and Demaratos; Luther 2002), suggesting that he cannot be credited for a new imperial foreign policy either; Braccesi 1999 has made the colonist Dorieus responsible for such a policy.
  388.  
  389. Braccesi, Lorenzo. 1999. L’enigma Dorieo. Hesperia 11. Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider.
  390. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  391. Dorieus is labeled a representative of an official Spartan expansionist policy that was also meant to abolish foreign tyrants.
  392. Find this resource:
  393. Ehrenberg, Victor. 1925. Neugründer des Staates: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte Spartas und Athens im VI. Jahrhundert. Munich: Verlag C.H. Beck.
  394. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  395. Attributes the characteristics that are generally subsumed under the constitution of the alleged lawgiver Lycurgus of the 9th or 8th century BCE to a reform of the mid-6th century BCE and lays the blame for it on the ephor Chilon.
  396. Find this resource:
  397. Luther, Andreas. 2002. Chilon von Sparta. In Gelehrte in der Antike: Alexander Demandt zum 65. Geburtstag. Edited by Andreas Goltz, Andreas Luther, and Heinrich Shlange-Schöningen, 1–16. Cologne and Vienna: Böhlau.
  398. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  399. Declares Chilon a person transfigured by legend who should be held out of the discussion about the development of the Spartan constitution.
  400. Find this resource:
  401. Stibbe, Conrad M. 1985. Chilon of Sparta. Mededelingen van het Nederlands Historisch Instituut te Rome 46:7–24.
  402. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  403. Explores Chilon as a profound reformer of the Spartan state in a problematic way.
  404. Find this resource:
  405. Cleomenes and Demaratos
  406.  
  407. As a result of his selfish campaigns in Greece, King Cleomenes I (c. 520–490 BCE) has been connected with a new Spartan foreign policy (Klein 1973, cf. Cawkwell 1993), which is hardly proven yet (Bernhardt 1987). Especially by removing his royal colleague Demaratos (cf. Boedeker 1987), Cleomenes somewhat mobilized the ephors as an organ of control and helped them gain more power and public profile (Meier 1999). For a general overview, see Carlier 1977.
  408.  
  409. Bernhardt, Rainer. 1987. Die Entstehung der Legende von der tyrannenfeindlichen Aussenpolitik Spartas im sechsten und fünften Jahrhundert v.Chr. Historia 36:257–289.
  410. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  411. Demonstrates that the concept of Sparta’s anti-tyrannical ideology had its origins in 5th-century BCE Athens, owing to Spartan support of the expulsion of the Peisistratids.
  412. Find this resource:
  413. Boedeker, Deborah. 1987. The two faces of Demaratus. Arethusa 20:185–201.
  414. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  415. Argues that “Herodotus masterfully uses the Demaratus stories with their underlying religious and narratological patterns to suggest how narrowly Greece escaped enslavement by Xerxes” (p. 193).
  416. Find this resource:
  417. Carlier, Pierre A. 1977. La vie politique à Sparte sous le règne de Cléomène Ier: Essai d’interprétation. Ktema 2:65–84.
  418. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  419. Cleomenes is interpreted as a kind of prostates tou demou whose policy was dependent on the consent of the people, who kept him within bounds.
  420. Find this resource:
  421. Cawkwell, George L. 1993. Cleomenes. Mnemosyne 46.4: 506–527.
  422. DOI: 10.1163/156852593X00583Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  423. Argues that Cleomenes was checked because of his foreign policy, which was suited for giving him excessive power.
  424. Find this resource:
  425. Klein, Steven C. 1973. “Cleomenes: A study in early Spartan imperialism.” Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Kansas, Lawrence.
  426. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  427. Emphasizes that Cleomenes exercised power politics on the Greek mainland; his death brought the ephors into power.
  428. Find this resource:
  429. Meier, Mischa. 1999. Kleomenes I., Damaratos und das spartanische Ephorat. Göttinger Forum für Altertumswissenschaft 2:89–108.
  430. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  431. Demonstrates that the quarrels between Cleomenes and Demaratos strengthened the ephorate as a political institution.
  432. Find this resource:
  433. Classical Sparta
  434.  
  435. The Classical period in Sparta (c. 500–336 BCE) is seldom considered as a uniform epoch, because, in contrast to Athens, the city was denied far-reaching cultural achievements. The Persian Wars, the great earthquake of 469–468 or 464, and the Peloponnesian War (431–404 BCE), as well as the following phase of hegemony under King Agesilaos, were nevertheless central events for Sparta that influenced the community and finally afflicted it with serious problems. Sparta was not directed toward an imperial policy in the Aegean and drew back into the Peloponnese after each military success. Individual personalities who had attained more power and wealth during their foreign campaigns (Pausanias, Leotychidas, Lysander) were called to account and thus conferred new force on the state and its political institutions; King Leonidas, with his readiness for martyrdom at Thermopylae in 480, was made an idol and bound into a new ideology of equality (see Thommen 1996 under Archaic Sparta).
  436.  
  437. The Persian Wars and the Pentekontaetia
  438.  
  439. The military role of Sparta in the Persian Wars (490 and 480–479 BCE) is best documented by Lazenby 1993 (see Cartledge 2006 on the Battle of Thermopylae), and the fifty years from the Persian Wars to the Peloponnesian War (Pentekontaetia) by de Ste. Croix 1972; for the causes of the Peloponnesian War, see Kagan 1969 and Lendon 2007.
  440.  
  441. Cartledge, Paul. 2006. Thermopylae: The battle that changed the world. London: Macmillan.
  442. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  443. Monograph on the battle of 480 BCE and its reception.
  444. Find this resource:
  445. de Ste. Croix, Geoffrey E. M. 1972. The origins of the Peloponnesian War. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press.
  446. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  447. Standard work for the Pentekontaetia and the origins of the Peloponnesian War.
  448. Find this resource:
  449. Kagan, Donald. 1969. The outbreak of the Peloponnesian War. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press.
  450. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  451. Argues that the Peloponnesian War “was caused by men who made bad decisions in difficult circumstances” (p. 356). Reprinted in 1989.
  452. Find this resource:
  453. Lazenby, John F. 1993. The defence of Greece 490–479 B.C. Warminster, UK: Aris & Phillips.
  454. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  455. A concise narrative of the Persian Wars.
  456. Find this resource:
  457. Lendon, Jon E. 2007. Athens and Sparta and the coming of the Peloponnesian War. In The Cambridge companion to the age of Pericles. Edited by Loren J. Samons III, 258–281. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.
  458. DOI: 10.1017/CCOL9780521807937Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  459. Emphasizes that “the Athenian challenge to Spartan rank, rather than Spartan fear of Athenian power, was the truest cause of the war” (p. 276).
  460. Find this resource:
  461. The Peloponnesian War
  462.  
  463. The several phases of the Peloponnesian War (431–404 BCE), which ended with Sparta’s victory over Athens, are documented by Kagan 1974, Kagan 1981, Kagan 1987, Kagan 2003, and overall by Lazenby 2004, and its social problems by Hanson 2005; see also Brunt 1965 for the first phase.
  464.  
  465. Brunt, Peter A. 1965. Spartan policy and strategy in the Archidamian War. Phoenix 19.4: 255–280.
  466. DOI: 10.2307/1085826Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  467. Emphasizes that the Spartans overestimated their chances of success in devastating Attica, but were more successful in their adventure in the north than might have been predicted.
  468. Find this resource:
  469. Hanson, Victor D. 2005. A war like no other: How the Athenians and Spartans fought the Peloponnesian War. New York: Random House.
  470. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  471. An overview of the Peloponnesian War and its sorrows.
  472. Find this resource:
  473. Kagan, Donald. 1974. The Archidamian War. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press.
  474. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  475. Narrative of the first ten years of the Peloponnesian War. Second edition published in 1987.
  476. Find this resource:
  477. Kagan, Donald. 1981. The Peace of Nicias and the Sicilian expedition. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press.
  478. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  479. Narrative from the failure of the “unsatisfactory peace” of 421 BCE to the destruction of the Athenian expedition in Sicily in 413 BCE.
  480. Find this resource:
  481. Kagan, Donald. 1987. The fall of the Athenian empire. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press.
  482. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  483. Narrative of the period from 413 BCE to the Athenian defeat in 404 BCE, in which the Spartans “had learned how to fight at sea well enough to win” (p. 426).
  484. Find this resource:
  485. Kagan, Donald. 2003. The Peloponnesian War: Athens and Sparta in savage conflict, 431–404 BC. New York: Viking.
  486. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  487. Detailed narrative of the Peloponnesian War.
  488. Find this resource:
  489. Lazenby, John F. 2004. The Peloponnesian War: A military study. London and New York: Routledge.
  490. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  491. Concise research on the military operations of the Spartans, who learned to win at sea and fought the war with more purpose than Thucydides alleged.
  492. Find this resource:
  493. Lysander
  494.  
  495. Lysander, who became a decisive figure in the Peloponnesian War and its aftermath, is contradictingly portrayed as traditionalist (Lotze 1964) or as modernist (Bernini 1988, Bommelaer 1981) already praised by Xenophon (Proietti 1987).
  496.  
  497. Bernini, Ughetto. 1988. Lysandrou kai Kallikratida synkrisis: Cultura, etica e politica spartana fra quinto e quarto secolo a.C. Venice: Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti.
  498. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  499. Lysander is portrayed as a representative of a new policy and contrasted with the nauarch Kallikratidas (406 BCE) as a traditional Spartan.
  500. Find this resource:
  501. Bommelaer, Jean-François. 1981. Lysandre de Sparte: Histoire et traditions. Paris: de Boccard.
  502. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  503. Monographic overview that connects Lysander’s policy with a developed imperial system of dominion.
  504. Find this resource:
  505. Lotze, Detlef. 1964. Lysander und der Peloponnesische Krieg. ASAW 57/1. Berlin: Akademie Verlag.
  506. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  507. Argues that Lysander’s military and political achievements did not aim at personal rule but were meant to support Sparta’s interests.
  508. Find this resource:
  509. Proietti, Gerald. 1987. Xenophon’s Sparta: An introduction. Mnemosyne Supplementum 98. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.
  510. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  511. Discusses Lysander and the importance of his actions at sea for Spartan victory.
  512. Find this resource:
  513. Agesilaos and the Spartan Hegemony
  514.  
  515. King Agesilaos (399–398 to 361–360 BCE) ruled over a long period in which Sparta’s hegemony finally came to an end. This epoch is profoundly portrayed by Cartledge 1987, Sparta’s oversea adventures by Hamilton 1979 and Hamilton 1991, and the King’s Peace of 387–386 by Quass 1991 and Urban 1991; on Xenophon as a major source, see Tuplin 1993.
  516.  
  517. Cartledge, Paul. 1987. Agesilaos and the crisis of Sparta. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press.
  518. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  519. Full-scale monograph with fundamental descriptions of the political and social situation in Sparta.
  520. Find this resource:
  521. Hamilton, Charles D. 1979. Sparta’s bitter victories: Politics and diplomacy in the Corinthian War. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press.
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  523. Narrative of the period from 405 to 362 BCE, in which the traditional political alliances in Greece broke down and Sparta concluded a far-reaching peace with Persia.
  524. Find this resource:
  525. Hamilton, Charles D. 1991. Agesilaus and the failure of Spartan hegemony. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press.
  526. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  527. Biography of the main actor in Sparta’s breakdown, which is explained by political and diplomatic failures.
  528. Find this resource:
  529. Quass, Friedemann. 1991. Der Königsfriede vom Jahr 387/6 v.Chr.: Zur Problematik einer allgemein-griechischen Friedensordnung. Historische Zeitschrift 252.1: 33–56.
  530. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  531. Argues that Sparta’s conception of the King’s Peace for the first time established peace as a law of nations among the Greek poleis.
  532. Find this resource:
  533. Tuplin, Christopher. 1993. The failings of empire: A reading of Xenophon Hellenica 2.3.11–7.5.27. Historia Einzelschriften 76. Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag.
  534. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  535. A concise analysis of Xenophon’s narrative of the politico-military events of 404–362 BCE, in which Sparta played a major and critically judged role.
  536. Find this resource:
  537. Urban, Ralf. 1991. Der Königsfrieden von 387/86 v.Chr.: Vorgeschichte, Zustandekommen, Ergebnis und politische Umsetzung. Historia Einzelschrift 68. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
  538. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  539. Balanced coverage of the King’s Peace, beginning with its historical conditions in 404 BCE and including its political effects until 362 BCE.
  540. Find this resource:
  541. Government
  542.  
  543. Already in Antiquity, the Spartan government was admired for its stability. Beginning in the 4th century BCE, thinkers including Plato and Aristotle attributed its durability to the “mixture” of the Spartan system (Hodkinson 2004), but this is hard to characterize in current constitutional terms. Principally, one can speak of an aristocratic or oligarchic system, in which the activity of individuals and the popular assembly (apella) were also decisive for decision making (Andrewes 1966). In Sparta cooperation developed among the kings, gerontes (elders), ephors, and the popular assembly, in which the leading persons were bound but on the whole could also act in a dominant way. Cartledge 1980 (and works by Cartledge cited under General Overviews and Agesilaos and the Spartan Hegemony) also stresses the social and political elitism of the system, Nafissi 2007 the balance between the institutions, and Link 2008 the low level of organization. Kahrstedt 1922 had worked out fundamentals of Spartan institutions that are still indisputable. In modern research, shifts of political power during Spartan history are almost exclusively considered as between kingship and ephorate, whereby a relatively continuous loss of kings’ power is seen (Bringmann 1980). Shortly before 400 BCE the ephorate as well as the kingship was under debate, when King Pausanias, who was driven into exile by the ephors, turned fundamentally against the ephorate and Lysander demanded the election of kings (see Bommelaer 1981 under Lysander). Both efforts, however, came to nothing. In his monograph on kingship in Greece before Alexander the Great, Carlier 1984 (cited under Kings) established the idea already expressed by Cloché 1949 and Thomas 1974 (both cited under Kings) that in spite of numerous limitations, the Spartan kings could in specific cases always appear as decisive political factors by exercising personal authority.
  544.  
  545. Andrewes, Anthony. 1966. The government of Classical Sparta. In Ancient society and institutions: Studies presented to Victor Ehrenberg on his 75th birthday. Edited by Ernst Badian, 1–20. Oxford: Blackwell.
  546. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  547. Characterizes Sparta as an aristocratic or oligarchic system, in which the activities of individuals and the popular assembly (apella) were also crucial for decision making. German translation published in 1986 in Sparta (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft).
  548. Find this resource:
  549. Bringmann, Klaus. 1980. Die soziale und politische Verfassung Spartas—ein Sonderfall der griechischen Verfassungsgeschichte? Gymnasium 87:465–484.
  550. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  551. Stresses the influence of the damos, which is said to have opposed the kings in the course of the second Messenian War, whereas in the 6th century BCE the ephorate took over the leading position from the kings; political influence was concentrated in the hands of the landowners, whose number was continuously declining. Reprinted in 1986 in Sparta (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft).
  552. Find this resource:
  553. Cartledge, Paul. 1980. The peculiar position of Sparta in the development of the Greek city-state. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 80 (C): 91–108.
  554. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  555. Argues that “the Spartan system of oligarchy . . . was to some extent more open than that of other oligarchical states” (p. 105). Reprinted in 2001 in Spartan Reflections (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press), pp. 21–38.
  556. Find this resource:
  557. Hodkinson, Stephen. 2004. The imaginary Spartan politeia. In The imaginary polis. Edited by Mogens H. Hansen, 222–281. Copenhagen: Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters.
  558. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  559. Emphasizes that in the 4th century BCE the Spartan constitution was idealized in its mixed form and connected with the homonoia of the society.
  560. Find this resource:
  561. Kahrstedt, Ulrich. 1922. Griechisches Staatsrecht. Vol. 1, Sparta und seine Symmachie. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.
  562. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  563. Exhaustive standard work for all public institutions, social groups, and international relations.
  564. Find this resource:
  565. Link, Stefan. 2008. Staatliche Institution und innergemeindlicher Diskurs: Politische Entscheidungsfindung in Sparta? Historische Zeitschrift 287.1: 1–35.
  566. DOI: 10.1524/hzhz.2008.0033Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  567. Stresses the immature organization of the Spartan system, whose low level of regulation nonetheless contributed to stability.
  568. Find this resource:
  569. Nafissi, Massimo. 2007. Forme di controllo a Sparta. Il Pensiero politico 40.2: 329–344.
  570. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  571. Shows how the kings, gerontes, and ephors developed and kept themselves in balance.
  572. Find this resource:
  573. Kings
  574.  
  575. In contrast to other Greek poleis, at the head of the Spartan government stood two kings who came, respectively, from the families of the Agiads and the Eurypontids. They enjoyed several honors and some personal authority (Cloché 1949, Thomas 1974), but had no outstanding political position and were limited by religion (Powell 2010) and interacted with other institutionalized groups (Carlier 1984, Cartledge 2001, Millender 2009). On the king’s role in Herodotus, see Munson 1993 and Millender 2002 (the latter cited under Classical Authors).
  576.  
  577. Carlier, Pierre A. 1984. La royauté en Grèce avant Alexandre. Strasbourg, France: AECR.
  578. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  579. Reference work on kingship in Greece before Alexander the Great; emphasizes that Spartan kings could be politically influential, but that their power was limited by other institutions.
  580. Find this resource:
  581. Cartledge, Paul. 2001. The Spartan kingship: Doubly odd? In Spartan reflections. By Paul Cartledge, 55–67. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.
  582. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  583. Argues that the kings could always take a strong position supported by personal patronage (especially vis-à-vis the ephors); an important role (“gerontocracy”) can also be ascribed to the gerontes.
  584. Find this resource:
  585. Cloché, Paul. 1949. Sur le rôle des rois de Sparte. Études Classiques 17:113–138, 343–381.
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  587. Emphasizes that the power of the kings was not so limited by the gerousia and the ephorate as is often assumed.
  588. Find this resource:
  589. Millender, Ellen. 2009. The Spartan dyarchy: A comparative perspective. In Sparta: Comparative approaches. Edited by Stephen Hodkinson, 1–68. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
  590. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  591. Argues that the Spartan kingship offered opportunity for the personal influence of ambitious individuals, but was part of a competitive political system that imposed limits on the exercise of power.
  592. Find this resource:
  593. Munson, Rosaria V. 1993. Three aspects of Spartan kingship in Herodotus. In Nomodeiktes: Greek studies in honor of Martin Ostwald. Edited by Ralph M. Rosen and Joseph Farrell, 39–54. Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press.
  594. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  595. Analyses the positive and negative aspects of kingship in Herodotus’s portrayal.
  596. Find this resource:
  597. Powell, Anton. 2010. Divination, royalty and insecurity in Classical Sparta. In Sparta: The body politic. Edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson, 85–135. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
  598. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  599. Argues that religion was a commanding element in Spartan politics and contributed to the insecurity of the kings.
  600. Find this resource:
  601. Thomas, Carol G. 1974. On the role of the Spartan kings. Historia 23.3: 257–270.
  602. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  603. Stresses that “the greatest restriction upon the Spartan kings . . . was the nature of their personal policy . . . kings who worked counter to this militarism were generally overruled” (p. 270).
  604. Find this resource:
  605. Gerousia
  606.  
  607. The gerousia was Sparta’s central council, consisting of the two kings and 30 thirty gerontes. Its members had to be over sixty years old and were elected by the popular assembly for life. The gerontes had probouleutic function (i.e., they framed and proposed decrees) for the popular assembly, whose decisions they also controlled; furthermore, they were responsible for trials for political crimes (David 1991, Schulz 2011). They had high prestige (Schmitz 2003) and considerable influence (Birgalias 2007).
  608.  
  609. Birgalias, Nikos. 2007. La Gérousie et les gérontes de Sparte. Ktema 32:341–349.
  610. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  611. Emphasizes that “since the Gerousia possessed considerable power, each royal house tried its best to have elected in this body its own members or people who belonged to their immediate entourage” (p. 341).
  612. Find this resource:
  613. David, Ephraim. 1991. Old age in Sparta. Amsterdam: Hakkert.
  614. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  615. Monograph on the Spartan gerontocracy, in which the gerousia took a central political position; eligibility for it depended not only on merit but also on birth and wealth.
  616. Find this resource:
  617. Schmitz, Winfried. 2003. Nicht ‘altes Eisen,’ sondern Garant der Ordnung: Die Macht der Alten in Sparta. In Am schlimmen Rand des Lebens? Altersbilder in der Antike. Edited by Andreas Gutsfeld and Winfried Schmitz, 87–112. Cologne and Vienna: Böhlau Verlag.
  618. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  619. Argues that the authority of the age stamped Spartan society and guaranteed its stability.
  620. Find this resource:
  621. Schulz, Fabian. 2011. Die homerischen Räte und die spartanische Gerusie. Syssitia 1. Düsseldorf: Wellem Verlag.
  622. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  623. Comprehensive monograph on the Homeric councils of gerontes and the Spartan gerousia, also addressing their similarities and differences.
  624. Find this resource:
  625. Ephors
  626.  
  627. The five ephors who were the “overseers” of the Spartan state were elected annually by the popular assembly. They first appeared during the 6th century BCE (Meier 2000), but then took over central duties including the presidency of the popular assembly and some functions of the courts (Cartledge 2000). It is debated whether the social origin of the ephors was rather low (Richer 1998) or high (Thommen 2003).
  628.  
  629. Cartledge, Paul. 2000. Spartan justice? Or “the state of the ephors”? Dike 3:5–26.
  630. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  631. Demonstrates the nondemocratic nature of the Spartan justice system, which was not left to the ephors alone.
  632. Find this resource:
  633. Meier, Mischa. 2000. Zwischen Königen und Damos: Überlegungen zur Funktion und Entwicklung des Ephorats in Sparta (7.–4. Jh. v.Chr.). Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte (Romanistische Abteilung) 117:43–102.
  634. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  635. Argues that the ephorate was instrumentalized in the conflict between the two royal houses at the end of the 6th century BCE, but could also turn the power gained against them.
  636. Find this resource:
  637. Richer, Nicolas. 1998. Les éphores: Études sur l’histoire et sur l’image de Sparte (VIIIe–IIIe siècle avant Jésus-Christ). Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne.
  638. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  639. Full-length survey of the functions and actions of the ephors; valuable collection of source material for the different competencies of the ephors.
  640. Find this resource:
  641. Thommen, Lukas. 2003. Volkstribunat und Ephorat: Überlegungen zum “Aufseheramt” in Rom und Sparta. Göttinger Forum für Altertumswissenschaft 6:19–39.
  642. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  643. Shows that in spite of the different origins and tasks of the institutions, they both formed a corrective bulwark against aristocratic arbitrariness and contributed to the development of the state.
  644. Find this resource:
  645. Apella
  646.  
  647. The so-called Apella was the popular assembly of Spartan citizens (Luther 2006), who under the guidance of the ephors could decide on the matters that were deliberated and proposed by the gerousia (Forrest 1967). However, they did not have the right to speak or to make petitions; Kelley 1981 supposes that some debates took place there, while Flaig 1993 attributes to them low influence. The assembly was responsible for the election of magistrates.
  648.  
  649. Flaig, Egon. 1993. Die spartanische Abstimmung nach der Lautstärke: Überlegungen zu Thukydides 1, 87. Historia 42.2: 139–160.
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  651. Argues that decisions in the Spartan popular assembly were made according to aristocratic consensus, and thus only in rare cases according to the numerical majority of the participants.
  652. Find this resource:
  653. Forrest, William G. 1967. Legislation in Sparta. Phoenix 21.1: 11–19.
  654. DOI: 10.2307/1086614Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  655. Posits a four-stage lawgiving procedure, with probouleusis in the gerousia and in the popular assembly.
  656. Find this resource:
  657. Kelley, David H. 1981. Policy-making in the Spartan assembly. Antichthon 15:47–61.
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  659. Supposes a multistage lawgiving procedure, with probouleusis in the gerousia and in the popular assembly, where debates were also held.
  660. Find this resource:
  661. Luther, Andreas. 2006. Der Name der Volksversammlung in Sparta. In Das Frühe Sparta. Edited by Andreas Luther, Mischa Meier, and Lukas Thommen, 73–88. Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag.
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  663. Argues that the Spartan popular assembly was an ekklesia that was held monthly and elected the ephors during the Apellai festival.
  664. Find this resource:
  665. Nauarchs and Harmosts
  666.  
  667. The nauarchs, who were commanders of the ships, are recorded since the Persian Wars (Beloch 1879), and the harmosts, who commanded the garrisons, since the Peloponnesian War (Bockisch 1965). After that time they appear as annual magistrates (Sealey 1976), who are attested only until the end of Spartan hegemony in 371 BCE (Parke 1930).
  668.  
  669. Beloch, Karl J. 1879. Die Nauarchie in Sparta. Rheinisches Museum für Philologie 34:117–130.
  670. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  671. First inventory of all known nauarchs and their functions.
  672. Find this resource:
  673. Bockisch, Gabriele. 1965. Harmostai (431–387). Klio 46:129–239.
  674. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  675. Full-length inventory of the harmosts, who began to intervene in the politics of the subjugated poleis in order to support oligarchic regimes.
  676. Find this resource:
  677. Parke, Herbert W. 1930. The development of the second Spartan empire (405–371 B.C.). Journal of Hellenic Studies 50:37–79.
  678. DOI: 10.2307/626162Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  679. Still useful overview on the Spartan hegemony and the actions of the harmosts.
  680. Find this resource:
  681. Sealey, Raphael. 1976. Die spartanische Nauarchie. Klio 58:335–358.
  682. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  683. Argues that after initially irregular missions, the nauarchia around 409 BCE became an annual office that was taken up in spring.
  684. Find this resource:
  685. Society
  686.  
  687. In the Spartan state there are three main social groups to be distinguished: citizens (Spartiates or homoioi), perioikoi, and helots. Besides these there were also underprivileged persons with diminished citizens’ rights (hypomeiones, etc.) and slaves. The citizens as soldiers were in Classical times officially excluded from working at handicrafts (see Cartledge 1976 under Spartiates [Homoioi]), so that trade and industry were in the hands of the perioikoi, whereas the helots were obliged to cultivate the fields. The continuous reduction of the number of citizens (oliganthropia) became an increasing problem during Classical and Hellenistic times (see Hodkinson 1983 and Hodkinson 2000 under Spartiates [Homoioi]).
  688.  
  689. Spartiates (Homoioi)
  690.  
  691. The Spartiates enjoyed full citizenship and were the ruling minority in the Spartan state. As they were trained for fighting, they were gradually exempted from other manual activities (Cartledge 1976). Controversially discussed is the point in time when the citizen body became a self-identified “community of equals” (homoioi): Thommen 2004 proposes the 5th century BCE, and Meier 2006 the period after the first Messenian War. Hodkinson 1983 and Hodkinson 2000 trace the values and economic background of the citizens, who were also distinguished by their dress (David 1989), hairstyle (David 1992), and hunting activities (David 1993).
  692.  
  693. Cartledge, Paul. 1976. Did Spartan citizens ever practise a manual tekhne? Liverpool Classical Monthly 1:115–119.
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  695. Points out that handicraft by Spartan citizens was gradually restricted in the 6th century BCE and prohibited during the 5th and 4th centuries.
  696. Find this resource:
  697. David, Ephraim. 1989. Dress in Spartan society. Ancient World 19:3–13.
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  699. Emphasizes that apart from a civic and a military uniform (tribon, a red cloak), there were also two forms of a “naked uniform” serving for either inclusion or exclusion.
  700. Find this resource:
  701. David, Ephraim. 1992. Sparta’s social hair. Eranos 90:11–21.
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  703. Argues that “the emergence of the typically Spartan hair-style of the citizen-soldier, with shaven lip, wearing long hair and beard, is . . . belonging to mid-sixth century or slightly later” (p. 14).
  704. Find this resource:
  705. David, Ephraim. 1993. Hunting in Spartan society and consciousness. Echos du Monde Classique 12:393–413.
  706. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  707. Demonstrates that hunting belonged among the basic civic activities and served the state.
  708. Find this resource:
  709. Hodkinson, Stephen. 1983. Social order and the conflict of values in Classical Sparta. Chiron 13:239–281.
  710. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  711. Analyzes for the first time the social values that contributed to the maintenance of the Spartan order.
  712. Find this resource:
  713. Hodkinson, Stephen. 2000. Property and wealth in Classical Sparta. London: Duckworth.
  714. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  715. Groundbreaking study of Spartan society, especially of the distribution of land, that according to Hodkinson was in private hands and unevenly distributed.
  716. Find this resource:
  717. Meier, Mischa. 2006. Wann entstand das Homoios-Ideal in Sparta? In Das Frühe Sparta. Edited by Andreas Luther, Mischa Meier, and Lukas Thommen, 113–124. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
  718. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  719. Dates the origin of the homoioi ideal to the time of the second Messenian War.
  720. Find this resource:
  721. Thommen, Lukas. 2004. Der spartanische Kosmos und sein “Feldlager” der Homoioi: Begriffs-und forschungsgeschichtliche Überlegungen zum Sparta-Mythos. In Griechische Archaik: Interne Entwicklungen—Externe Impulse. Edited by Robert Rollinger and Christoph Ulf, 127–141. Berlin: Akademie Verlag.
  722. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  723. Dates the origins of the homoioi ideology to the mid-5th century BCE.
  724. Find this resource:
  725. Perioikoi
  726.  
  727. The perioikoi as a free population “dwelling around” Sparta in Laconia lived in dependent poleis (Hampl 1937, Shipley 1997, Hansen 2004, Ducat 2008) rather than being integrated into the polis of Lakedaimon, for which they had to fight (Mertens 2002) and in whose territory they originally had been established in different ways (Hall 2000). Shipley 2006 and Wallner 2008 list their settlements, and Ridley 1974 describes their part in Laconian industry.
  728.  
  729. Ducat, Jean. 2008. Le statut des périèques lacédémoniens. Ktema 33:1–86.
  730. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  731. Sheds new light on the Lakedaimonian state and the perioikic settlements (poleis, komai) that were dependent on Sparta, but had their own citizen rights and relations with other cities. Shorter English version in Sparta: The Body Politic, edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson (Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales), pp. 183–211.
  732. Find this resource:
  733. Hall, Jonathan M. 2000. Sparta, Lakedaimon and the nature of perioikic dependency. In Further studies in the ancient Greek polis. Historia Einzelschrift 138. Edited by Pernille Flensted Jensen, 73–89. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
  734. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  735. Argues that already in the 8th century BCE the perioikic communities had a monocentric Lakedaimonian identity, from which developed a closer political dependency in the 6th century BCE.
  736. Find this resource:
  737. Hampl, Franz. 1937. Die lakedämonischen Periöken. Hermes 72:1–49.
  738. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  739. Groundbreaking examination of the perioikic communities as poleis without their own citizen rights.
  740. Find this resource:
  741. Hansen, Mogens H. 2004. The perioikic poleis of Lakedaimon. In Once again: Studies in the ancient Greek polis. Historia Einzelschrift 180. Edited by Thomas H. Nielsen, 149–164. Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag.
  742. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  743. Argues, against Mertens 2002, that perioikic communities were dependent poleis.
  744. Find this resource:
  745. Mertens, Norbert. 2002. Ouk homoioi, agathoi de: The perioikoi in the classical Lakedaimonian polis. In Sparta: Beyond the mirage. Edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson, 285–303. London: Classical Press of Wales.
  746. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  747. Emphasizes that the perioikic communities were not dependent poleis but integrated into the polis Lakedaimon.
  748. Find this resource:
  749. Ridley, Ronald T. 1974. The economic activities of the perioikoi. Mnemosyne 27.3: 281–292.
  750. DOI: 10.1163/156852574X00070Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  751. Argues that industry was not only left to the perioikoi.
  752. Find this resource:
  753. Shipley, Graham. 1997. The other Lakedaimonians: The dependent perioikic “poleis” of Laconia and Messenia. In The polis as an urban centre and as a political community. Edited by Mogens H. Hansen, 189–281. Copenhagen: Munksgaard.
  754. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  755. A concise catalogue of perioikic poleis in Laconia and Messenia that shows they were “fellow members” without autonomy within the Laconian community.
  756. Find this resource:
  757. Shipley, Graham. 2006. Sparta and its perioikic neighbours: A century of reassessment. Hermathena 181:51–82.
  758. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  759. A brief survey of the research on perioikic settlements.
  760. Find this resource:
  761. Wallner, Barbara. 2008. Die Perioiken im Staat Lakedaimon. Hamburg, Germany: Verlag Dr. Kovac.
  762. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  763. Overview of the perioikic communities in eastern Laconia and the Parnon peninsula that demonstrates their different origins and lack of overarching general concept.
  764. Find this resource:
  765. Helots
  766.  
  767. The helots have been labeled as “state serfs” who were bound to the citizens’ kleroi (landholdings), which they had to cultivate. Ducat 1990 gives a general overview, Lotze 1959 describes their legal status, and Welwei 1974 their military role. Under debate are the origins and the character of helotage in Laconia and Messenia (Luraghi and Alcock 2003, Welwei 2006; cf. Luraghi 2008 under Expansion, Colonization, and Messenian Wars), as well as the danger to the state originating from the helots (see Baltrusch 2001 under The Peloponnesian League, contra Roobaert 1977, Whitby 1994, and Birgalias 2002).
  768.  
  769. Birgalias, Nikos. 2002. Helotage and Spartan social organization. In Sparta: Beyond the mirage. Edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson, 249–266. London: Classical Press of Wales.
  770. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  771. Emphasizes that the view of a class war between helots and Spartiates was influenced by Classical Athenian ideology and by Messenian propaganda of the 4th century BCE onward.
  772. Find this resource:
  773. Ducat, Jean. 1990. Les hilotes. BCH Supplement 20. Paris: de Boccard.
  774. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  775. Reference work for all aspects of helotage.
  776. Find this resource:
  777. Lotze, Detlef. 1959. Metaxy eleutheron kai doulon: Studien zur Rechtsstellung unfreier Landbevölkerungen in Griechenland bis zum 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Dt. Akad. d. Wiss., Schriften der Sektion für Altertumswissenschaft 17). Berlin: Akademieverlag.
  778. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  779. Argues that the helots differed from ordinary slaves in their legal status, which limited the right of disposal of each master regarding tributes and property of the helots. See especially pp. 26–47.
  780. Find this resource:
  781. Luraghi, Nino, and Susan E. Alcock, eds. 2003. Helots and their masters in Laconia and Messenia: Histories, ideologies, structures. Washington, DC: Center for Hellenic Studies.
  782. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  783. A collection of papers on new tendencies in helot research that refute the idea of mass slavery and minimize the difference between helots and other Greek slaves; thus, helotage did not originate as a uniform concept out of large-scale conquest, but was only later constructed in this way.
  784. Find this resource:
  785. Roobaert, Arlette. 1977. Le danger hilote? Ktema 2:141–155.
  786. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  787. Stresses that helot revolts were not frequent and no real danger ever arose from the Lacedaemonian helots.
  788. Find this resource:
  789. Welwei, Karl-Wilhelm. 1974. Unfreie im antiken Kriegsdienst. Vol. 1, Athen und Sparta. Forschungen zur antiken Sklaverei 5. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
  790. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  791. Argues that Sparta was in need of numerous military troops and, because of its special society, over a long time recruited more non-free people for military service than others.
  792. Find this resource:
  793. Welwei, Karl-Wilhelm. 2006. Überlegungen zur frühen Helotie in Lakonien. In Das Frühe Sparta. Edited by Andreas Luther, Mischa Meier, and Lukas Thommen, 29–41. Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag.
  794. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  795. Emphasizes that helotage did not originate from a concept of the conquerors but developed over a longer time and was institutionalized after the second Messenian War.
  796. Find this resource:
  797. Whitby, Michael. 1994. Two shadows: Images of Spartans and helots. In The shadow of Sparta. Edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson, 87–126. London and New York: Routledge.
  798. DOI: 10.4324/9780203299920Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  799. Stresses that in spite of the statements of ancient authors, there was no permanent helot danger that dominated Spartan society.
  800. Find this resource:
  801. Other Social Classes, Cinadon, and Unrest
  802.  
  803. In Sparta there were also several groups of underprivileged persons who had limited rights: neodamodeis (freed helots), mothakes (illegitimate children) (Lotze 1962), or xenoi (foreigners) educated with the Spartans (called trophimoi or nothoi) (Hodkinson 1997, Humble 2004). Others were threatened by the loss of civic rights (hypomeiones) and together with several discontented groups planned insurrections at the time of Agesilaos in the early 4th century BCE, above all that led by Cinadon (c. 399–398 BCE). Although there was some danger (David 1979, David 1980), the unrest was limited and had little effect (Flower 1991, Lazenby 1997, Dreher 2009).
  804.  
  805. David, Ephraim. 1979. The conspiracy of Cinadon. Athenaeum 57:239–259.
  806. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  807. Argues that the conspiracy of Cinadon was “a symptom of the extremely grave dangers created by the drastic economic and social processes of change” (p. 258).
  808. Find this resource:
  809. David, Ephraim. 1980. Revolutionary agitation in Sparta after Leuctra. Athenaeum 58:299–308.
  810. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  811. Examines the agitation in the light of a severe crisis of Spartan society in which legal procedures were now disregarded.
  812. Find this resource:
  813. Dreher, Martin. 2009. Stabilität und Gefährdung des spartanischen Kosmos. In Ordine e sovversione nel mondo greco e romano. Edited by Gianpaolo Urso, 39–67. Pisa, Italy: ETS.
  814. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  815. In spite of profound structural risks, there were only a few and insignificant insurrections in the Spartan state, which were rigorously suppressed.
  816. Find this resource:
  817. Flower, Michael A. 1991. Revolutionary agitation and social change in Classical Sparta. In Georgica: Greek studies in honour of George Cawkwell. Edited by Michael A. Flower and Mark Toher, 78–97. BICS Supplement 58. London: Institute of Classical Studies.
  818. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  819. Asserts that unrest in Sparta was very limited, for the perioikoi and the Lacedaemonian helots remained loyal.
  820. Find this resource:
  821. Hodkinson, Stephen. 1997. Servile and free dependants of the Classical Spartan “oikos.” In Schiavi e dipendenti nell’ ambito dell’‘oikos’ e della ‘familia’: Atti del XXII Colloquio GIREA. Edited by Mauro Moggi and Giuseppe Cordiano, 45–71. Pisa, Italy: Edizioni ETS.
  822. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  823. Examines the dependent relationships within the Spartiate oikos (slaves, nothoi, mothakes, trophimoi).
  824. Find this resource:
  825. Humble, Noreen. 2004. Xenophon’s sons in Sparta? Perspectives on xenoi in the Spartan upbringing. In Spartan society. Edited by Thomas J. Figueira, 231–250. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
  826. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  827. Examines the group of trophimoi (foster children).
  828. Find this resource:
  829. Lazenby, John F. 1997. The conspiracy of Kinadon reconsidered. Athenaeum 85.2: 437–447.
  830. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  831. Concludes from an analysis of the conspiracy that the underprivileged were generally contented with their lot.
  832. Find this resource:
  833. Lotze, Detlef. 1962. Mothakes. Historia 11:427–435.
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  835. Emphasizes that in the second half of the 3rd century BCE it became usual that wealthy Spartiates provided their sons with mothakes (foster brothers) as companions in their education; these were not only the illegitimate sons of the Spartiates and helots, but were a heterogeneous group. Reprinted in 2000 in Bürger und Unfreie im vorhellenistischen Griechenland: Ausgewählte Aufsätze (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag), pp. 185–194.
  836. Find this resource:
  837. Spartan Women
  838.  
  839. Already in Antiquity, Spartan women were reputed to be especially influential and, in contrast to other Greek women, to enjoy greater freedom, so that the term gynaikokratia arose (Dettenhofer 1993). Spartan women had to put themselves into the service of the state and to take over supervision of the domestic farmsteads (Cartledge 1981). In contrast to the case in other poleis, they were taken into account in the law of succession (Hodkinson 1989), but otherwise their status did not generally differ from that of other Greek women (Thommen 1999; cf. Greenstein Millender 1999). Especially meaningful are the marriage rites, which, according to Schmitz 2002, led to a special matrimonial partnership. See Calame 2001 on the maidens’ choruses, and Scanlon 1988 on their limited sport activities, also included in Pomeroy 2002.
  840.  
  841. Calame, Claude. 2001. Choruses of young women in ancient Greece: Their morphology, religious role, and social functions. 2d ed. Translated by Derek Collins and Janice Orion. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.
  842. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  843. Work of reference on the maiden choirs in Archaic Sparta. English translation of French original, Les choeurs de jeunes filles en Grèce archaïque, 2 vols. (Rome: Edizioni dell’Ateneo e Bizzarri, 1977).
  844. Find this resource:
  845. Cartledge, Paul. 1981. Spartan wives: Liberation or licence? Classical Quarterly 31.1: 84–105.
  846. DOI: 10.1017/S0009838800021091Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  847. Emphasizes that generalizations about Spartan women reproduce the images contained in the sources, and that there was, in fact, no female emancipation there. Reprinted in 2001 in Spartan Reflections (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press), pp. 106–126.
  848. Find this resource:
  849. Dettenhofer, Maria H. 1993. Die Frauen von Sparta: Gesellschaftliche Position und politische Relevanz. Klio 75:61–75.
  850. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  851. Argues that the women of Sparta were in charge of the oikos and thus of the economy in general.
  852. Find this resource:
  853. Greenstein Millender, Ellen. 1999. Athenian ideology and the empowered Spartan woman. In Sparta: New perspectives. Edited by Stephen Hodkinson and Anton Powell, 355–391. London: Duckworth.
  854. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  855. Emphasizes that the image of the influential and free Spartan women was created by Athenians, whose women were greatly restricted, and therefore has to be viewed with caution.
  856. Find this resource:
  857. Hodkinson, Stephen. 1989. Inheritance, marriage and demography: Perspectives upon the success and decline of Classical Sparta. In Classical Sparta: Techniques behind her success. Edited by Anton Powell, 79–121. London: Routledge.
  858. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  859. Demonstrates that Spartan women were landowners and that they inherited half the portion due to a son.
  860. Find this resource:
  861. Pomeroy, Sarah B. 2002. Spartan women. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.
  862. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  863. The first monograph on Spartan women, arranged according to specific topics.
  864. Find this resource:
  865. Scanlon, Thomas F. 1988. Virgineum gymnasium: Spartan females in early Greek athletics. In The archaeology of the Olympics. Edited by Wendy J. Raschke, 185–216. Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press.
  866. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  867. Overview of female sports activities in literary and archaeological sources.
  868. Find this resource:
  869. Schmitz, Winfried. 2002. Die geschorene Braut: Kommunitäre Lebensformen in Sparta? Historische Zeitschrift 274.3: 561–602.
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  871. Argues that after the second Messenian War a communitarian society was introduced in which patrilinearity and marriage were forbidden, so that the women achieved a strong position.
  872. Find this resource:
  873. Thommen, Lukas. 1999. Spartanische Frauen. Museum Helveticum 56:129–149.
  874. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  875. Emphasizes that the myth of the free and influentual position of the Spartan woman cannot be sustained.
  876. Find this resource:
  877. Olympic Victories
  878.  
  879. Among the Spartan winners at Olympia during the Classical period, a change can be seen from athletic to equestrian victories (chariot races), which is generally believed to result from Sparta’s enforced military training (Hönle 1968) and the increasing influence of wealth (see Nafissi 1991 under Archaic Sparta). According to Hodkinson 1999, athletic victories were still valuable.
  880.  
  881. Hodkinson, Stephen. 1999. An agonistic culture? Athletic competition in Archaic and Classical Spartan society. In Sparta: New perspectives. Edited by Stephen Hodkinson and Anton Powell, 147–187. London: Duckworth.
  882. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  883. Demonstrates that Sparta had no hostility to athletics and commemorated its victors publicly.
  884. Find this resource:
  885. Hönle, Augusta. 1968. “Olympia in der Politik der Griechischen Staatenwelt (von 776 bis zum Ende des 5. Jahrhunderts).” PhD diss., Universität Tübingen.
  886. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  887. Analyzes Sparta’s participation in the Olympic games and shows that chariot races gained praise for the city less than for the families of the victors (pp. 120–167).
  888. Find this resource:
  889. Graves and Memorials
  890.  
  891. Sparta was well known for its graves within the urban territory, which can be explained by the earlier pattern of scattered, separate settlements. The community paid special attention to the burial of warriors killed in action (Loraux 1977, Low 2006). Their funerals were of particular interest and were seen as exemplary (Toher 1991, Richer 1994).
  892.  
  893. Loraux, Nicole. 1977. La “belle mort” spartiate. Ktema 2:105–120.
  894. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  895. Death in battle became a central value in the Spartan hoplite army. Reprinted in 1989 in Les expériences de Tirésias: Le féminin et l’homme grec (Paris: Gallimard), pp. 77–91.
  896. Find this resource:
  897. Low, Polly. 2006. Commemorating the Spartan war-dead. In Sparta and war. Edited by Stephen Hodkinson and Anton Powell, 85–109. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
  898. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  899. Shows how dead warriors were commonly buried abroad and privately commemorated at home.
  900. Find this resource:
  901. Richer, Nicolas. 1994. Aspects des funérailles à Sparte. Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz 5:51–96.
  902. DOI: 10.3406/ccgg.1994.1386Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  903. Argues that the dead were honored according to their status in the Spartan army and society, in order to protect the community in the future.
  904. Find this resource:
  905. Toher, Mark. 1991. Greek funerary legislation and the two Spartan funerals. In Georgica: Greek studies in honour of George Cawkwell. Edited by Michael A. Flower and Mark Toher, 159–175. BICS Supplement 58. London: Institute of Classical Studies.
  906. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  907. Emphasizes that the kings’ graves were made on a heroic pattern, whereas common graves bore no names and remained in the city in order to revalue death.
  908. Find this resource:
  909. Xenelasia
  910.  
  911. Spartans’ notorious hostility toward foreigners, as well as its continuous expulsion of foreigners, often regarded as a real characteristic of Spartan society, has been reinterpreted in modern research as a temporary and occasional phenomenon (Rebenich 1998), but it can hardly be said to have had the economic motives proposed by Figueira 2003.
  912.  
  913. Figueira, Thomas J. 2003. Xenelasia and social control in Classical Sparta. Classical Quarterly 53.1: 44–74.
  914. DOI: 10.1093/cq/53.1.44Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  915. Argues that the expulsion of foreigners was also meant to protect the traditional economy.
  916. Find this resource:
  917. Rebenich, Stefan. 1998. Fremdenfeindlichkeit in Sparta? Überlegungen zur Tradition der spartanischen Xenelasie. Klio 80:336–359.
  918. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  919. Shows that there is no evidence for systematic deportations; the image of Spartan xenophobia is a construct of Athenian propaganda during the Peloponnesian War.
  920. Find this resource:
  921. Education (Agoge)
  922.  
  923. In recent years, the Spartan educational system with its age groups and initiation rites has been more closely examined under the influence of ethnological and anthopological research. Lupi 2000 focuses on the order of the generations. Kennell 1995 has revealed the Spartan agoge as an invention of the reform projects under Cleomenes III in the late 3rd century BCE and connects the origins of the public education program with a reform of the early 6th century BCE. In contrast, Ducat 2006 argues for a continuous development in education, without any interruptions. Ducat 1999 emphasizes the private aspects of education, and Cartledge 2001 the military goal. On the role of pederasty, see Cartledge 1988 and Link 1999.
  924.  
  925. Cartledge, Paul. 1988. The politics of Spartan pederasty. In Sexualität und Erotik in der Antike. Edited by Andreas K. Siems, 385–415. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.
  926. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  927. Demonstrates that “pederasty was linked through the nexus of friendship to the contest-system” (p. 104). Reprinted in 2001 in Spartan Reflections (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press), pp. 91–105.
  928. Find this resource:
  929. Cartledge, Paul. 2001. A spartan education. In Spartan reflections. By Paul Cartledge, 79–90. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.
  930. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  931. Argues that the agoge as an initiation was also “a prophylaxis against the helots” and helped to internalize warriorhood (p. 89).
  932. Find this resource:
  933. Ducat, Jean. 1999. Perspectives on Spartan education in the classical period. In Sparta: New perspectives. Edited by Stephen Hodkinson and Anton Powell, 43–66. London: Duckworth.
  934. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  935. Emphasizes the private aspects of education as well as the progressive maturation of a system composed of initiation rites and functional elements.
  936. Find this resource:
  937. Ducat, Jean. 2006. Spartan education: Youth and society in the Classical period. Translated by Emma Stafford, Pamela-Jane Shaw, and Anton Powell. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
  938. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  939. Moderates the harshness of Spartan education, which also took place in the family and was meant to shape uniform citizens with elitism.
  940. Find this resource:
  941. Kennell, Nigel M. 1995. The gymnasium of virtue: Education and culture in ancient Sparta. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press.
  942. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  943. Distinguishes three separate phases of Spartan education: early 6th to mid-3rd century BCE, 226–188 BCE, and 146 BCE to late 4th century CE.
  944. Find this resource:
  945. Link, Stefan. 1999. Der geliebte Bürger: Paideia und paidika in Sparta und auf Kreta. Philologus 143:3–25.
  946. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  947. Argues that pederasty was not institutionalized, since it supported personal partronage and therefore undermined the concept of common education. English version in Sparta: Comparative Approaches, edited by Stephen Hodkinson (Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales), pp. 89–111.
  948. Find this resource:
  949. Lupi, Marcello. 2000. L’ordine delle generazioni: Classi di età e costumi matrimoniali nell’antica Sparta. Bari, Italy: Edipuglia.
  950. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  951. Points out that Sparta had an order of generations in which marriage was permitted at age twenty, but the procreation of children was not allowed until age thirty, when the educational process ended.
  952. Find this resource:
  953. Krypteia
  954.  
  955. The krypteia is to be considered a part of public education and its associated initiation rites (Ducat 1997), preparing the initiate for special military service (Lévy 1988, Handy 2005). In this rite, young people at the age of nineteen were sent into the wilderness for a certain time, where they were also empowered to kill helots. The date of the introduction of this institution and the extent of the helot killings are a matter of debate; Link 2006 advocates a late date of 369 BCE.
  956.  
  957. Ducat, Jean. 1997. La cryptie en question. In Esclavage, guerre, économie en Grèce ancienne: Hommages à Yvon Garlan. Edited by Pierre Brulé and Jacques Oulhen, 43–74. Rennes, France: Presses universitaires de Rennes.
  958. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  959. The krypteia is described as a ritual with an elite selection process that continues throughout one’s whole life.
  960. Find this resource:
  961. Handy, Markus. 2005. Bemerkungen zur spartanischen krypteia. In Die Geschichte der Antike aktuell: Methoden, Ergebnisse und Rezeption. Edited by Karl Strobel, 99–120. Klagenfurt, Austria: Hermagoras.
  962. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  963. Argues that the krypteia served for preparing selected young Spartans for the elite troop of the hippeis and their exploration service.
  964. Find this resource:
  965. Lévy, Edmond 1988. La kryptie et ses contradictions. Ktema 13:245–252.
  966. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  967. Demonstrates that the krypteia initiates for a leading position in the ephebic services of the neoi.
  968. Find this resource:
  969. Link, Stefan. 2006. Zur Entstehung der spartanischen Krypteia. Klio 88:34–43.
  970. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  971. Argues that the krypteia came into being only after the battle of Leuctra of 370–369 BCE.
  972. Find this resource:
  973. Syssitia
  974.  
  975. The common messes of men were among the basic characteristics of Spartan society and are described in general by Lavrencic 1993. Each citizen had to be enrolled in a meal community (syssition) and had to deliver certain contributions each month (hypothetically calculated by Figueira 1984), since otherwise he was threatened with the loss of his citizen rights. It is debated when regular Greek symposia became strictly regulated units of men in Sparta (Rabinowitz 2009). Singor 1999 proposes a military connection, and Link 1998 sees this as a final aspect of decline. See Fisher 1989 on Spartan drinking habits.
  976.  
  977. Figueira, Thomas J. 1984. Mess contributions and subsistence at Sparta. Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 114:87–109.
  978. DOI: 10.2307/284141Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  979. Quantitative data lead to the assumption that “the redistributory mechanism operated through the messes had a place in socializing Spartiate and Helot to their positions in society” (p. 107).
  980. Find this resource:
  981. Fisher, Nick R. E. 1989. Drink, hybris and the promotion of harmony in Sparta. In Classical Sparta: Techniques behind her success. Edited by Anton Powell, 26–50. London: Routledge.
  982. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  983. Argues that the control of drinking habits in Sparta served to support its social structure.
  984. Find this resource:
  985. Lavrencic, Monika. 1993. Spartanische Küche: Das Gemeinschaftsmahl der Männer in Sparta. Cologne and Vienna: Böhlau Verlag.
  986. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  987. Comprehensive monograph on all aspects of the Spartan syssitia.
  988. Find this resource:
  989. Link, Stefan. 1998. “Durch diese Tür geht kein Wort hinaus!” (Plut. Lyk. 12,8): Bürgergemeinschaft und Syssitien in Sparta. Laverna 9:82–112.
  990. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  991. Argues that the syssitia did not contribute to the community and equality of the Spartans but to their decline.
  992. Find this resource:
  993. Rabinowitz, Adam. 2009. Drinking from the same cup: Sparta and late Archaic commensality. In Sparta: Comparative approaches. Edited by Stephen Hodkinson, 113–191. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
  994. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  995. Discusses the role of the syssitia as a deliberate reform of the Greek symposia in Spartan society.
  996. Find this resource:
  997. Singor, Henk W. 1999. Admission to the syssitia in fifth-century Sparta. In Sparta: New perspectives. Edited by Stephen Hodkinson and Anton Powell, 67–89. London: Duckworth.
  998. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  999. Sees a close relation between syssitia and military units; three syssitia, one from each phyle, made up an enomotia; the lochoi were dependent on men from the same obai.
  1000. Find this resource:
  1001. Literacy and Brachylogia
  1002.  
  1003. Although Sparta had neither written laws nor its own local historiography (Thommen 2000; cf. Tober 2010), its society was not illiterate (Boring 1979). According to Millender 2001 (contra Cartledge 1978), literacy was widespread within the citizen body. Spartans were famous for their prediliction for short, pregnant statements (brachyologia; Schmitz 2006; Bayliss 2009), collected in Plutarch’s Apophthegmata, but they employed laughter (David 1989) as well as silence (David 1999) in the manner of a “shame culture.”
  1004.  
  1005. Bayliss, Andrew. 2009. Using few words wisely? “Laconic swearing” and Spartan duplicity. In Sparta: Comparative approaches. Edited by Stephen Hodkinson, 231–260. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
  1006. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1007. Analyzes the role of Sparta’s brachylogia in making oaths and deceiving enemies.
  1008. Find this resource:
  1009. Boring, Terrence A. 1979. Literacy in ancient Sparta. Mnemosyne Supplementum 54. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.
  1010. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1011. A short monograph on Spartan literacy and authors.
  1012. Find this resource:
  1013. Cartledge, Paul A. 1978. Literacy in the Spartan oligarchy. Journal of Hellenic Studies 98:25–37.
  1014. DOI: 10.2307/630191Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1015. Pioneering article that shows that “literacy in Sparta remained very thinly spread, and deep literacy was the preserve of an élite” (p. 54). Reprinted in 2001 in Spartan Reflections (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press), pp. 39–54.
  1016. Find this resource:
  1017. David, Ephraim. 1989. Laughter in Spartan society. In Classical Sparta: Techniques behind her success. Edited by Anton Powell, 1–25. London: Routledge.
  1018. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1019. Describes how laughter was used for the consolidation of the social hierarchy within the Spartan state.
  1020. Find this resource:
  1021. David, Ephraim. 1999. Sparta’s kosmos of silence. In Sparta: New perspectives. Edited by Stephen Hodkinson and Anton Powell, 117–146. London: Duckworth.
  1022. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1023. Emphasizes that in addition to laconic speech, Sparta made extensive use of silence as a mode of control.
  1024. Find this resource:
  1025. Millender, Ellen. 2001. Spartan literacy revisited. Classical Antiquity 20.1: 121–164.
  1026. DOI: 10.1525/ca.2001.20.1.121Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1027. Argues that the written word played a central role in the Spartan state and was not limited to the elite.
  1028. Find this resource:
  1029. Schmitz, Winfried. 2006. Die Macht über die Sprache: Kommunikation, Politik und soziale Ordnung in Sparta. In Das Frühe Sparta. Edited by Andreas Luther, Mischa Meier, and Lukas Thommen, 89–111. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
  1030. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1031. Emphasizes that “laconic shortness” was used as a privileged form of communication to enforce the order of the generations.
  1032. Find this resource:
  1033. Thommen, Lukas. 2000. Spartas fehlende Lokalgeschichte. Gymnasium 107:399–408.
  1034. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1035. Argues that Sparta’s lack of a local historiography is not singular and that its political pamphlets on the ideal ancient constitution led to some competing versions of the past as well.
  1036. Find this resource:
  1037. Tober, Daniel. 2010. Politeiai and Spartan local history. Historia 59.4: 412–431.
  1038. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1039. Emphasizes that Sparta had a static civic historiography which only dealt with the Lykourgan politeiai.
  1040. Find this resource:
  1041. Money
  1042.  
  1043. At the end of the Peloponnesian War, the circulation of gold and silver money in Sparta was prohibited on short notice; at the same time, an alleged general interdiction of money by Lycurgus was proclaimed. He was said to have allowed only iron spits or bars, which are also known elsewhere in Archaic times (Christien 2002, Figueira 2002). However, from the end of the Archaic period, foreign money always circulated in Sparta and was also used for bribery (Noethlichs 1987, Thommen 2014). In Hellenistic times, a local currency was introduced (Grunauer-von Hoerschelmann 1978). Monetary wealth was repeatedly declared a contribution to the downfall of Sparta (David 1980; see also works by Hodkinson under Army and Spartiates [Homoioi]).
  1044.  
  1045. Christien, Jacqueline. 2002. Iron money in Sparta: Myth and history. In Sparta: Beyond the mirage. Edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson, 171–190. London: Classical Press of Wales.
  1046. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1047. Argues that the iron money had the form of iron spits, which are also to be found in other cities.
  1048. Find this resource:
  1049. David, Ephraim. 1980. The influx of money into Sparta at the end of the fifth century B.C. Scripta Classica Israelica 5:30–45.
  1050. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1051. Emphasizes that the influx of money at the end of the 5th century BCE contributed to an unbalanced society and political decline.
  1052. Find this resource:
  1053. Figueira, Thomas J. 2002. Iron money and the ideology of consumption in Laconia. In Sparta: Beyond the mirage. Edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson, 137–170. London: Classical Press of Wales.
  1054. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1055. Tries to prove that in the late 6th or early 5th century BCE iron money was introduced in the form of iron ingots as a reaction to an increase in silver coinage and civic wealth.
  1056. Find this resource:
  1057. Grunauer-von Hoerschelmann, Susanne. 1978. Die Münzprägung der Lakedaimonier. Berlin: de Gruyter.
  1058. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1059. Standard work of reference on Spartan coinage.
  1060. Find this resource:
  1061. Noethlichs, Karl L. 1987. Bestechung, Bestechlichkeit und die Rolle des Geldes in der spartanischen Aussen- und Innenpolitik vom 7.–2. Jh. v.Chr. Historia 36:129–170.
  1062. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1063. Emphasizes that bribery and corruption ruled in Sparta as in other places, and that the notion of Sparta’s lacking gold and silver arose only in the 4th century BCE. See especially pp. 166 ff.
  1064. Find this resource:
  1065. Thommen, Lukas. 2014. Die Wirtschaft Spartas. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
  1066. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1067. The first full-scale economic history of Sparta from Archaic to Imperial times, showing that the Spartiates were much more monetized and involved in economic businesses than is generally assumed.
  1068. Find this resource:
  1069. Army
  1070.  
  1071. The Spartan army was reputed to be especially strong; it was already clearly organized early its history owing to the Messenian Wars, and therefore decisively contributed to the rise of hoplite warfare (Cartledge 1977), and (according to Cozzoli 1979) also to Sparta’s economy. A full-scale monograph is Lazenby 1985, a short illustrated description Sekunda 1998, and a general overview in the Greek context van Wees 2004. During the course of the 5th century BCE, a change took place from the obai to the morai as military units and the perioikoi were integrated into the hoplite phalanx; Singor 2002 argues for this having taken place in the last years of the Peloponnesian War. The helots still rendered auxiliary services (Hunt 1998). A regular fleet formed only during the Peloponnesian War and was manned primarily by the perioikoi and the symmachoi (allies), thanks to foreign money from Persia. At that period too, an increasing number of mercenaries were present. From the late 5th century BCE, Spartans were frequently engaged as leaders of mercenary troops in foreign service (Millender 2006). Hodkinson 1993 and Valzania 1996 argue for a gradual decline of the Spartan army.
  1072.  
  1073. Cartledge, Paul. 1977. Hoplites and heroes: Sparta’s contribution to the technique of ancient warfare. Journal of Hellenic Studies 97:11–27.
  1074. DOI: 10.2307/631018Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1075. Argues that from the second Messenian War Sparta equipped its citizens and helots with uniform hoplite armor and weapons. German translation published 1986 in Sparta (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft; revised 2001). See also Cartledge, “The Birth of the Hoplite: Sparta’s Contribution to Early Greek Military Organization,” in his Spartan Reflections (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 2001), pp. 153–166.
  1076. Find this resource:
  1077. Cozzoli, Umberto. 1979. Proprietà fondiaria ed esercito nello stato spartano dell’età classica. Studi pubblicati dall’istituto italiano per la storia antica 29. Rome: Istituto italiano per la storia antica.
  1078. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1079. Connects the organization of the army with the economic supply of the Spartan citizens.
  1080. Find this resource:
  1081. Hodkinson, Stephen. 1993. Warfare, wealth, and the crisis of Spartiate society. In War and society in the Greek world. Edited by John Rich and Graham Shipley, 146–176. London: Routledge.
  1082. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1083. Argues that Sparta’s long-term foreign warfare and empire after the Peloponnesian War accelerated its internal crisis.
  1084. Find this resource:
  1085. Hunt, Peter. 1998. Slaves, warfare, and ideology in the Greek historians. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.
  1086. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1087. Analyzes the participation of helots in warfare.
  1088. Find this resource:
  1089. Lazenby, John F. 1985. The Spartan army. Warminster, UK: Aris & Phillips.
  1090. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1091. Full-scale description of the organization of the Spartan army and its most important battles.
  1092. Find this resource:
  1093. Millender, Ellen. 2006. The politics of Spartan mercenary service. In Sparta and war. Edited by Stephen Hodkinson and Anton Powell, 235–266. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
  1094. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1095. Overview of the mercenary service that began in the 5th and 4th centuries BCE and temporarily supported Sparta, but also accompanied its decay.
  1096. Find this resource:
  1097. Sekunda, Nick V. 1998. The Spartans. Oxford: Osprey.
  1098. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1099. Brief, richly illustrated work on the different aspects of the Spartan army.
  1100. Find this resource:
  1101. Singor, Henk. 2002. The Spartan army at Mantinea and its organisation in the fifth century BC. In After the past: Essays in ancient history in honour of H. W. Pleket. Edited by Willem Jongman and Marc Kleijwegt, 235–284. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.
  1102. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1103. Argues that the change from lochoi to morai came about only in the last years of the Peloponnesian War.
  1104. Find this resource:
  1105. Valzania, Sergio. 1996. L’esercito spartano nel periodo dell’egemonia: dimensioni e compiti strategici. Quaderni di storia 43:19–72.
  1106. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1107. The Spartan army is calculated to have comprised five to six thousand men in the long term, including two thousand Spartiates; its decline was not due to lack of men but to wrong engagements.
  1108. Find this resource:
  1109. van Wees, Hans. 2004. Greek warfare: Myths and realities. London: Duckworth.
  1110. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1111. Work of reference on Greek warfare, arguing that the introduction of sworn bands and messes in Sparta during the second half of the 6th century BCE replaced private power with formal institutions and hierarchy.
  1112. Find this resource:
  1113. Religion
  1114.  
  1115. The Spartans were considered to be especially religious, as religious practices and festivals determined their daily life at home as well as on military campaigns (Flower 2009, Richer 2012). The pioneering study is Wide 1893, with short overviews in Parker 1989 and Richer 2007. Also celebrated were each stage of life and the course of the year (Pettersson 1992): festivals included the Hyakinthia (Richer 2004), Gymnopaidia (Richer 2005), and Karneia (Richer 2009). Numerous sanctuaries dedicated to all kinds of deities not only were situated within the city but also marked the boundaries of Spartan territory (Cartledge 1979, pp. 9–20, cited under General Overviews). On the imperial epoch, see Hupfloher 2000.
  1116.  
  1117. Flower, Michael A. 2009. Spartan “religion” and Greek “religion.” In Sparta: Comparative approaches. Edited by Stephen Hodkinson, 193–229. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
  1118. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1119. Explores how different religious practice in Sparta was from other Greek cities.
  1120. Find this resource:
  1121. Hupfloher, Annette. 2000. Kulte im kaiserzeitlichen Sparta: Eine Rekonstruktion anhand der Priesterämter. Berlin: Akademie Verlag.
  1122. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1123. A survey of all cults and priesthoods of men and women in imperial times.
  1124. Find this resource:
  1125. Parker, Robert. 1989. Spartan religion. In Classical Sparta: Techniques behind her success. Edited by Anton Powell, 142–172. London: Routledge.
  1126. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1127. Offers a short synthesis of Spartan religion.
  1128. Find this resource:
  1129. Pettersson, Michael. 1992. Cults of Apollo at Sparta: The Hyakinthia, the Gymnopaidiai and the Karneia. Acta Instituti Atheniensis Regni Sueciae, ser. 8, 12. Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag.
  1130. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1131. Survey of the three most important festivals, which were placed in a series of rites of passage and in which Apollo held a prominent position.
  1132. Find this resource:
  1133. Richer, Nicolas. 2004. The Hyakinthia of Sparta. In Spartan society. Edited by Thomas J. Figueira, 77–102. Swansea, UK: Classical Press of Wales.
  1134. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1135. Argues that the Hyakinthia, which were celebrated annually in the sanctuary of Apollo at Amyklai, commemorated the renewal of the world. English translation of the French original published in 2004 as “Les Hyakinthies de Sparte” in Revue des études anciennes 106:389–419.
  1136. Find this resource:
  1137. Richer, Nicolas. 2005. Les Gymnopédies de Sparte. Ktema 30:237–260.
  1138. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1139. Emphasizes that the Gymonopaidiai were devoted to Apollo and commemorated the 6th-century BCE victory of Thyrea over the Argians.
  1140. Find this resource:
  1141. Richer, Nicolas. 2007. The religious system at Sparta. In A companion to Greek religion. Edited by Daniel Ogden, 236–252. Malden, MA: Blackwell.
  1142. DOI: 10.1002/9780470996911Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1143. Offers a synthesis of Spartan religious practices.
  1144. Find this resource:
  1145. Richer, Nicolas. 2009. Les Karneia de Sparte (et la date de la bataille de Salamine). In Sparta and Laconia: From prehistory to pre-modern. Edited by William Cavanagh, Chrysanthi Gallou, and Mercourios Georgiadis, 213–223. London: British School at Athens.
  1146. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1147. Finds that the Karneia were a nine-day fertility rite dedicated to Apollo at the end of August and beginning of September, at which the arrival of the Dorians was also commemorated.
  1148. Find this resource:
  1149. Richer, Nicolas. 2012. La religion des Spartiates: Croyances et cultes dans l’Antiquité. Histoire 113. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
  1150. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1151. A new comprehensive monograph on Spartan religion, enclosing his earlier articles on the festivals.
  1152. Find this resource:
  1153. Wide, Samuel K. A. 1893. Lakonische Kulte. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner.
  1154. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1155. A fundamental work of reference with full testimonia for the Spartan pantheon. Reprinted in 1973 (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft).
  1156. Find this resource:
  1157. Art
  1158.  
  1159. Sparta in Archaic times had a rich art production (see Dawkins 1929 under Topography; Fitzhardinge 1980, Förtsch 2001) that did not end suddenly but lived on in several media into Hellenistic and Roman times (Förtsch 1998). The different classes of artifacts cannot be treated here but are summarized in Kaltsas 2006. Pipili 1987 offers an overview of Laconian iconography, and Hodkinson 1998a a historical summary of the art production.
  1160.  
  1161. Fitzhardinge, Laurence F. 1980. The Spartans. London: Thames & Hudson.
  1162. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1163. Introduction to Sparta’s art in its historical context.
  1164. Find this resource:
  1165. Förtsch, Reinhard. 1998. Spartan art: Its many different deaths. In Sparta in Laconia: The archaeology of a city and its countryside. Edited by William G. Cavanagh and Susan E. C. Walker, 48–54. London: British School at Athens.
  1166. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1167. Demonstrates that different classes of artifacts lived on into Classical and even later times.
  1168. Find this resource:
  1169. Förtsch, Reinhard. 2001. Kunstverwendung und Kunstlegitimation im archaischen und frühklassischen Sparta. Mainz, Germany: Verlag Philipp von Zabern.
  1170. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1171. Richly illustrated catalogue of Archaic and early Classical artifacts of Laconia.
  1172. Find this resource:
  1173. Hodkinson, Stephen. 1998a. Lakonian artistic production and the problem of Spartan austerity. In Archaic Greece: New approaches and new evidence. Edited by Nick Fisher and Hans van Wees, 93–117. London: Duckworth.
  1174. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1175. Analysis of Lakonian pottery, bronzework, and lead figurines, which demonstrates that there is no cultural austerity in Sparta after mid-6th century BCE.
  1176. Find this resource:
  1177. Hodkinson, Stephen. 1998b. Patterns of bronze dedications at Spartan sanctuaries, c. 650–350 BC: Towards a quantified database of material and religious investment. In Sparta in Laconia: The archaeology of a city and its countryside. Edited by William G. Cavanagh and Susan E. C. Walker, 55–63. London: British School at Athens.
  1178. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1179. Examines bronze finds from Spartan sanctuaries c. 650–350 BCE that conform to general Greek trends and contradict the claim of Spartan austerity.
  1180. Find this resource:
  1181. Kaltsas, Nikos, ed. 2006. Athens–Sparta: Catalogue issued in conjunction with the exhibition at the Onassis Cultural Center. New York: Alexander S. Onassis Public Benefit Foundation.
  1182. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1183. Richly illustrated catalogue with short, up-to-date chapters on the different aspects of Spartan art production.
  1184. Find this resource:
  1185. Pipili, Maria. 1987. Laconian iconography of the sixth century B.C. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Committee for Archaeology.
  1186. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1187. Overview of the motifs on Laconian pictorial art objects.
  1188. Find this resource:
  1189. Hellenistic Sparta
  1190.  
  1191. After its defeats against the Thebans at Leuctra and Mantinea (371 and 362 BCE), Sparta could not maintain its former importance. Moreover, a decay of the Spartan way of life is generally supposed to have occurred in Hellenistic times. The Spartans, however, effected decisive reforms in the mid-3rd century BCE, which were meant to revive the purported old Spartan way of life but in reality created a new tradition that nonetheless strongly influenced the creation of a new “mirage” (Flower 2002). Late Sparta was first examined monographically by Shimron 1972, which contrasts the reform kings Agis IV and Cleomenes III with the supposed revolution of King Nabis. The preceding period is traced by David 1981, and the role of the Eurypontids by McQueen 1990. The Hellenistic period as a whole is treated by Piper 1986 (together with Roman Sparta). Hellenistic and Roman Sparta is described in detail by Cartledge and Spawforth 1989. Important for the Hellenistic period are, on the one hand, Sparta’s reforms, and on the other hand, its preservation of power in the Peloponnese. Several studies have also treated the mercenary service (see Millender 2006 under Army), the education system (see both Kennell 1995 and Ducat 2006 on interruptions in the agoge under Education), the helots (Piper 1984–1986), and the perioikoi, who according to Kennell 1999 gained more freedom in Hellenistic times. Decisive also was the relationship of Sparta to the leagues of the Aetolians and of the Achaeans, as well as the diplomatic quarrels with Rome (see Bonnefond-Coudry 1987 under Nabis and the Achaean League) and Romans’ perception of the Spartan way of life.
  1192.  
  1193. Cartledge, Paul A., and Antony Spawforth. 1989. Hellenistic and Roman Sparta: A tale of two cities. London and New York: Routledge.
  1194. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1195. Standard work on Hellenistic and Roman Sparta. Second edition, 2002.
  1196. Find this resource:
  1197. David, Ephraim. 1981. Sparta between empire and revolution (404–243 B.C.): Internal problems and their impact on contemporary Greek consciousness. New York: Arno.
  1198. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1199. Determines the time around 400 BCE as the decisive turning point in Spartan history, relying on social change (influx of money; purchase of land).
  1200. Find this resource:
  1201. Flower, Michael. 2002. The invention of tradition in Classical and Hellenistic Sparta. In Sparta: Beyond the mirage. Edited by Anton Powell and Stephen Hodkinson, 191–217. London: Classical Press of Wales.
  1202. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1203. Shows that many presumed old Spartan institutions, such as the prohibition of money, agoge, distribution of land, and expulsion of foreigners, are inventions in the context of later political struggles.
  1204. Find this resource:
  1205. Kennell, Nigel M. 1999. From perioikoi to poleis: The Laconian cities in the late Hellenistic period. In Sparta: New perspectives. Edited by Stephen Hodkinson and Anton Powell, 189–210. London: Duckworth.
  1206. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1207. Emphasizes that the former perioikic cities gained more independence in the Hellenistic koinon of the Lacedaemonians (Lacedaemonian League).
  1208. Find this resource:
  1209. McQueen, E. I. 1990. The Eurypontid house in Hellenistic Sparta. Historia 39.2: 163–181.
  1210. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1211. Argues that the insignificance of the Eurypontid House in the Hellenistic age handed over leadership to the Agiads and served Sparta poorly in critical times.
  1212. Find this resource:
  1213. Piper, Linda J. 1984–1986. Spartan helots in the Hellenistic age. Ancient Society 15–17:75–88.
  1214. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1215. Shows that although the land and workers became private property after Cleomenes, helotage still lasted until the period of Augustus.
  1216. Find this resource:
  1217. Piper, Linda J. 1986. Spartan twilight. New Rochelle, NY: Aristide D. Caratzas.
  1218. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1219. Monograph with chronological description of the Hellenistic period (338–146 BCE).
  1220. Find this resource:
  1221. Shimron, Benjamin. 1972. Late Sparta: The Spartan revolution 243–146 B.C. Arethusa Monographs III. Buffalo: State Univ. of New York, Department of Classics.
  1222. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1223. Description of the Hellenistic epoch from the “reforms” of Agis and Cleomenes, which are contrasted with the “revolution” of King Nabis, to Sparta’s inclusion into the Roman Empire.
  1224. Find this resource:
  1225. Agis, Cleomenes, and the Spartan Reform
  1226.  
  1227. The reforms of King Agis IV (244–241/240 BCE) and Cleomenes III (235–222 BCE) are fully described by Cartledge and Spawforth 1989 (cited under Hellenistic Sparta). A special problem is the supposed augmentation of the citizen body under these kings (Fuks 1962, Ducat 1987). Internal political problems are treated by Bernini 1981–1982. On the source problems, see Africa 1961 (Phylarchus), Shimron 1964 (Polybios), and Erskine 1990 (see Hellenistic and Roman Authors).
  1228.  
  1229. Africa, Thomas W. 1961. Phylarchus and the Spartan revolution. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.
  1230. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1231. Describes how the historian Phylarchus made the Spartan “revolution” memorable and contributed to Sparta’s hagiography.
  1232. Find this resource:
  1233. Bernini, Ughetto. 1981–1982. Archidamo e Cleomene III: Politica interna ed estera a Sparta (241–227 a.C.). Athenaeum 59:439–458; 60:205–223.
  1234. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1235. Analyzes the oppositional role of the Agiad king Archidamos and the ephors who were removed by Cleomenes.
  1236. Find this resource:
  1237. Ducat, Jean. 1987. Cléomène III et les Hilotes. Ktema 12:43–52.
  1238. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1239. Deals with the liberation of two thousand helots who, together with four thousand citizens, formed the army of six thousand Lacedaemonians at the battle of Sellasia (222 BCE).
  1240. Find this resource:
  1241. Fuks, Alexander. 1962. The Spartan citizen-body in mid-third century B.C. and its enlargement proposed by Agis IV. Athenaeum 40:244–263.
  1242. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1243. Argues that Agis planned to augment the body of citizens from seven hundred to forty-five hundred, including about fifteen hundred to twenty-three hundred hypomeiones and fifteen hundred to two thousand xenoi. Reprinted in 1984 in Social Conflict in Ancient Greece (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill), pp. 230–249.
  1244. Find this resource:
  1245. Shimron, Benjamin. 1964. Polybius and the reforms of Cleomenes III. Historia 13.2: 147–155.
  1246. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1247. Emphasizes that Polybius admired the person of Cleomenes and the Spartan constitution, but disregarded the attempts to restore it.
  1248. Find this resource:
  1249. Nabis and the Achaean League
  1250.  
  1251. Nabis (207–192 BCE), the last Eurypontid king, ruled without a colleague. He tried to save Sparta by freeing helots (Shimron 1966, Texier 1974) and to defend its autonomy against the Achaean League. After Nabis’s death this could no longer be effected until Sparta, which was seeking Rome’s protection (Bonnefond-Coudry 1987), came under Roman rule in 146 BCE. A short monograph on Nabis is Texier 1975.
  1252.  
  1253. Bonnefond-Coudry, Marianne. 1987. Mythe de Sparte et politique romaine: Les relations entre Rome et Sparte au début du IIe siècle av. J.-C. Ktema 12:81–110.
  1254. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1255. Demonstrates that Sparta was used by Rome for anti-Achaean politics but thereby profited from its Lycurgan image.
  1256. Find this resource:
  1257. Shimron, Benjamin. 1966. Nabis of Sparta and the helots. Classical Philology 61.1: 1–7.
  1258. DOI: 10.1086/365076Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1259. Argues that Nabis freed some helots but did not make them neodamodeis nor abolish helotage completely.
  1260. Find this resource:
  1261. Texier, Jean-Georges. 1974. Nabis et les hilotes. Dialogues d’histoire ancienne 1.1: 189–205.
  1262. DOI: 10.3406/dha.1974.1371Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1263. Recognizes that although Nabis had liberated the helots, there were still slaves in Sparta.
  1264. Find this resource:
  1265. Texier, Jean-Georges. 1975. Nabis. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
  1266. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1267. Emphasizes that Nabis was no tyrant but a “revolutionary” who made a Hellenistic state out of an “archaic” city.
  1268. Find this resource:
  1269. Roman Sparta
  1270.  
  1271. The exploration of Roman Sparta benefits from the fact that it can be based essentially on inscriptions (Inscriptiones Graecae V,1, edited by Walther Kolbe, Berlin 1913 [IG]). On the other hand, literary sources are almost nonexistent, so that we are left in the dark on many issues. The number of research contributions for this period is correspondingly limited. An overview is provided by Cartledge and Spawforth 1989. Spawforth 1992 deals with prosopographical and religious problems. Other studies too are directed toward prosopography, for example, in connection with lists of gerontes (Kennell 1992a, Steinhauer 1998), religious and political institutions (e.g., the synarchia in Bradford 1980, Kennell 1992b), or the different cults and their priesthoods (Hupfloher 2000, cited under Religion). Moreover, the personality of the ruler Eurykles in the reign of Augustus has attracted frequent attention. Sparta as civitas libera developed into a flourishing provincial town to which Roman tourists traveled and watched the fight spectacles (the flagellation of the youths) in the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia, on which see Kennell 1995 (cited under Education).
  1272.  
  1273. Bradford, Alfred S. 1980. The synarchia of Roman Sparta. Chiron 10.2: 413–425.
  1274. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1275. Argues that the synarchia was a composite body of the still presiding gerousia and ephoria.
  1276. Find this resource:
  1277. Cartledge, Paul, and Antony Spawforth. 1989. Hellenistic and Roman Sparta: A tale of two cities. London and New York: Routledge.
  1278. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1279. Standard work of Hellenistic and Roman Sparta. Second edition, 2002.
  1280. Find this resource:
  1281. Kennell, Nigel M. 1992a. IG V 1,16 and the gerousia of Roman Sparta. Hesperia 61:193–202.
  1282. DOI: 10.2307/148158Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1283. Argues that the gerousia was composed of twenty-three gerontes and together with the synarchia formed the boule of thirty-three members.
  1284. Find this resource:
  1285. Kennell, Nigel M. 1992b. The Spartan synarchia. Phoenix 46.4: 342–351.
  1286. DOI: 10.2307/1088622Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1287. Argues that the synarchia was composed of ephors and nomophylakes, and that it had a probouleutic function.
  1288. Find this resource:
  1289. Spawforth, Antony J. S. 1992. Spartan cults under the Roman Empire. In Philolakon: Lakonian studies in honour of Hector Catling. Edited by Jan M. Sanders, 227–238. London: British School at Athens.
  1290. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1291. Demonstrates that in Roman Sparta traditional rites were maintained by hereditary officiants and sustained the Spartan myth.
  1292. Find this resource:
  1293. Steinhauer, George. 1998. Unpublished lists of gerontes and magistrates of Roman Sparta. Annual of the British School at Athens 93:437–447.
  1294. Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »
  1295. Includes three lists of gerontes, three lists of ephors, and four lists of synarchia from the 1st century BCE to the 2nd century CE.
  1296. Find this resource:
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